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Angolan War of Independence
Part of The Portuguese Colonial Wars
Portuguese troops on patrol in Angola
Date 4 February 1961 - 1975[1]
Location Angola
Result Alvor Agreement, Angolan independence, start of Angolan Civil War[2]
Bandeira da FNLA.svg National Liberation Front of Angola
Flag of Unita.jpg National Union for the Total Independence of Angola
Bandeira do MPLA.svg Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola
Eastern Revolt
Active Revolt
Flag of Cabinda.svg Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda
Portugal Portugal

Supported By
South Africa South Africa[3]
Bandeira da FNLA.svg Holden Roberto
Flag of Unita.jpg Jonas Savimbi
Bandeira do MPLA.svg Agostinho Neto
Bandeira do MPLA.svg Mário Pinto de Andrade
Bandeira do MPLA.svg Daniel Chipenda
Portugal Francisco da Costa Gomes
18,000 65,000
Casualties and losses
50,000 3,258
4,684 with permanent deficiency (physical or psychological)

The Angolan War of Independence (1961–1975) began as an uprising against forced cotton harvesting, and became a multi-faction struggle for control of Portugal's Overseas Province of Angola with 11 separatist movements.[2] The war ended in 1975 when the Angolan government, UNITA, the MPLA, and the FNLA signed the Alvor Agreement, after a leftist military coup at Lisbon in April 1974 which overthrew Portugal's Estado Novo regime.[1]

It was a guerrilla war in which the Portuguese Armed Forces successfully fought against several independentist armed groups dispersed by some sparsely populated areas of the vast Portuguese-administered Angolan countryside.[4] Several atrocities were committed by all forces involved in the conflict.


Historical background of the territory

In 1482, Kingdom of Portugal's caravels commanded by Portuguese navigator Diogo Cão arrived in the Kingdom of Congo. Other expeditions followed, and close relations were soon established between the two kingdoms. The Portuguese brought firearms and many other technological advances, as well as a new religion, Christianity. In return, the King of the Congo could offer plenty of slaves, ivory, and minerals.

Portuguese explorer Paulo Dias de Novais founded Luanda in 1575 as São Paulo de Loanda. Novais settled with a hundred families of colonists and four hundred soldiers. Luanda was granted the status of city in 1605. Several other settlements, forts and ports were founded and maintained by the Portuguese. Benguela, a Portuguese fort from 1587, a town from 1617, was another important early settlement founded and ruled by Portugal. Angola had the status of a Portuguese colony from 1655 until the Assembly of the Republic passed a law giving all Portuguese colonies provincial status on 11 June 1951.[5][6]

Civil disobedience (1948-1959)

Overseas Province of Angola's coat of arms until 1975.

The Portuguese Colonial Act, passed on 13 June 1933 recognized the supremacy of the Portuguese over native people, and even if the natives could pursue all studies including university, the de facto situation was of clear disadvantage due to deep cultural and social differences between most of the traditional indigenous communities or tribes and the ethnical Portuguese who used to live in the littoral of Angola. Viriato da Cruz and others formed the Movement of Young Intellectuals, an organization that promoted Angolan culture, in 1948. Nationalists sent a letter to the United Nations calling for Angola to be given protectorate status under UN supervision.

In the 1950s a new wave of Portuguese settlement in all of Portuguese Africa, including the overseas province of Angola, was encouraged by the ruling government's authorities of António de Oliveira Salazar.[7] A new law passed in the Portuguese Assembleia da República giving all Portuguese colonies provincial status on 11 June 1951. By this law the Portuguese territory of Angola started to be officially called Província de Angola – Province of Angola.[5][6]

In 1953 Angolan separatists founded the Party of the United Struggle for Africans in Angola (PLUA), the first political party to advocate Angolan independence from Portugal. In 1954, Congolese-Angolan nationalists formed the Union of Peoples of Northern Angola, which advocated the independence of the historical Kingdom of Congo, which included other territories outside the Portuguese overseas province of Angola.[8]

During 1955, Mário Pinto de Andrade and his brother Joaquim formed the Angolan Communist Party (PCA). In December 1956 PLUA merged with the PCA to form the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). The MPLA, led by da Cruz, Mário Andrade, Ilidio Machado, and Lúcio Lara, derived support from the Mbundu people and in Luanda.[9][10][11][12]


