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Algernon Sidney
Full name Algernon Sidney
Born January 1623
Baynard's Castle, London, England
Died 7 December 1683 (1683-12-08) (aged 60)
Tower Hill, London, England
Era 17th-century philosophy
(Modern Philosophy)
Region Western Philosophers
Main interests Political philosophy

Algernon Sidney or Sydney (14 or 15 January 1623 – 7 December 1683) was an English politician, republican political theorist, colonel, and opponent of King Charles II of England, who became involved in a plot against the King and was executed for treason.[1]

Contents

Early life

Sidney's father was Robert Sidney, 2nd Earl of Leicester, a direct descendant of John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland and the great-nephew of Sir Philip Sidney. Sidney's mother was Dorothy Percy, daughter of Henry Percy, 9th Earl of Northumberland. Sidney was born at Baynard's Castle, London, and was raised at Penshurst Place in Kent. Sidney's mother wrote to her husband in November 1636 that she had heard her son "much comended by all that comes from you...[for] a huge deall of witt and much sweetness of nature".[1] After spending time in Ireland after his father was appointed Lord Lieutenant of that country, Sidney returned to England in 1643.

English Civil War and Republic

Despite having earlier vowed that only "extreame necessity shall make me thinke of bearing arms in England", he served in the New Model Army.[1] He fought at the Battle of Marston Moor in 1644, where an observer wrote: "Colonel Sidney charged with much gallantry in the head of my Lord Manchester's regiment of horses, and came off with many wounds, the true badges of his honour".[2] In 1646 he was elected to the Long Parliament where he opposed compromising with the King, Charles I, and in 1648 opposed the purge of moderates which formed the Rump Parliament. Despite being a commissioner for the trial of Charles, Sidney also opposed the decision to have him executed due to the questionable lawfulness and wisdom of the decision.[3] This led to the famous exchange:

First, the King could be tried by noe court; secondly, that noe man could be tried by that court. This being alleged in vaine, and Cromwell using these formall words (I tell you, wee will cut off his head with the crowne upon it) I...immediately went out of the room, and never returned.[1]

However by 1659 Sidney had changed his opinion, declaring the king's execution as "the justest and bravest act...that ever was done in England, or anywhere".[1]

In 1653 when Cromwell's army entered Parliament to dissolve it after a Bill was introduced that would have made elections freer, Sidney refused to leave the House until threatened with physical removal. He regarded Cromwell as a tyrant.[4] In retirement, Sidney was bold enough to outrage the Lord Protector by allegedly putting on a performance of Julius Caesar, with himself in the role of Brutus. He was for a time the lover of Lucy Walter, later the mistress of Charles, Prince of Wales.

However Sidney regarded the Republic as vigorously pursuing England's national interests (in contrast to the Stuart's record of military failure), writing in his Discourses Concerning Government:

...such was the power and wisdom and integrity in those that sat at the helm, and their diligence in chusing men only for their merit was blessed with such success, that in two years our fleets grew to be as famous as our land armies; the reputation and power of our nation rose to a greater height, than when we possessed the better half of France, and the kings of France and Scotland were our prisoners. All the states, kings and potentates of Europe, most respectfully, not to say submissively, sought our friendship; and Rome was more afraid of Blake and his fleet, than they had been of the great king of Sweden, when he was ready to invade Italy with a hundred thousand men.[5]

