Andrea Dworkin: Wikis


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Andrea Dworkin
Born September 26, 1946(1946-09-26)
Camden, New Jersey
Died April 9, 2005 (aged 58)
Washington, D.C.
Cause of death Myocarditis
Nationality American
Ethnicity Jewish
Education B.A. in literature
Alma mater Bennington College
Occupation Writer
Years active 1966–2005
Known for Radical feminism, anti-pornography activism
Spouse(s) John Stoltenberg
Parents Harry Dworkin and Sylvia Spiegel
Relatives Mark Spiegel (brother)
Portal for Andrea Dworkin's websites

Andrea Rita Dworkin (September 26, 1946–April 9, 2005) was an American radical feminist and writer best known for her criticism of pornography, which she argued was linked to rape and other forms of violence against women.

An anti-war activist and anarchist in the late 1960s, Dworkin wrote 10 books on radical feminist theory and practice. During the late 1970s and the 1980s, she gained national fame as a spokeswoman for the feminist anti-pornography movement, and for her writing on pornography and sexuality, particularly in Pornography: Men Possessing Women (1981) and Intercourse (1987), which remain her two most widely known books.


Early life and education

Dworkin was born in Camden, New Jersey to Harry Dworkin and Sylvia Spiegel. She had one younger brother, Mark. Her father was a schoolteacher and dedicated socialist, whom she credited with inspiring her passion for social justice. Her relationship with her mother was strained, but Dworkin later wrote about how her mother's belief in legal birth control and legal abortion, "long before these were respectable beliefs," inspired her later activism.[1]

Though she described her Jewish household as being in many ways dominated by the memory of the Holocaust, it nonetheless provided a happy childhood until the age of nine when an unknown man molested her in a movie theater. When Dworkin was 10, her family moved from the city to the suburbs of Cherry Hill Township, New Jersey (then known as Delaware Township), which she later wrote she "experienced as being kidnapped by aliens and taken to a penal colony".[2] In sixth grade, the administration at her new school punished her for refusing to sing "Silent Night" (as a Jew, she objected to being forced to sing Christian religious songs at school).[3]

Dworkin began writing poetry and fiction in the sixth grade. Throughout high school, she read avidly, with encouragement from her parents. She was particularly influenced by Arthur Rimbaud, Charles Baudelaire, Henry Miller, Fyodor Dostoevsky, Che Guevara, and the Beat poets, especially Allen Ginsberg.[4]

College and early activism

In 1965, while a student at Bennington College, Dworkin was arrested during an anti-Vietnam War protest at the United States Mission to the United Nations and sent to the New York Women's House of Detention. Dworkin testified that the doctors in the House of Detention gave her an internal examination which was so rough that she bled for days afterwards. She spoke in public and testified before a grand jury about her experience, and the media coverage of her testimony made national and international news.[5] The grand jury declined to make an indictment in the case,[6] but Dworkin's testimony contributed to public outrage over the mistreatment of inmates. The prison was closed seven years later.

Soon after testifying before the grand jury, Dworkin left Bennington to live in Greece and to pursue her writing.[7] She traveled from Paris to Athens on the Orient Express, and went to live and write in Crete.[8] While in Crete, she wrote a series of poems titled (Vietnam) Variations, a collection of poems and prose poems that she printed on the island in a book called Child, and a novel in a style resembling magical realism called Notes on Burning Boyfriend -- a reference to the pacifist Norman Morrison, who had burned himself to death in protest of the Vietnam War. She also wrote several poems and dialogues which she hand-printed after returning to the United States in a book called Morning Hair.[9]

After living in Crete, Dworkin returned to Bennington for two years, where she continued to study literature and participated in campaigns against the college's student conduct code, for contraception on campus, for the legalization of abortion, and against the Vietnam War.[10] She graduated with a degree in literature in 1968.

Life in the Netherlands

After graduation, she moved to Amsterdam to interview Dutch anarchists in the Provo countercultural movement.[11] While there, she became involved with, then married, one of the anarchists she met. Soon after they were married, he began to abuse her severely, punching and kicking her, burning her with cigarettes, beating her on her legs with a wooden beam, and banging her head against the floor until he knocked her unconscious.[12]

After she left her husband late in 1971, Dworkin says her ex-husband attacked, persecuted, and harassed her, beating her and threatening her whenever he found where she was hiding. She found herself desperate for money, often homeless, thousands of miles from her family, later remarking that, "I often lived the life of a fugitive, except that it was the more desperate life of a battered woman who had run away for the last time, whatever the outcome".[13] For a while, she was a prostitute. Ricki Abrams, a feminist and fellow expatriate, sheltered Dworkin in her home, and helped her find places to stay on houseboats, a communal farm, and deserted buildings.[14] Dworkin tried to work up the money to return to the United States.

Abrams introduced Dworkin to early radical feminist writing from the United States, and Dworkin was especially inspired by Kate Millett's Sexual Politics, Shulamith Firestone's The Dialectic of Sex, and Robin Morgan's Sisterhood is Powerful.[15] She and Abrams began to work together on "early pieces and fragments" of a radical feminist text on the hatred of women in culture and history,[16] including a completed draft of a chapter on the pornographic counterculture magazine Suck, which was published by a group of fellow expatriates in the Netherlands.[17]

Dworkin later wrote that she eventually agreed to help smuggle a briefcase of heroin through customs in return for $1,000 and an airplane ticket, thinking that if she was successful she could return home with the ticket and the money, and if caught she would at least escape her ex-husband's abuse by going to prison. The deal for the briefcase fell through, but the man who had promised Dworkin the money gave her the airline ticket anyway, and she returned to the United States in 1972.[18]

Before she left Amsterdam, Dworkin spoke with Abrams about her experiences in the Netherlands, the emerging feminist movement, and the book they had begun to write together. Dworkin agreed to complete the book — which she eventually titled Woman Hating — and publish it when she reached the United States.[19] In her memoirs, Dworkin relates that during that conversation she vowed to dedicate her life to the feminist movement:

Sitting with Ricki, talking with Ricki, I made a vow to her: that I would use everything I knew, including from prostitution, to make the women's movement stronger and better; that I'd give my life to the movement and for the movement. I promised to be honor-bound to the well-being of women, to do anything necessary for that well-being. I promised to live and to die if need be for women. I made that vow some thirty years ago, and I have not betrayed it yet.

Andrea Dworkin, Heartbreak: The Political Memoir of a Feminist Militant, 122.