On 3 January 1961 Angolan peasants in the region of Baixa de Cassanje, Malanje, boycotted the COTONANG's cotton fields where they worked, demanding better working conditions and higher wages. COTONANG was owned by Portuguese, British and German investors. Challenging the authorities, the peasants burned their identification cards and attacked Portuguese traders. This was known as the Baixa de Cassanje revolt. By 4 February the Portuguese military responded to the rebellion by bombing villages in the area, allegedly using napalm, killing up to 7,000 indigenous Africans.[13][14]

On the same day, 250 independentist MPLA militants in Luanda stormed a police station and São Paulo prison, killing seven policemen. Forty of the MPLA attackers were killed, and none of the prisoners were freed. The government held a funeral for the deceased police officers on 5 February, during which the Portuguese citizens committed random acts of violence against the ethnic black majority living in Luanda's traditional slums (musseques).[15] Separatist militants attacked a second prison on 10 February and the Portuguese reaction was equally brutal.

The Portuguese vengeance was awesome. The police helped civilian vigilantes organize nightly slaughters in the Luanda slums. The whites hauled Africans from their flimsy one-room huts, shot them and left their bodies in the streets. A Methodist missionary... testified that he personally knew of the deaths of almost three hundred.

—John Marcum[16]

Within the next few weeks the government pushed the MPLA out of Luanda, northeast into the Dembos region where the MPLA established the 1st Military Region. On 15 March Holden Roberto, the Union of Peoples of Angola (UPA) leader, launched an incursion into Angola, leading 4000 to 5000 militants. His forces took farms, government outposts, and trading centers, killing everyone they encountered, including women, children and black Angolan workers.[17] The UPA which was based in Zaire entered northern Angola and proceeded to massacre the civilian population killing 1,000 whites and 6,000 blacks (women and children included of both white European and black African descent)[18] through cross-border attacks - it was the start of the Portuguese Colonial War.[12][19][20] The Portuguese took control of Pedra Verde, the UPA's last base in northern Angola, on 20 September. In the first year of the war 2,000 Portuguese and 50,000 Africans died while between 400,000 and 500,000 refugees went to Zaire. UPA militants joined the refugees and continued to launch attacks from the safety of Zaire.[12][20] A UPA patrol took 21 MPLA militants prisoner and then executed them on 9 October 1961 in the Ferreira incident, sparking further violence between the two groups.[20] The United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 163, calling on Portugal to desist from repressive measures against the Angolan people.[21]

Roberto merged the UPA with the Democratic Party of Angola to form the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) in March 1962. A few weeks later he established the Revolutionary Government of Angola in Exile (GRAE) on March 27, appointing Jonas Savimbi to the position of Foreign Minister. Roberto established a political alliance with Zairian President Mobutu Sese Seko by divorcing his wife and marrying a woman from Mobutu's wife's village.[22][23] Roberto visited Israel and received aid from the Israeli government from 1963 to 1969.[24][25]

The MPLA held a party congress in Leopoldville during 1962. Viriato da Cruz, found to be slow, negligent, and adverse to planning, and was replaced by Agostinho Neto. In addition to the change in leadership the MPLA adopted and reaffirmed its policies for an independent Angola:[9]

  • Democracy
  • Multiracialism
  • Non-alignment
  • Nationalization
  • National liberation of the entire colony.
  • No foreign military bases in Angola.

Savimbi left the FNLA in 1964 and founded UNITA in response to Roberto's unwillingness to spread the war outside the traditional Kingdom of Kongo.[26] Neto met Marxist leader Che Guevara in 1965 and soon received funding from the governments of Cuba, German Democratic Republic, and the Soviet Union.[27] In May 1966 Daniel Chipenda, then a member of MPLA, established the Eastern Front, significantly expanding the MPLA's reach in Angola. When the EF collapsed, Chipenda and Neto each blamed the other's factions.[20]