Baltic Ambassador

After Cromwell's death in 1658, the army abolished the Protectorate in 1659 and reconvened the Rump Parliament, with Sidney taking up his seat in the Commons. During 1659-1660 he was part of a delegation to help arbitrate peace between Denmark and Sweden, as war would threaten England's naval supplies, as well as those of the Dutch. The delegation was commanded by Edward Montague, with Sidney and Sir Robert Honeywood. The third planned plenipotentiary, Bulstrode Whitelocke, declined because: "I knew well the overruling temper and height of Colonel Sydney".[1] Sidney discarded conventional diplomatic norms ("a few shots of our cannon would have made this peace") in order to impose a peace favourable to England. Due to the Swedish king Charles X being unable to immediately receive them, the delegation negotiated with the Dutch on forming a joint fleet to impose peace terms. Charles X complained that the English "wish to command all, as if they were masters". Sidney in person handed Charles with the treaty proposal (already accepted by Denmark), threatening military action. Sidney recorded that Charles "in great choler...told us, that we made projects upon our fleets, and he, laying his hand upon his sword, had a project by his side". Sidney would not back down and an observer wrote: "Everyone is amazed how Sidney stood up to him". However Montague planned to go back to England with the fleet, leading Sidney to give "his opinion, [that] for sending away the whole fleet he thought he should deserve to lose his head". Despite this curtailment England's influence, a treaty was signed on 27 May 1660 by Denmark, Sweden, France, England and Holland.[1] It was during this period that Sidney signed the visitor's book at the University of Copenhagen with: "PHILIPPUS SIDNEY MANUS HAEC INIMICA TYRANNIS EINSE PETIT PLACIDAM CUM LIBERTATE QUIETEM" ("This hand, enemy to tyrants, by the sword seeks peace with liberty").[1]

Exile

Sidney was abroad when the monarchy was restored in 1660. His first reaction to the Restoration of the Stuart monarchy was to write:

Since the Parliament hath acknowledged a king, I knowe...I owe him duty and the service that belongs unto a subject, and will pay it. If things are carried in a legall and moderate way, I had rather be in employment, than without any.[1]

However in light of his defence of the execution of Charles I, which was now unpopular in England, Sidney thought it wise to remain in exile in Rome: whilst he was prepared to submit he would not, he wrote, countenance "acknowledgement of our faults, in having bin against this king, or his father...I shall be better contented with my fortune, when I see theare was noe way of avoiding it, that is not worse than ruine".[1] Here he was saved by a stranger from an assassination attempt. In 1663 during a trip to the Calvinist academy at the University of Geneva, Sidney wrote in the visitor's book: "SIT SANGUINIS ULTOR JUSTORUM" ("Let there be revenge for the blood of the just").[1] In Augsburg in April 1665 he was the target of another assassination attempt. When in Holland, Gilbert Burnet records, Sidney and other republicans:

...came to De Witt, and pressed him to think of an invasion of England and Scotland, and gave him great assurances of a strong party: and they were bringing many officers to Holland to join in the undertaking. They dealt also with some in Amsterdam, who were particularly sharpened against the king, and were for turning England again into a commonwealth. The matter was for some time in agitation at the Hague: but De Witt was against it, and got it to be laid aside. He said, their going into such a design would provoke France to turn against them: it might engage them in a long war, the consequences of which could not be forseen: and, as there was no reason to think that, while the parliament was so firm to the king, any discontents could be carried so far as to a general rising, which these men undertook for, so, he said, what would the effect be of turning England into a commonwealth, if it could possibly be brought about, but the ruin of Holland? It would naturally draw many of the Dutch to leave their country, that could not be kept and maintained but at a vast charge, and to exchange that with the plenty and security that England afforded. Therefore all that he would engage in was, to weaken the trade of England, and to destroy her fleet; in which he succeeded the following year beyond all expectation.[6]

In mid-1666 Sidney was in Paris, where he negotiated with the king, Louis XIV. Louis subsequently wrote that Sidney "promised me to produce a great uprising...but the proposition he put to me to advance him 100,000 ecus...was more than I wished to expose on the word of a fugitive [so] I offered him [initially] only 20,000".[1] He remained in France until 1677, when he returned to England.