Return to New York and contact with the feminist movement

In New York, Dworkin worked again as an anti-war organizer, participated in demonstrations for lesbian rights and against apartheid in South Africa.[20] The feminist poet Muriel Rukeyser hired her as an assistant (Dworkin later said "I was the worst assistant in the history of the world. But Muriel kept me on because she believed in me as a writer."[21]) Dworkin also joined a feminist consciousness raising group,[22] and soon became involved in radical feminist organizing, focusing on campaigns against violence against women. In addition to her writing and activism, Dworkin gained notoriety as a speaker, mostly for events organized by local feminist groups.[23] She became well-known for passionate, uncompromising speeches that aroused strong feelings in both supporters and critics, and inspired her audience to action, such as her speech at the first Take Back the Night march in November 1978, and her 1983 speech at the Midwest Regional Conference of the National Organization for Changing Men (now the National Organization for Men Against Sexism[24]) entitled "I Want a Twenty-Four Hour Truce During Which There Is No Rape."[25]

Relationship with John Stoltenberg

In 1974, she met feminist writer and activist John Stoltenberg when they both walked out on a poetry reading in Greenwich Village over misogynist material. They became close friends and eventually came to live together.[26] Stoltenberg wrote a series of radical feminist books and articles on masculinity. Although Dworkin publicly wrote "I love John with my heart and soul"[27] and Stoltenberg described Dworkin as "the love of my life",[28] she continued to publicly identify herself as lesbian, and he as gay. Stoltenberg, recounting the perplexity that their relationship seemed to cause people in the press, summarized the relationship by saying "So I state only the simplest facts publicly: yes, Andrea and I live together and love each other and we are each other's life partner, and yes we are both out."[26]

Dworkin and Stoltenberg were married in 1998; after her death, Stoltenberg said "It's why we never told anybody really that we married, because people get confused about that. They think, Oh, she's yours. And we just did not want that nonsense."[28]

Critique of pornography

Andrea Dworkin is most often remembered for her role as a speaker, writer, and activist in the feminist anti-pornography movement.[29][30][31] In February 1976, Dworkin took a leading role in organizing public pickets of Snuff in New York City and, during the fall, joined Adrienne Rich, Grace Paley, Gloria Steinem, Shere Hite, Lois Gould, Barbara Deming, Karla Jay, Letty Cottin Pogrebin, Robin Morgan, Susan Brownmiller in attempts to form a radical feminist antipornography group.[32] Members of this group would go on to found Women Against Pornography in 1979, but by then Dworkin had begun to distance herself from the group over differences in approach.[33] Dworkin spoke at the first Take Back the Night march in November 1978, and joined 3,000 women in a march through the red-light district of San Francisco.[34]

In 1979, Dworkin published Pornography: Men Possessing Women, which analyzes (and extensively cites examples drawn from) contemporary and historical pornography as an industry of woman-hating dehumanization. Dworkin argues that it is implicated in violence against women, both in its production (through the abuse of the women used to star in it), and in the social consequences of its consumption by encouraging men to eroticize the domination, humiliation, and abuse of women.[29][30][31]

Antipornography civil rights ordinance

In 1980, Linda Boreman (who had appeared in the pornographic film Deep Throat as "Linda Lovelace") made public statements that her ex-husband Chuck Traynor had beaten and raped her, and violently coerced her into making that and other pornographic films. Boreman made her charges public for the press corps at a press conference, with Dworkin, feminist lawyer Catharine MacKinnon, and members of Women Against Pornography. After the press conference, Dworkin, MacKinnon, Gloria Steinem, and Boreman began discussing the possibility of using federal civil rights law to seek damages from Traynor and the makers of Deep Throat. Boreman was interested, but backed off after Steinem discovered that the statute of limitations for a possible suit had passed.[35]

Dworkin and MacKinnon, however, continued to discuss civil rights litigation as a possible approach to combating pornography. In the fall of 1983, MacKinnon secured a one-semester appointment for Dworkin at the University of Minnesota, to teach a course in literature for the Women's Studies program and co-teach (with MacKinnon) an interdepartmental course on pornography, where they hashed out details of a civil rights approach. With encouragement from community activists in south Minneapolis, the Minneapolis city government hired Dworkin and MacKinnon to draft an antipornography civil rights ordinance as an amendment to the Minneapolis city civil rights ordinance. The amendment defined pornography as a civil rights violation against women, and allowed women who claimed harm from pornography to sue the producers and distributors in civil court for damages. The law was passed twice by the Minneapolis city council but vetoed by Mayor Don Fraser, who considered the wording of the ordinance to be too vague.[36] Another version of the ordinance passed in Indianapolis, Indiana in 1984, but overturned as unconstitutional by the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals in the case American Booksellers v. Hudnut. Dworkin continued to support the civil rights approach in her writing and activism, and supported anti-pornography feminists who organized later campaigns in Cambridge, Massachusetts (1985) and Bellingham, Washington (1988) to pass versions of the ordinance by voter initiative.[37]

Right-Wing Women

In 1983, Dworkin published Right-Wing Women: The Politics of Domesticated Females, an examination of what she claimed were women's reasons for collaborating with men for the limitation of women's freedom.[38] In the Preface to the British edition,[39] Dworkin stated that the New Right in the United States focused especially on preserving male authority in the family, the promotion of fundamentalist versions of orthodox religion, combating abortion, and undermining efforts to combat domestic violence,[40] but that it also had, for the first time, "succeeded in getting women as women (women who claim to be acting in the interests of women as a group) to act effectively on behalf of male authority over women, on behalf of a hierarchy in which women are subservient to men, on behalf of women as the rightful property of men, on behalf of religion as an expression of transcendent male supremacy".[41] Taking this as her problem, Dworkin asked, "Why do right-wing women agitate for their own subordination? How does the Right, controlled by men, enlist their participation and loyalty? And why do right-wing women truly hate the feminist struggle for equality?"[42]

Testimony before Attorney General's Commission on Pornography

On January 22, 1986, Dworkin testified for half an hour before the Attorney General's Commission on Pornography (sometimes referred to as the "Meese Commission") in New York City, and answered questions from commissioners after completing her testimony.[43] Dworkin's testimony against pornography was praised and reprinted in the Commission's final report,[44] and Dworkin and MacKinnon marked its release by holding a joint press conference.[45] Meese Commission officials went on to successfully demand that convenience store chains remove from shelves popular men's magazines such as Playboy (Dworkin wrote that the magazine "in both text and pictures promotes both rape and child sexual abuse")[46] and Penthouse.[47] The demands spread nationally and intimidated some retailers into withdrawing photography magazines, among others.[48] The Meese Commission's campaign was eventually quashed with a First Amendment admonishment against prior restraint by the D.C. Federal Court in Meese v. Playboy (639 F.Supp. 581).