UNITA carried out its first attack on 25 December 1966, preventing trains from passing through the Benguela railway at Teixeira de Sousa on the border with Zambia. UNITA derailed the railway twice in 1967, angering the Zambian government which exported copper through the railway. President Kenneth Kaunda responded by kicking UNITA's 500 militant forces out of Zambia. Savimbi moved to Cairo, Egypt where he lived for a year. He secretly entered Angola through Zambia and worked with the Portuguese military against the MPLA.[9][27]

UNITA had its main base in distant south-eastern Angolan provinces, where the Portuguese and FNLA influence were for all practical purposes very low, and where there was no guerrilla war at all. Besides, the UNITA was right from the beginning far better organized and disciplined than either the MPLA or the FNLA. Its fighters also showed a much better understanding of guerrilla operations, and became especially active along the Benguela railway, repeatedly causing damage – not only to the Portuguese but also to Republic of Congo and Zambia, both of which used the railway for transportation of their exports to Angolan ports.

During the late 1960s the FNLA and MPLA fought each other as much as they did the Portuguese with MPLA forces assisting the Portuguese in finding FNLA hideouts.[27]


History of Angola
Emblem of Angola
This article is part of a series
Precolonial history KingdomNdongo1711.png (Prehistory-1575)
Colonization Flag Portugal (1578).svg (1575-1641)
Dutch occupation Prinsenvlag.svg (1641-1648)
Colonial history Flag Portugal (1578).svg (1648-1951)
Portuguese overseas province Flag of Portugal.svg (1951-1961)
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Civil War Flag of Angola.svg (1975-2002)
Post-war Angola (2002-Today)

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 v • d • e 

1971 - 1972

The MPLA began forming squadrons of 100 to 150 militants in 1971. These squadrons, armed with 60 mm and 81 mm mortars, attacked Portuguese outposts. The Portuguese conducted counter-insurgency sweeps against MPLA forces in 1972, destroying some MPLA camps. Additionally, the South African Defence Force engaged the MPLA forces in Moxico in February 1972, destroying the Communist presence and the Eastern Front. Neto, defeated, retreated with 800 militants to the Republic of the Congo. Differing factions in the MPLA then jockeyed for power, until the Soviet Union allied with the Chipenda faction. On 17 March 1,000 FNLA fighters mutinied in Kinkuzu, but the Zairian army put down the rebellion on behalf of Roberto.[28]

1973 - 1974

In 1973 Chipenda left the MPLA, founding the Eastern Revolt with 1,500 former MPLA followers. Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere convinced the People's Republic of China, which had begun funding the MPLA in 1970, to ally with the FNLA against the MPLA in 1973. Roberto visited the PRC in December and secured Chinese support. The Soviet Union cut off aid to the MPLA completely in 1974 when Revolta Activa split off from the mainstream MPLA. In November the Soviet Union resumed aid to the MPLA after Neto reasserted his leadership.[20][27]

The combined forces of the MPLA, the UNITA, and the FNLA succeeded in their rebellion not because of their success in battle, but to Movimento das Forças Armadas. The MFA was an organisation of lower-ranked officers in the Portuguese Armed Forces which was responsible for the Carnation Revolution of 25 April 1974, a military coup which ended the Portuguese Colonial War and led to the independence of the Portuguese overseas territories.[4][29]

The MFA overthrew the Lisbon government in protest of ongoing African colonial wars and better career bonuses.[30] The revolutionary Portuguese government removed the remaining elements of its colonial forces and agreed quick handover of power for the nationalistic African guerrillas. Holden Roberto, Agostinho Neto, and Jonas Savimbi met in Bukavu, Zaire in July and agreed to negotiate with the Portuguese as one political entity.


The three party leaders met again in Mombasa, Kenya on 5 January 1975 and agreed to stop fighting each other, further outlining constitutional negotiations with the Portuguese. They met for a third time, with Portuguese government officials, in Alvor, Portugal from 10 till 15 January. They signed on 15 January what became known as the Alvor Agreement, granting Angola independence on 11 November and establishing a transitional government.[1] The agreement ended the war for independence while marking the transition to civil war. The Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC) and Eastern Revolt never signed the agreement as they were excluded from negotiations. The coalition government the Alvor Agreement established soon fell as nationalist factions, doubting one another's commitment to the peace process, tried to take control of the colony by force.[1][12]