Court Maxims

During 1665-66 Sidney wrote Court Maxims, in which he argued for a reversal of the Restoration of the monarchy: "...as death is the greatest evil that can befall a person, monarchy is the worst evil that can befall a nation". Sidney also claimed that an English republic would have a natural "unity of interest" with the Dutch Republic in "extirpat[ing] the two detested families of Stuart and Orange". Court Maxims was not published until 1996.[1]

Restoration Crisis: 1677–1783

Sidney arrived in England in early September 1677. Upon his father's death Sidney inherited £5000 but had to gain the remaining £5000 through chancery courts, staying at Leicester House in London. Here he became involved in politics, with the French Ambassador Barillon writing on 6 October:

At the moment my most intimate liaison is with Mr. Algernon Sidney; he is the man in England who seems to me to have the greatest understanding of affairs; he has great relations with the rest of the Republican party; And nobody in my opinion is more capable of rendering service than him.[1]

Due to his helping the fall of Lord Danby in December 1678, Sidney received 500 guineas from the French, getting another 500 guineas the next year. Sidney wished for an alliance of English and Dutch republicans against the Stuart-Orange alliance and told Barillon "that it is an old error to believe that it is against the interest of France to suffer England to become a republic".[1] Sidney believed that it was a "fundamental principle that the House of Stuart and that of Orange are inseparably united".[7]

After the dissolution of Charles II's last Parliament in 1681, Sidney, according to Burnet, helped write the answer to the king's declaration, entitled A Just and Modest Vindication of the Proceedings of the Two Last Parliaments: "An answer was writ to the king's declaration with great spirit and true judgment. It was at first penned by Sidney. But a new draught was made by Somers, and corrected by Jones".[8]

Sidney united with Lord Shaftesbury and others in plotting against the perceived royal tyranny, of a 'force without authority.' Sidney was later to be implicated in the Rye House Plot, a scheme to assassinate Charles and his brother.

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Trial and execution

On 25 June 1683 Sidney's arrest warrant was issued. During his arrest his papers were confiscated, including the draft of the Discourses. Lord Howard was the only witness but the law stated that two witnesses were necessary so the government used the Discourses as its second witness. Lord Chief Justice Jeffreys ruled: "Scribere est agere" ("to write is to act").[1]

"An argument for the people", said the Solicitor General of the Discourses, "to rise up in arms against the King". In response, Sidney said that it was easy to condemn him by quoting his words out of context: "If you take the scripture to pieces you will make all the penmen of the scripture blasphemous; you may accuse David of saying there is no God and of the Apostles that they were drunk." Sidney was found guilty of treason and sentenced to death on 26 November. In The Apology of Algernon Sydney, in the Day of his Death, Sidney declared his life's work to:

...uphold the Common rights of mankind, the lawes of this land, and the true Protestant religion, against corrupt principles, arbitrary power and Popery...I doe now willingly lay down my life for the same; and having a sure witness within me, that God doth...uphold me...am very littell sollicitous, though man doth condemne me.[1]

Neither denying nor affirming the charge of treason for which he had been condemned, Sidney remained true to his principles to the end, declaring on the scaffold: "We live in an age that makes truth pass for treason."

Discourses Concerning Government

Sidney, Algernon: Discourses concerning government, London 1698.

For Sidney absolute monarchy, in the form practiced by Louis XIV, was a great political evil. His Discourses Concerning Government (the text for which Sidney lost his life) was written during the Exclusion Crisis, as a response to Robert Filmer's Patriarcha, a defence of divine right monarchy, first published in 1680. Sidney was quite opposed to the principles espoused by Filmer and believed that the Sovereign's subjects had the right and duty to share in the government of the Realm by giving advice and counsel. It was Filmer's business, he wrote, "to overthrow liberty and truth." Patriarchial government was not 'God's will', as Filmer and others contended, because the "Civil powers are purely human ordinances."

In countering the Hobbesian argument that the coercive power of the monarchy was necessary to prevent the return of the Civil Wars, Sidney invoked Tacitus, the Roman historian, saying that the pax Romana, the Imperial peace, was the 'peace of death.' Rebellion may have dangerous consequences but

They who are already fallen into all that is odious, and shameful and miserable, cannot justify fear... Let the dangers never be so great, there is the possibility of safety while men have life, hands, arms and courage to use them but that people must surely perish who tamely suffer themselves to be oppressed.