In her testimony and replies to questions from the commissioners, Dworkin condemned the use of criminal obscenity prosecutions against pornographers, stating, "We are against obscenity laws. We do not want them. I want you to understand why, whether you end up agreeing or not."[49] She argued that obscenity laws were largely ineffectual,[49] that when they were effectual they only suppressed pornography from public view while allowing it to flourish out of sight,[50] and that they suppressed the wrong material, or the right material for the wrong reasons, arguing that "Obscenity laws are also woman-hating in their very construction. Their basic presumption is that it's women's bodies that are dirty."[51] Instead she offered five recommendations for the Commission, recommending (1) that "the Justice Department instruct law-enforcement agencies to keep records of the use of pornography in violent crimes",[51] (2) a ban on the possession and distribution of pornography in prisons,[52] (3) that prosecutors "enforce laws against pimping and pandering against pornographers",[52] (4) that the administration "make it a Justice Department priority to enforce RICO (the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act) against the pornography industry",[52] and (5) that Congress adopt federal anti-pornography civil rights legislation which would provide for civil damages for harm inflicted on women. She suggested that the Commission consider "creating a criminal conspiracy provision under the civil rights law, such that conspiring to deprive a person of their civil rights by coercing them into pornography is a crime, and that conspiring to traffic in pornography is conspiring to deprive women of our civil rights".[53] Dworkin compared her proposal to the Southern Poverty Law Center's use of civil rights litigation against the Ku Klux Klan.[49]

Dworkin also submitted into evidence a copy of Boreman's book Ordeal, as an example of the abuses that she hoped to remedy, saying "The only thing atypical about Linda is that she has had the courage to make a public fight against what has happened to her. And whatever you come up with, it has to help her or it's not going to help anyone." Boreman had testified in person before the Commission, but the Commissioners had not yet seen her book.[54]


In 1987 Dworkin published Intercourse, in which she extended her analysis from pornography to sexual intercourse itself, and argued that the sort of sexual subordination depicted in pornography was central to men's and women's experiences of heterosexual intercourse in a male supremacist society. In the book, she argues that all heterosexual sex in our patriarchal society is coercive and degrading to women, and sexual penetration may by its very nature doom women to inferiority and submission, and "may be immune to reform."[55]

Citing from both pornography and literature—including The Kreutzer Sonata, Madame Bovary, and Dracula—Dworkin argued that depictions of intercourse in mainstream art and culture consistently emphasized heterosexual intercourse as the only kind of "real" sex, portrayed intercourse in violent or invasive terms, portrayed the violence or invasiveness as central to its eroticism, and often united it with male contempt for, revulsion towards, or even murder of, the "carnal" woman. She argued that this kind of depiction enforced a male-centric and coercive view of sexuality, and that, when the cultural attitudes combine with the material conditions of women's lives in a sexist society, the experience of heterosexual intercourse itself becomes a central part of men's subordination of women, experienced as a form of "occupation" that is nevertheless expected to be pleasurable for women and to define their very status as women.[56]

Such descriptions are often cited by Dworkin's critics, interpreting (sometimes even falsely quoting) the book as supposedly claiming "all" heterosexual intercourse is rape, or more generally that the anatomical machinations of sexual intercourse make it intrinsically harmful to women's equality. However, critics such as Cathy Young point out that numerous statements in the book, such as "Intercourse is the pure, sterile, formal expression of men's contempt for women,"[55] are difficult to misinterpret.

Dworkin rejected that interpretation of her argument,[57] stating in a later interview that "I think both intercourse and sexual pleasure can and will survive equality"[58] and suggesting that the misunderstanding came about because of the very sexual ideology she was criticizing: "Since the paradigm for sex has been one of conquest, possession, and violation, I think many men believe they need an unfair advantage, which at its extreme would be called rape. I do not think they need it."[58]

Butler decision in Canada

In 1992, the Supreme Court of Canada made a ruling in R. v. Butler which incorporated some elements of Dworkin and MacKinnon's legal work on pornography into the existing Canadian obscenity law. In Butler the Court held that Canadian obscenity law violated Canadian citizens' rights to free speech under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms if enforced on grounds of morality or community standards of decency; but that obscenity law could be enforced constitutionally against some pornography on the basis of the Charter's guarantees of sex equality.[59] The Court's decision cited extensively from briefs prepared by the Women's Legal Education and Action Fund (LEAF), with the support and participation of Catharine MacKinnon.[60] Andrea Dworkin opposed LEAF's position, arguing that feminists should not support or attempt to reform criminal obscenity law.[61] In 1993, copies of Dworkin's book Pornography were held for inspection by Canada Customs agents,[62] fostering an urban legend that Dworkin's own books had been banned from Canada under a law that she herself had promoted. However, the Butler decision did not adopt Dworkin and MacKinnon's ordinance; Dworkin did not support the decision; and her books (which were released shortly after they were inspected) were held temporarily as part of a standard procedural measure, unrelated to the Butler decision.[63]


Dworkin published three fictional works after achieving notability as a feminist author and activist. She published a collection of short stories, The New Woman's Broken Heart in 1980. Her first published novel, Ice and Fire, was published in the United Kingdom in 1986. It is a first-person narrative, rife with violence and abuse; Susie Bright has claimed that it amounts to a modern feminist rewriting of one of the Marquis de Sade's most famous works, Juliette.[64] However, Dworkin aimed to depict men's harm to women as normalized political harm, not as eccentric eroticism. Dworkin's second novel, Mercy, was published in the United Kingdom in 1990.

Dworkin's short fiction and novels often incorporated elements from her life and themes from her nonfiction writing, sometimes related by a first-person narrator. Critics have sometimes quoted passages spoken by characters in Ice and Fire as representations of Dworkin's own views.[65][66] cf.[57] Dworkin, however, wrote "My fiction is not autobiography. I am not an exhibitionist. I do not show myself. I am not asking for forgiveness. I do not want to confess. But I have used everything I know – my life – to show what I believe must be shown so that it can be faced. The imperative at the heart of my writing – what must be done – comes directly from my life. But I do not show my life directly, in full view; nor even look at it while others watch."[67]

Later life

In 1997, Dworkin published a collection of her speeches and articles from the 1990s in Life and Death: Unapologetic Writings on the Continuing War on Women, including a long autobiographical essay on her life as a writer, and articles on violence against women, pornography, prostitution, Nicole Brown Simpson, the use of rape during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Montreal massacre, Israel, and the gender politics of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.[68]

In the same year, the New York Times Book Review published a lengthy letter of hers in which she describes the origins of her deeply felt hatred of prostitution and pornography ("mass-produced, technologized prostitution") as her history of being violently inspected by prison doctors, battered by her first husband and numerous other men.[69]

Unlike most feminist leaders, Dworkin was a strong opponent of President Bill Clinton during the Lewinsky scandal.[70] She also expressed support for Paula Jones and Juanita Broaddrick.[71]

In 2000, she published Scapegoat: The Jews, Israel, and Women's Liberation, in which she compared the oppression of women to the persecution of Jews, discussed the sexual politics of Jewish identity and anti-Semitism, and came to endorse a version of lesbian separatism, calling for the establishment of a women's homeland (with "land and guns") as a response to the oppression of women.[57][72][73][74]