Legacy

After his death, Sidney was revered as the "whig patriot–hero and martyr".[1] Burnet said of Sidney:

...a man of the most extraordinary courage, a steady man, even to obstinacy, sincere, but of a rough and boisterous temper, that could not bear contradiction, but would give foul language upon it. He seemed to be a Christian, but in a particular form of his own. He thought it was to be like a divine philosophy in the mind, but he was against all public worship, and every thing that looked like church. He was stiff to all republican principles, and such an enemy to every thing that looked like monarchy, that he set himself in a high opposition against Cromwell when he was made protector. He had indeed studied the history of government in all its branches beyond any man I ever knew.[9]

In his study of political theory in Britain from 1689 to 1720, J. P. Kenyon said that Sidney's Discourses "were certainly much more influential than Locke's Two Treatises".[10] Sidney's reputation suffered a blow when Sir John Dalrymple published his Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland in 1771, which exposed him as a pensioner of Louis XIV.[11] However, Sidney's influence on political thought in eighteenth-century Britain and Colonial America was probably second only to that of John Locke among seventeenth-century political theorists.[1]

Thomas Jefferson believed Sidney and Locke to be the two primary sources for the American conception of liberty.[12] John Adams wrote to Jefferson in 1823 on the subject of Sidney:

I have lately undertaken to read Algernon Sidney on government. ... As often as I have read it, and fumbled it over, it now excites fresh admiration [i.e., wonder] that this work has excited so little interest in the literary world. As splendid an edition of it as the art of printing can produce—as well for the intrinsic merit of the work, as for the proof it brings of the bitter sufferings of the advocates of liberty from that time to this, and to show the slow progress of moral, philosophical, and political illumination in the world—ought to be now published in America.[13]

The libertarian philosopher Friedrich Hayek quoted Sidney's Discourses on the title page of his The Constitution of Liberty: "Our inquiry is not after that which is perfect, well knowing that no such thing is found among men; but we seek that human Constitution which is attended with the least, or the most pardonable inconveniences".

Algernon Sidney is one of the namesakes for Hampden-Sydney College in Virginia. The College formerly used the original spelling of Sidney. He was chosen because of the role his ideas played in molding the beliefs of the American Revolutionary thinkers.

Works

  • Literature from and about Algernon Sidney published
  • Sidney, Algernon: Discourses concerning government, London 1698 u. öfter; deutsch, Leipzig 1794;
  • Sidney, Algernon: Discourses, hrsg. John Toland, 1698;
  • Sidney, Algernon: Discourses Concerning Government;
  • Sidney, Algernon: Apology in the Day of His Death;
  • Sidney, Algernon: The Administration and the Opposition. Addressed to the Citizens of New-Hampshire, Concord, Jacob B. Moore, 1826, ASIN B000IUQ14Q
  • Sidney, Algernon: Discourses Concerning Government, ed. Thomas G. West, Indianapolis, 1996, ISBN 0865971420
  • Sidney, Algernon: Court Maxims (Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought), Cambridge University Press, 1996, ISBN 9780521461757
  • Sidney, Algernon: Discourses on Government. To Which is Added, An Account of the..., Reprint, The Lawbook Exchange, New York, 2002 ISBN 1584772093