In June 2000, Dworkin published controversial articles in the New Statesman[75] and in the Guardian,[76] stating that one or more men had raped her in her hotel room in Paris the previous year, putting GHB in her drink to disable her. Her articles ignited public controversy when writers such as Catherine Bennett[77] and Julia Gracen[78] published doubts about her account, polarizing opinion between skeptics and supporters such as Catharine MacKinnon, Katharine Viner,[30] and Gloria Steinem. Her reference to the incident was later described by Charlotte Raven as a "widely disbelieved claim," better seen as "a kind of artistic housekeeping."[79] Emotionally fragile and in failing health, Dworkin mostly withdrew from public life for two years following the articles.[26][29][75][76][77][78][80][81][82]

In 2002, Dworkin published her autobiography, Heartbreak: The Political Memoir of a Feminist Militant. She soon began to speak and write again, and in interview with Julie Bindel in 2004 said, "I thought I was finished, but I feel a new vitality. I want to continue to help women."[29] She published three more articles in the Guardian and began work on a new book, Writing America: How Novelists Invented and Gendered a Nation, on the role of novelists such as Ernest Hemingway and William Faulkner in the development of American political and cultural identity, which was left unfinished when she died.[68]

Illness and death

During her final years Dworkin suffered fragile health, and she revealed in her last column for the Guardian that she had been weakened and nearly crippled for the past several years by severe osteoarthritis in the knees.[73] Shortly after returning from Paris in 1999, she had been hospitalized with a high fever and blood clots in her legs. A few months after being released from the hospital, she became increasingly unable to bend her knees, and underwent surgery to replace her knees with titanium and plastic prosthetics. She wrote, "The doctor who knows me best says that osteoarthritis begins long before it cripples—in my case, possibly from homelessness, or sexual abuse, or beatings on my legs, or my weight. John, my partner, blames Scapegoat, a study of Jewish identity and women's liberation that took me nine years to write; it is, he says, the book that stole my health. I blame the drug-rape that I experienced in 1999 in Paris."[73]

When a newspaper interviewer asked her how she would like to be remembered, she said "In a museum, when male supremacy is dead. I'd like my work to be an anthropological artifact from an extinct, primitive society."[31] She died in her sleep on the morning of April 9, 2005, at her home in Washington, D.C.[83] The cause of death was later determined to be acute myocarditis.[84] She was 58 years old.

Legacy and controversy

Dworkin authored ten books of radical feminist theory and numerous speeches and articles, each designed to assert the presence of and denounce institutionalized and normalized harm against women. She became one of the most influential writers and spokeswomen of American radical feminism during the late 1970s and the 1980s.[30][80] She characterized pornography as an industry of damaging objectification and abuse, not merely a fantasy realm. She discussed prostitution as a system of exploitation, and intercourse as a key site of subordination in patriarchy. Her analysis and writing influenced and inspired the work of her contemporary feminists, such as Catharine MacKinnon,[85] Gloria Steinem,[86] John Stoltenberg,[83] Nikki Craft,[87] Susan Cole,[88] and Amy Elman.[89]

Dworkin's uncompromising positions and strident style of writing and speaking, described by Robert Campbell as "apocalyptic,"[90] earned her frequent comparisons to other speakers such as Malcolm X (by Robin Morgan,[83] Susie Bright,[64] and others). Gloria Steinem repeatedly compared her strident style to the Old Testament prophets;[91][92] Susan Brownmiller recalls her Take Back the Night speech in 1978:

Saturday evening culminated in a candlelit "Take Back the Night" march (the first of its kind) through the porn district, kicked off by an exhortation by Andrea Dworkin. I'd seen Andrea in my living room, but this was the first time I'd seen Andrea in action. On the spot I dubbed her Rolling Thunder. Perspiring in her trademark denim coveralls, she employed the rhetorical cadences that would make her both a cult idol and an object of ridicule a few years later. Dworkin's dramatized martyrdom and revival-tent theatrics never sat well with me, but I retained my respect for her courage long after I absented myself from the pornography wars. Her call to action accomplished, three thousand demonstrators took to the streets ...

Susan Brownmiller, 'In Our Time: Memoir of a Revolution, 302–303

Many of Dworkin's early speeches are reprinted in her second book, Our Blood (1976). Later selections of speeches were reprinted ten and twenty years later, in Letters from a War Zone (1988) and Life and Death (1997).[68]

Her attitude and language often sharply polarized debate, and made Dworkin herself a figure of intense controversy. After her death, the conservative gay writer Andrew Sullivan claimed that "Many on the social right liked Andrea Dworkin. Like Dworkin, their essential impulse when they see human beings living freely is to try and control or stop them — for their own good. Like Dworkin, they are horrified by male sexuality, and see men as such as a problem to be tamed. Like Dworkin, they believe in the power of the state to censor and coerce sexual freedoms. Like Dworkin, they view the enormous new freedom that women and gay people have acquired since the 1960s as a terrible development for human culture."[93] Libertarian/conservative[94] journalist Cathy Young complained of a "whitewash" in feminist obituaries for Dworkin, argued that Dworkin's positions were manifestly misandrist, and stated that Dworkin was in fact insane.[95][96] Other feminists, however, published sympathetic or celebratory memorials online and in print.[97][98] Catharine MacKinnon, Dworkin's longtime friend and collaborator, published a column in the New York Times, celebrating what she described as Dworkin's "incandescent literary and political career," suggested that Dworkin deserved a nomination for the Nobel Prize in Literature, and complained that "Lies about her views on sexuality (that she believed intercourse was rape) and her political alliances (that she was in bed with the right) were published and republished without attempts at verification, corrective letters almost always refused. Where the physical appearance of male writers is regarded as irrelevant or cherished as a charming eccentricity, Andrea's was reviled and mocked and turned into pornography. When she sued for libel, courts trivialized the pornographic lies as fantasy and dignified them as satire."[97]

Dworkin's reports of violence suffered at the hands of men sometimes aroused skepticism, the most famous example being the public controversy over her allegations of being drugged and raped in Paris. In 1989, Dworkin wrote an article about her life as a battered wife in the Netherlands, "What Battery Really Is," in response to fellow radical feminist Susan Brownmiller, who had argued that Hedda Nussbaum, a battered woman, should have been indicted for her failure to stop Joel Steinberg from murdering their adoptive daughter. Newsweek initially accepted "What Battery Really Is" for publication, but then declined to publish the account at the request of their attorney, according to Dworkin, arguing that she needed either to publish anonymously "to protect the identity of the batterer" and remove references to specific injuries, or to provide "medical records, police records, a written statement from a doctor who had seen the injuries." Instead, Dworkin submitted the article to the Los Angeles Times, which published it on March 12, 1989.[99]

Some critics, such as Larry Flynt's magazine Hustler[100] and Gene Healy,[101] allege that Dworkin endorsed incest. In the closing chapter of Woman Hating (1974), Dworkin wrote that "The parent-child relationship is primarily erotic because all human relationships are primarily erotic," and that "The incest taboo, because it denies us essential fulfillment with the parents whom we love with our primary energy, forces us to internalize those parents and constantly seek them. The incest taboo does the worst work of the culture ... The destruction of the incest taboo is essential to the development of cooperative human community based on the free-flow of natural androgynous eroticism."[102] Dworkin, however, does not explain if "fulfillment" is supposed to involve actual sexual intimacy, and one page earlier characterized what she meant by "erotic relationships" as relationships whose "substance is nonverbal communication and touch,"[103] which she explicitly distinguished from what she referred to as "fucking."[104]

Dworkin's work from the early 1980s onward contained frequent condemnations of incest and pedophilia as one of the chief forms of violence against women, arguing that "Incest is terrifically important in understanding the condition of women. It is a crime committed against someone, a crime from which many victims never recover."[105][106] In the early 1980s she had a public row with her former friend Allen Ginsberg over his support for child pornography and pedophilia, in which Ginsberg said "The right wants to put me in jail," and Dworkin responded "Yes, they're very sentimental; I'd kill you."[107] When Hustler published the claim that Dworkin advocated incest in 1985, Dworkin sued them for defamatory libel; the court dismissed Dworkin's complaint on the grounds that whether the allegations were true or false, a faulty interpretation of a work placed into the "marketplace of ideas" did not amount to defamation in the legal sense.[100]

Other critics, especially women who identify as feminists but sharply differ with Dworkin's style or positions, have offered nuanced views, suggesting that Dworkin called attention to real and important problems, but that her legacy as a whole had been destructive to the women's movement.[108] Her work and activism on pornography—especially in the form of the Antipornography Civil Rights Ordinance—drew heavy criticism from groups such as the Feminist Anti-Censorship Task Force (FACT). Dworkin also attracted criticism from sex-positive feminists, who emerged largely in opposition to the feminist anti-pornography movement during the 1980s, as Dworkin was becoming prominent on the national stage. Sex-positive feminist critics criticized her legal activism as censorious, and argued that her work on pornography and sexuality promoted an essentialist, conservative, or repressive view of sexuality, which they often characterized as "anti-sex" or "sex-negative." Her criticisms of common heterosexual sexual expression, pornography, prostitution, and sexual sadism were frequently claimed to disregard women's own agency in sex or to deny women's sexual choices. Dworkin countered that her critics often misrepresented her views,[109] and that under the heading of "choice" and "sex-positivity" her feminist critics were failing to question the often violent political structures that confined women's choices and shaped the meaning of sex acts.[110]

Feminist journalist and writer Cathy Young criticized what she called Dworkin's "destructive legacy" and described Dworkin as a "sad ghost" that feminism needs to exorcise.[111]



  • Heartbreak: The Political Memoir of a Feminist Militant (2002) ISBN 0-465-01754-1
  • Scapegoat: The Jews, Israel, and Women's Liberation (2000) ISBN 0-684-83612-2
  • Life and Death: Unapologetic Writings on the Continuing War Against Women (1997) ISBN 0-684-83512-6
  • In Harm’s Way: The Pornography Civil Rights Hearings (with Catharine MacKinnon, 1997) ISBN 0-674-44579-1
  • Right-Wing Women: The Politics of Domesticated Females (1991) ISBN 0-399-50671-3
  • Letters from a War Zone: Writings (1988) ISBN 1-55652-185-5 ISBN 0-525-24824-2 ISBN 0-436-13962-6
  • Pornography and Civil Rights: A New Day for Women's Equality (1988) ISBN 0-9621849-0-X
  • Intercourse (1987) ISBN 0-684-83239-9
  • Pornography—Men Possessing Women (1981) ISBN 0-399-50532-6 — Online summary, excerpts
  • Our Blood: Prophesies and Discourses on Sexual Politics (1976) ISBN 0-399-50575-X ISBN 0-06-011116-X
  • Woman Hating: A Radical Look at Sexuality (Dutton, 1974) ISBN 0-452-26827-3 ISBN 0-525-48397-7

Fiction and poetry

  • Mercy (1990, ISBN 0-941423-88-3)
  • Ice and Fire (1986, ISBN 0-436-13960-X)
  • The New Woman's Broken Heart: Short Stories (1980, ISBN 0-9603628-0-0)
  • Morning Hair (self-published, 1968)
  • Child (1966) (Heraklion, Crete, 1966)

Numbered short articles

  • ASIN B0006XEJCG (1977) Marx and Gandhi were liberals: Feminism and the "radical" left
  • ASIN B0006XX57G (1978) Why so-called radical men love and need pornography
  • ASIN B00073AVJA (1985) Against the male flood: Censorship, pornography and equality
  • ASIN B000711OSO (1985) The reasons why: Essays on the new civil rights law recognizing pornography as sex discrimination
  • ASIN B00071HFYG (1986) Pornography is a civil rights issue for women
  • ASIN B0008DT8DE (1996) A good rape. (Book Review)
  • ASIN B0008E679Q (1996) Out of the closet.(Normal: Transsexual CEOs, Cross-Dressing Cops and Hermaphrodites with Attitude)(Book Review)
  • ASIN B0008IYNJS (1996) The day I was drugged and raped