Notes

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Jonathan Scott, ‘Sidney , Algernon (1623–1683)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004; online edn, Jan 2008, accessed 5 July 2009.
  2. ^ Thomas G. West, 'Foreword', in West (ed.), Discourses Concerning Government (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1996), p. xxix.
  3. ^ West, p. xxix.
  4. ^ West, p. xxx.
  5. ^ Thomas G. West (ed.), Discourses Concerning Government (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1996), pp. 278-279.
  6. ^ Osmund Airy (ed.), Burnet's History of My Own Time. A New Edition based on that of M. J. Routh, D.D. Part I. The Reign of Charles the Second. Volume I (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1897), p. 404.
  7. ^ Jonathan Scott, Algernon Sidney and the Restoration Crisis, 1677-1683 (Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 124.
  8. ^ Osmund Airy (ed.), Burnet's History of My Own Time. A New Edition based on that of M. J. Routh, D.D. Part I. The Reign of Charles the Second. Volume II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1900), p. 352.
  9. ^ Airy, Volume II, p. 352.
  10. ^ J. P. Kenyon, Revolution Principles. The Politics of Party, 1689-1720 (Cambridge University Press, 1977), p. 51.
  11. ^ Paul Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783 (Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 529.
  12. ^ West, p. xv.
  13. ^ West, p. xv.

References

  • Osmund Airy (ed.), Burnet's History of My Own Time. A New Edition Based on that of M. J. Routh, D.D. Part I. The Reign of Charles the Second. In Two Volumes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1897, 1900).
  • J. P. Kenyon, Revolution Principles. The Politics of Party, 1689-1720 (Cambridge University Press, 1977).
  • Paul Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783 (Oxford University Press, 1998).
  • Jonathan Scott, Algernon Sidney and the Restoration Crisis, 1677-1683 (Cambridge University Press, 1991). ISBN 9780521352918;
  • Jonathan Scott, ‘Sidney , Algernon (1623–1683)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004; online edn, Jan 2008, accessed 5 July 2009.
  • Thomas G. West, 'Foreword', in West (ed.), Discourses Concerning Government (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1996).

Further reading

  • Blackburne, Algernon Sidney (London, 1885).
  • J. P. Carswell The Porcupine: The Life of Algernon Sidney (London: John Murray, 1989). ISBN 0719546842;
  • James Conniff, 'Reason and History in Early Whig Thought: The Case of Algernon Sidney', Journal of the History of Ideas, No. 43 (1982), pp. 397–416. ISSN 00225037
  • A.C. Ewald, Life and times of Algernon Sidney (London, 1872).
  • Alan Craig Houston, Algernon Sidney and the Republican Heritage in England and America (Princeton University Press, 1991). ISBN 0691078602
  • J. J. Jones, The First Whigs: The Politics of the Exclusion Crisis 1678-1683 (Oxford University Press, 1961). ISBN 9780197131244
  • George W. Meadley, Memoirs of Algernon Sidney (London: Cradock and Joy, 1813).
  • Scott A. Nelson, The Discourses of Algernon Sidney (London and Toronto: Associated University Presses, 1993). ISBN 9780838634387
  • J. G. A. Pocock, 'England's Cato: The virtues and fortunes of Algernon Sidney', The Historical Journal, Vol. 37, No. 4, 1994, S. 915-935. ISSN 0018246X
  • George van Santvord, Life Of Algernon Sidney: With Sketches Of Some Of His Contemporaries And Extracts From His Correspondence And Political Writings (Kessinger Publishing, 2007). ISBN 9781430444497
  • Blair Worden, 'The Commonwealth Kidney of Algernon Sidney', The Journal of British Studies/The Historical Journal, Vol. 24, No. 1, 1985, S. 1-40. ISSN 0018246X

External links

Preceded by
John Boys
Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports
1648–1651
Succeeded by
Thomas Kelsey

Quotes

Up to date as of January 14, 2010

From Wikiquote

That which is not just, is not Law; and that which is not Law, ought not to be obeyed.
If his Majesty is resolved to have my head, he may make a whistle of my arse if he pleases.

Algernon Sydney (also Sidney), (January 16237 December 1683), was an English politician, political theorist, and opponent of King Charles II of England.

Contents

Sourced

  • If his Majesty is resolved to have my head, he may make a whistle of my arse if he pleases.
    • On being told that part of his sentence had been remitted — that he would merely be executed, but his estate would remain intact, quoted in Joe Miller's Jests (1739), p. 6

Scaffold speech (1683)

Speech delivered on the scaffold (7 December 1683)
I am persuaded to believe that God had left nations to the liberty of setting up such governments as best pleased themselves, and that magistrates were set up for the good of nations, not nations for the honor and glory of magistrates.
  • We live in an age that makes truth pass for treason, and as I dare not say anything against it, so the ears of those that are about me will probably be found too tender to hear it. This my trial and condemnation do sufficiently evidence.
  • I am persuaded to believe that God had left nations to the liberty of setting up such governments as best pleased themselves, and that magistrates were set up for the good of nations, not nations for the honor and glory of magistrates. That the right and power of magistrates in every country was that which the laws of that country made it to be. That these laws are to be observed and the oaths taken by rulers to be kept. And that having the force of contracts between magistrates and people, they cannot be violated without danger of dissolving the whole fabric.
  • Few men would be so gentle as to spare even the best, if by their destruction vile usurpers could become God's anointed, and by the most execrable wickedness invest themselves with that divine character.
  • I was long since told that I must die — or the plot die. And lest the means of destroying the best Protestants in England should fail, the Bench must be filled with such as had been blemished at the Bar. None but such as these would have advised with the King's Council of the means to bring a man to death: suffered a jury to be empanelled by the King's Solicitor and the Under-Sheriff: admit of jurymen who are no freeholders: receive such evidence as is above mentioned ... they assume unto themselves not only a power to make constructions, but such constructions as neither agree with law, reason nor common sense.
    By them and their means, I am brought unto this place. The Lord forgive their practices and avert the evils that threaten the nation from them.
  • The Lord sanctify these my sufferings unto me, and though I fall as a sacrifice unto the — Idols, suffer not idolatry to be established in this land. Bless thy people and save them. Defend thy own cause and those that defend it. Stir up such as are faint. Direct those that are willing. Confirm those that waver. Give wisdom and integrity unto all. Order all things so as they may most redound unto thine own glory. Grant that I may die glorifying thee for all thy mercies and that (as the last) thou hast permitted me to be singled out as witness of thy truth, and even by the confession of my oppressors, for that Old Cause in which I was from my youth engaged and for which thou hast often and wonderfully declared thyself.

Discourses Concerning Government (1698)

Discourses Concerning Government (1698) Full text online]
God helps those who help themselves.
  • Liars ought to have good memories.
    • Ch. 2, Sect. 15; compare: "He who has not a good memory should never take upon him the trade of lying", Michel de Montaigne, Book i. chap. ix. "Of Liars".
  • Men lived like fishes; the great ones devoured the small.
    • Ch. 2, Sect. 18; compare:
      3 Fish: Master, I marvel how the fishes live in the sea.
      1 Fish. Why, as men do a-land: the great ones eat up the little ones.
  • God helps those who help themselves.
    • Ch. 2, Sect. 23; compare: "Help thyself, and God will help thee", George Herbert, Jacula Prudentum; "Heaven ne’er helps the men who will not act", Sophocles, Fragment 288 (Plumptre’s Translation); "Help thyself, Heaven will help thee", Jean de La Fontaine, Book vi. fable 18.
  • It is not necessary to light a candle to the sun.
    • Ch. 2, Sect. 18; compare: "Like his that lights a candle to the sun", John Fletcher, Letter to Sir Walter Aston; "And hold their farthing candle to the sun", Edward Young, Satire vii. line 56.
  • That which is not just, is not Law; and that which is not Law, ought not to be obeyed.

Attributed

  • Manus haec inimica tyrannis
    Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem.
    • Life and Memoirs of Algernon Sidney. His father wrote to him, Aug. 30, 1660: "It is said that the University of Copenhagen brought their album unto you, desiring you to write something; and that you did scribere in albo these words".

Unsourced

  • They who are already fallen into all that is odious, and shameful and miserable, cannot justify fear ... Let the dangers never be so great, there is the possibility of safety while men have life, hands, arms and courage to use them but that people must surely perish who tamely suffer themselves to be oppressed.

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