Digitalized speeches and interviews


See also


  1. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, p. 23.
  2. ^ Dworkin, Life and Death, p. 3.
  3. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, pp. 21–22.
  4. ^ Dworkin, Life and Death, pp. 23–24, 28; Dworkin, Heartbreak, pp. 37–40.
  5. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, pp. 77-81.
  6. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, p. 80.
  7. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, pp. 80, 83.
  8. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, pp. 83–85, 87.
  9. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, p. 98.
  10. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, pp. 107–112.
  11. ^ Dworkin, Life and Death, pp. 24–25; Dworkin, Heartbreak, p. 117.
  12. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, p. 119; Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, pp. 103, 332.
  13. ^ Dworkin, Life and Death, p. 17.
  14. ^ Dworkin, Life and Death, 18–19
  15. ^ Dworkin, Life and Death, p. 19; Dworkin, Heartbreak, p. 118.
  16. ^ Dworkin, Woman Hating, Acknowledgment, p. 7.
  17. ^ Dworkin, Life and Death, p. 21; Dworkin, Heartbreak, p. 122.
  18. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, pp. 332–333; Dworkin, Life and Death, p. 22.
  19. ^ Dworkin, Life and Death, p. 22.
  20. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, p. 123.
  21. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, p. 3.
  22. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, p. 124.
  23. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, pp. 139–143.
  24. ^ "A Brief History of NOMAS". National Organization for Men Against Sexism. Retrieved July 5, 2009.  
  25. ^ Dworkin (Fall 1983). "I Want a Twenty-Four Hour Truce During Which There Is No Rape". Letters from a War Zone. pp. 162–171. Retrieved July 5, 2009.  
  26. ^ a b c John Stoltenberg (May/June 1994). "Living with Andrea Dworkin". Lambda Book Report. Retrieved July 5, 2009.  
  27. ^ Dworkin (1994). "Andrea Dworkin". Contemporary Authors Autobiography Series, Vol. 21. Farmington Hills, Mich.: Thomson Gale. ISBN 0810345188. Retrieved July 5, 2009.  
  28. ^ a b John Stoltenberg (April 30, 2005). "Imagining Life Without Andrea". Retrieved July 5, 2009.  
  29. ^ a b c d Julie Bindel (September 30, 2004). "A life without compromise". The Guardian. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  30. ^ a b c d Katharine Viner (April 12, 2005). "'She never hated men'". The Guardian. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  31. ^ a b c Julie Bindel (April 12, 2005). "Obituary". The Guardian. Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  32. ^ Susan Brownmiller (1999). In Our Time: Memoir of a Revolution. New York: Dial Press. pp. 297–299. ISBN 0385314868.  
  33. ^ Brownmiller, In Our Time, pp. 303, 316.
  34. ^ Brownmiller, In Our Time, pp. 391–392.
  35. ^ Brownmiller, In Our Time, p. 337.
  36. ^ Donald Alexander Downs (1989). "The Minneapolis Ordinance and the Feminist Theory of Pornography and Sexuality". The New Politics of Pornography. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. 34–65. ISBN 0-226-16162-5.  
  37. ^ Dworkin, Life and Death, pp. 90–95.
  38. ^ Dworkin (1983). "Abortion". Right Wing Women. Retrieved July 8, 2009.  
  39. ^ Reprinted in Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, pp. 185–194.
  40. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, pp. 192–193.
  41. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, p. 193.
  42. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, p. 194.
  43. ^ Dworkin's testimony, "Pornography Is a Civil Rights Issue", is reprinted in Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, pp. 276–307.
  44. ^ "Victimization". Attorney General's Commission on Pornography. 1986. Retrieved July 8, 2009.  
  45. ^ Pat Califia (1994). "The Obscene, Disgusting, and Vile Meese Commission Report". Public Sex: The Culture of Radical Sex. San Francisco: Cleis Press. Retrieved July 8, 2009.  
  46. ^ Colleen McEneany. "Pornography and Feminism". FeministUtopia. Archived from the original on July 20, 2006. Retrieved July 8, 2009.  
  47. ^ David M. Edwards. "Politics and Pornography: A Comparison of the Findings of the President's Commission and the Meese Commission and the Resulting Response". Retrieved July 9, 2009.  
  48. ^ Christopher M. Finan and Anne F. Castro. "The Rev. Donald E. Wildmon's Crusade for Censorship, 1977-1992". Media Coalition. Retrieved July 9, 2009.  
  49. ^ a b c Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, p. 285.
  50. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, pp. 285–286.
  51. ^ a b Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, p. 286.
  52. ^ a b c Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, p. 287.
  53. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, p. 288.
  54. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, p. 289.
  55. ^ a b Dworkin. "Occupation/Collaboration". Intercourse. Retrieved July 8, 2009.  
  56. ^ Dworkin. "Occupation/Collaboration". Intercourse. Retrieved July 8, 2009.  
  57. ^ a b c Nikki Craft. "The Andrea Dworkin Lie Detector". Andrea Dworkin Online Library. Retrieved July 8, 2009.  
  58. ^ a b Michael Moorcock (April 21, 1995). "Fighting Talk". New Statesman and Society. Retrieved July 8, 2009.  
  59. ^ Brenda Cossman (1997). "Feminist Fashion or Morality in Drag? The Sexual Subtext of the Butler Decision". Bad Attitude/s on Trial: Pornography, Feminism, and the Butler Decision. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. p. 107. ISBN 0-8020-7643-2.  
  60. ^ Christopher Jon Nowlin (2003). Judging Obscenity: A Critical History of Expert Evidence. Quebec: McGill-Queen's University Press. p. 126. ISBN 0-7735-2538-6.  
  61. ^ Joan Mason-Grant (2004). Pornography Embodied: From Speech to Sexual Practice. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 176, n. 30. ISBN 0-7425-1223-1.  
  62. ^ Zachary Margulis (March 1995). "Canada's Thought Police". Wired. Retrieved July 8, 2009.  
  63. ^ Catharine A. MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin (August 26, 1994). "Statement by Catharine A. MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin Regarding Canadian Customs and Legal Approaches to Pornography". Retrieved July 8, 2009.  
  64. ^ a b Susie Bright (April 11, 2005). "Andrea Dworkin Has Died". Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  65. ^ Gladden Schrock. "Feminist Hate-Speech". The Fatherhood Coalition. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  66. ^ Eric Ross. "Mind-Programming of the Masses". MacDworkinism and VAWA: The Fraud of the Millennia. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  67. ^ Dworkin, Life and Death, p. 15.
  68. ^ a b c "Obituary". The Times. London. April 13, 2005. Retrieved July 18, 2009.  
  69. ^ Dworkin (May 3, 1992). "Pornography and the New Puritans". The New York Times. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  70. ^ James Taranto (August 4, 1998). "Who's a Hypocrite—and Who Cares?". The Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on September 26, 2004. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  71. ^ Candice E. Jackson. Their Lives: The Women Targeted by the Clinton Machine. Torrance, Calif.: World Ahead Publishing. p. 240.
  72. ^ Joan (1985). "The Rape Relief Files: Take Back The Night". Vancouver Rape Relief & Women's Shelter. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  73. ^ a b c Dworkin (April 23, 2005). "Through the pain barrier". The Guardian. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  74. ^ David A. Roberts (April 27, 2005). "A Post-Mortem Analysis of Andrea Dworkin". Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  75. ^ a b Dworkin (June 5, 2000). "The day I was drugged and raped". New Statesman. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  76. ^ a b Dworkin (June 2, 2000). "'They took my body from me and used it'". The Guardian. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  77. ^ a b Catherine Bennett (June 8, 2000). "Doubts about Dworkin". The Guardian. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  78. ^ a b Julia Gracen (September 20, 2000). "Andrea Dworkin in Agony". Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  79. ^ Charlotte Raven (June 19, 2006). "Body of Evidence". New Statesman. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  80. ^ a b Louise Armstrong (July 25, 2001). "The Trouble with Andrea". The Guardian. Retrieved July 11, 2009.  
  81. ^ Pat Califia, ed. Forbidden Passages: Writings Banned in Canada. Pittsburgh: Cleis Press, 1995.
  82. ^ Adam Parfrey. "The Devil and Andrea Dworkin," in Cult Rapture. Portland, Ore.:Feral House Books, 1995. pp. 53–62.
  83. ^ a b c Ariel Levy (May 29, 2005). "The Prisoner of Sex". New York. Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  84. ^ Beth Ribet (March 11, 2006). "First Year: An Interview with John Stoltenberg". Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  85. ^ Stuart Jeffries (April 12, 2006). "Are women human?". The Guardian. Retrieved July 18, 2009.  
  86. ^ Zoe Heller (December 6, 1992). "The New Eve". The Independent. Retrieved July 18, 2009.  
  87. ^ Nikki Craft. "The Nikki Wiki: All About Nikki Craft". Retrieved July 18, 2009.  
  88. ^ Susan G. Cole (May 12–19, 2005). "Sex, lies and ideologies". NOW.  
  89. ^ Max Waltman (May 2009). "The Civil Rights and Equality Deficit: Legal Challenges to Pornography and Sex Inequality in Canada, Sweden, and the U.S." (PDF). Canadian Political Science Association. Retrieved July 18, 2009.  
  90. ^ Robert L. Campbell (March 29, 2004). "Radical Feminism: Some Thoughts on Long’s Defense". History News Network. Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  91. ^ Mark Honigsbaum (April 12, 2005). "Andrea Dworkin, embattled feminist, dies at 58". The Guardian. Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  92. ^ "Gloria Steinem Remembers Feminist Writer and Activist Andrea Dworkin". Democracy Now!. March 29, 2004. Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  93. ^ Andrew Sullivan (April 18, 2005). "Daily Dish". The Atlantic. Retrieved July 5, 2009.  
  94. ^ Cathy Young. "Welcome to the website of writer and journalist Cathy Young". Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  95. ^ Cathy Young (November 24, 2005). "Anti-feminist? Moi?". Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  96. ^ Cathy Young (April 17, 2005). "The Dworkin Whitewash". Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  97. ^ a b MacKinnon, Catharine A. (April 16, 2005). "Who Was Afraid of Andrea Dworkin?". The New York Times. Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  98. ^ "Andrea Dworkin Dies". Ms.. April 11, 2005. Archived from the original on December 25, 2006. Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  99. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, p. 330.
  100. ^ a b "Dworkin v. L.F.P., Inc., 1992 WY 120, 839 P.2d 903". Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  101. ^ Gene Healy (May/June 1998). "Andrea Dworkin: I Just Don't Get It". Criterion. Archived from the original on December 8, 2006. Retrieved July 18, 2009.  
  102. ^ Dworkin, Woman Hating, p. 189.
  103. ^ Dworkin, Woman Hating, p. 188.
  104. ^ Dworkin, Woman Hating, p. 187.
  105. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, pp. 139–142, 149, 176–180, 308, 314–315; Dworkin, Intercourse, pp. 171, 194; Dworkin, Life and Death, pp. 22–23, 79–80, 86, 123, 143, 173, 188–189.
  106. ^ Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone, p. 139.
  107. ^ Dworkin, Heartbreak, pp. 43–47.
  108. ^ Havana Marking (April 15, 2005). "The real legacy of Andrea Dworkin". Retrieved July 12, 2009.  
  109. ^ See, for example, Letters from a War Zone, p. 110: "One of the slurs constantly used against me by women writing in behalf of pornography under the flag of feminism in misogynist media is that I endorse a primitive biological determinism. Woman Hating (1974) clearly repudiates any biological determinism; so does Our Blood (1976), especially "The Root Cause." So does this piece, published twice, in 1978 in Heresies and in 1979 in Broadsheet. The event described in this piece ["Biological Superiority: The World's Most Dangerous and Deadly Idea"], which occurred in 1977, was fairly notorious, and so my position on biological determinism—I am against it—is generally known in the Women's Movement."
  110. ^ See, for example, the 1995 Preface to Intercourse, pp. vii-x, and Intercourse, Chapter 7.
  111. ^ Cathy Young (April 18, 2005). "The Misdirected Passion of Andrea Dworkin". The Boston Globe. Retrieved July 12, 2009.  

Further reading

  • Brownmiller, Susan (1999). In Our Time: Memoir of a Revolution (ISBN 0-385-31486-8).
  • Robinson, Jeremy Mark (2008). Andrea Dworkin (ISBN 9781861711267). Crescent Moon.
  • Strossen, Nadine, Defending Pornography: Free Speech, Sex, and the Fight for Women's Rights (ISBN 0-8147-8149-7). New York University Press, 2000. (First edition New York: Scribner, 1995).

External links


Up to date as of January 14, 2010

From Wikiquote

Andrea Rita Dworkin (September 26, 1946April 9, 2005) was an American radical feminist and writer.



  • I'm a radical feminist, not the fun kind.
    • "Dworkin on Dworkin," an interview originally published in Off Our Backs, reprinted in Radically Speaking: Feminism Reclaimed Ed. by Renate Klein and Diane Bell.
  • Men characterize pornography as something mental because their minds, their thoughts, their dreams, their fantasies, are more real to them than women's bodies or lives; in fact, men have used their social power to characterize a $10-billion-a-year trade in women as fantasy.
    • Pornography, Men Possessing Women (1979)
  • Pornography is the essential sexuality of male power: of hate, of ownership, of hierarchy; of sadism, of dominance.
    • Pornography, Men Possessing Women (1979)
  • Pornography incarnates male supremacy. It is the DNA of male dominance. Every rule of sexual abuse, every nuance of sexual sadism, every highway and byway of sexual exploitation, is encoded in it.
    • Pornography, Men Possessing Women (1979)
  • ...pornography is the orchestrated destruction of women's bodies and souls; rape, battery, incest, and prostitution animate it; dehumanization and sadism characterize it; it is war on women, serial assaults on dignity, identity, and human worth; it is tyranny. Each woman who has survived knows from the experience of her own life that pornography is captivity–the woman trapped in the picture used on the woman trapped wherever he's got her.
    • Pornography, Men Possessing Women (1979), p xxvii (Introduction)
  • [I]n the male sexual lexicon, which is the vocabulary of power, erotica is simply high-class pornography: better produced, better conceived, better executed, better packaged, designed for a better class of consumer. As with the call girl and the streetwalker, one is turned out better but both are produced by the same system of sexual values and both perform the same sexual service.
    • Pornography, Men Possessing Women (1979), p 10.
  • Men are rewarded for learning the practice of violence in virtually any sphere of activity by money, admiration, recognition, respect, and the genuflection of others honoring their sacred and proven masculinity.
    • Pornography, Men Possessing Women (1979), p 53.
  • Pornography reveals that male pleasure is inextricably tied to victimizing, hurting, exploiting; that sexual fun and sexual passion in the privacy of the male imagination are inseparable from the brutality of male history. The private world of sexual dominance that men demand as their right and their freedom is the mirror image of the public world of sadism and atrocity that men consistently and self-righteously deplore. It is in the male experience of pleasure that one finds the meaning of male history.
    • Pornography, Men Possessing Women (1979), p 69.
  • Women, for centuries not having access to pornography and now unable to bear looking at the muck on the supermarket shelves, are astonished. Women do not believe that men believe what pornography says about women. But they do. From the worst to the best of them, they do.
    • Pornography, Men Possessing Women (1979), p 167.
  • Q: People think you are very hostile to men.
    A: I am.

    Q: Doesn't that worry you?
    A: From what you said, it worries them.
  • Feminists are often asked whether pornography causes rape. The fact is that rape and prostitution caused and continue to cause pornography. Politically, culturally, socially, sexually, and economically, rape and prostitution generated pornography; and pornography depends for its continued existence on the rape and prostitution of women.
  • I want to see this men's movement make a commitment to ending rape because that is the only meaningful commitment to equality. It is astonishing that in all our worlds of feminism and antisexism we never talk seriously about ending rape. Ending it. Stopping it. No more. No more rape. In the back of our minds, are we holding on to its inevitability as the last preserve of the biological? Do we think that it is always going to exist no matter what we do? All of our political actions are lies if we don't make a commitment to ending the practice of rape. This commitment has to be political. It has to be serious. It has to be systematic. It has to be public. It can't be self-indulgent.
  • Anti-feminism is also operating whenever any political group is ready to sacrifice one group of women, one faction, some women, some kinds of women, to any element of sex-class oppression: to pornography, to rape, to battery, to economic exploitation, to reproductive exploitation, to prostitution. There are women all along the male-defined political spectrum, including both extreme ends of it, ready to sacrifice some women, usually not themselves, to the brothels or the farms. The sacrifice is profoundly anti-feminist; it is also profoundly immoral...
    • "Anti-feminism," Right Wing Women (1991), pp. 230-231.
  • I'm going to ask you to remember the prostituted, the homeless, the battered, the raped, the tortured, the murdered, the raped-then-murdered, the murdered-then-raped; and I am going to ask you to remember the photographed, the ones that any or all of the above happened to and it was photographed and now the photographs are for sale in our free countries. I want you to think about those who have been hurt for the fun, the entertainment, the so-called speech of others; those who have been hurt for profit, for the financial benefit of pimps and entrepreneurs. I want you to remember the perpetrator and I am going to ask you to remember the victims: not just tonight but tomorrow and the next day. I want you to find a way to include them -- the perpetrators and the victims -- in what you do, how you think, how you act, what you care about, what your life means to you.

    Now, I know, in this room, some of you are the women I have been talking about. I know that. People around you may not. I am going to ask you to use every single thing you can remember about what was done to you -- how it was done, where, by whom, when, and, if you know -- why -- to begin to tear male dominance to pieces, to pull it apart, to vandalize it, to destabilize it, to mess it up, to get in its way, to fuck it up. I have to ask you to resist, not to comply, to destroy the power men have over women, to refuse to accept it, to abhor it and to do whatever is necessary despite its cost to you to change it.
  • So now we come to what Andrea Dworkin wants and it is this: she wants women to have their own country. But that's mad, I said to her. Why bother discussing it? It isn't going to happen. To which she has a reply -- didn't they say that about Israel? And didn't the world think that Theodor Herzl, the founder of the Zionist movement, was a crank? The Jews got a country because they had been persecuted, said that enough was enough, decided what they wanted and went out and fought for it. Women should do the same. And if you don't want to live in Womenland, so what? Not all Jews live in Israel, but it is there, a place of potential refuge if persecution comes to call. Furthermore, Dworkin says, as the Jews fought for Israel so women have the right to execute -- that's right, execute -- rapists and the state should not intervene. I couldn't really believe she was serious, but she is.
  • I have been asked, politely and not so politely, why I am myself. This is an accounting any woman will be called on to give if she asserts her will. In the home the question will be couched in a million cruelties, some subtle, some so egregious they rival the injuries of organized war. ... It must be admitted that those who want me to account for myself are intrigued in hostile, voyeuristic ways, and their projections of me are not the usual run-of-the-mill rudeness or arrogance to which writers, especially women writers, become accustomed. The work would be enough, even for the unfortunate sad sacks mentioned above. So here's the deal as I see it: I am ambitious---God knows, not for money; in most respects but not all I am honorable; and I wear overalls: kill the bitch. But the bitch is not yet ready to die. Brava, she says, alone in a small room.
    • "Preface," Heartbreak: The Political Memoir of a Feminist Militant (2002)
  • Pornography is used in rape - to plan it, to execute it, to choreograph it, to engender the excitement to commit the act.
    • Testimony before the New York Attorney General's Commission on Pornography in 1986
  • The pornographers actually use our bodies as their language. We are their speech. . . . Protecting what they 'say' means protecting what they do to us, how they do it. It means protecting their sadism on our bodies, because that is how they write: not like a writer at all; like a torturer.
    • Women Transforming Communications


  • Heterosexual intercourse is the pure, formalized expression of contempt for women’s bodies.
    • The first appearance of this quote is from P: A Novel (2003) by Andrew Lewis Conn as a quote from the fictional feminist "Corinne Dwarfkin". The original reads "In capsule form, my thesis is that heterosexual intercourse is the pure, distilled expression of men's contempt for women." In the slightly altered form given above, the quote is attributed in several books to Andrea Dworkin. Neil Boyd, in Big Sister (2004) attributes the quote to Letters from a War Zone, however, this quote, nor any one with similar phrasing, appears in that work.


  • "Andrea presented herself as a street fighter intellectual, a bohemian freedom fighter, and someone who wanted to get to the bottom of things. That quote about Malcolm X is apt. Malcolm pointed out “The problem is WHITE PEOPLE.” Dworkin said, “The problem is MEN.” And for all the holes that can be poked in that cloth, there is something about that grain that is absolutely true, when you are the short end of the bolt."
  • "I’m sorry Andrea Dworkin started a sexual revolution that she ended up repudiating. She never got to see people like me, Carol, and the rest of us little protégées who took her inspiration and flew to a new dimension. She got stuck, and then she got sick, and when you’re famous for one thing, no one wants to see you change unless you reject it all, like a pathetic sinner seeking redemption. She was too stubborn and too old-fashioned for that. Andrea Dworkin never would have admitted that she was a SuperStar. She was the animator of the ultimate porno horror loop, where the Final Girl never gets a chance to slay the monster, she only dies, dies, dies, with the cries of the angry mourners to remember her."

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