The parties agreed to hold the first assembly elections in October 1975. From 31 January until independence a transitional government consisting of the Portuguese High Commissioner Rosa Coutinho and a Prime Ministerial Council would rule. The PMC consisted of three representatives, one from each Angolan party, and a rotating Premiership among the representatives. Every decision required two-thirds majority support. The twelve ministries were divided equally among the Angolan parties and the Portuguese government, three for each. Author Witney Wright Schneidman criticized this provision in Engaging Africa: Washington and the Fall of Portugal's Colonial Empire for ensuring a "virtual paralysis in executive authority." The Bureau of Intelligence and Research cautioned that an excessive desire to preserve the balance of power in the agreement hurt the transitional Angolan government's ability to function.[1][12][31]

The Portuguese government's main goal in negotiations was preventing the mass emigration of white Angolans. Paradoxically, the agreement only allowed the MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA to nominate candidates to the first assembly elections, deliberately disenfranchising Bakongo, Cabindans, and whites. The Portuguese reasoned that white Angolans would have to join the separatist movements and the separatists would have to moderate their platforms to expand their political bases.[31]

The agreement called for the integration of the militant wings of the Angolan parties into a new military, the Angolan Defense Forces. The ADF would have 48,000 active personnel, made up of 24,000 Portuguese and 8,000 MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA fighters respectively. Each party maintained separate barracks and outposts. Every military decision required the unanimous consent of each party's headquarters and the joint military command. The Portuguese forces lacked equipment and commitment to the cause, while Angolan nationalists were antagonistic of each other and lacked training.[1][31] The treaty, too which the FLEC never agreed to, described Cabinda as an "integral and inalienable part of Angola." Separatists viewed the agreement as a violation of Cabindan right to self-determination.[32]

All three parties soon had forces greater in number than the Portuguese, endangering the colonial power's ability to keep the peace. Factional fighting renewed, reaching new heights as foreign supplies of arms increased. In February the Cuban government warned the Eastern Bloc the Alvor Agreement would not succeed. By spring the African National Congress and SWAPO were echoing Cuba's warning.[33] Leaders of the Organization of African Unity organized a peace conference moderated by Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta with the three leaders in Nakuru, Kenya in June. The Angolan leaders issued the Nakuru Declaration on 21 June,[34] agreeing to abide by the provisions of the Alvor Agreement while acknowledging a mutual lack of trust which led to violence.

In July fighting again broke out and the MPLA managed to force the FNLA out of Luanda; UNITA voluntarily withdrew from the capital to its stronghold in the south from where it also engaged in the struggle for the country. By August the MPLA had control of 11 of the 15 provincial capitals, including Cabina and Luanda.[35] South African forces invaded Angola on 23 October 1975,[36] covertly sending 1,500 to 2,000 troops from Namibia into southern Angola. FNLA-UNITA-South African forces took five provincial capitals, including Novo Redondo and Benguela in three weeks. On 10 November the Portuguese left Angola. Cuban-MPLA forces defeated South African-FNLA forces, maintaining control over Luanda. On 11 November Neto declared the independence of the People's Republic of Angola.[1] The FNLA and UNITA responded by proclaiming their own government based in Huambo.[2] The South African Army retreated and, with the help of Cuban forces, the Angolan army retook most of the south in the beginning of 1976.

Many analysts have criticized the transitional government in Portugal for the violence that followed the Alvor Agreement in terms of a lack of concern about internal Angolan security and favoritism towards the MPLA. High Commissioner Coutinho, one of the seven leaders of the National Salvation Junta, openly gave Portuguese military equipment to MPLA forces.[1][2][31] Edward Mulcahy, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in the United States State Department, told Tom Killoran, the U.S. Consul General in Angola, to congratulate the PMC rather than the FNLA and UNITA on their own and Coutinho for Portugal's "untiring and protracted efforts" at a peace agreement.[31][37] Secretary of State Henry Kissinger considered any government involving the pro-Soviet, Communist MPLA, to be unacceptable and President Gerald Ford oversaw heightened aid to the FNLA.[9]

Battle of the Death Road

An anti-Communist force made up of 1,500 FNLA fighters, 100 Portuguese Angolan soldiers, and two battalions of the Zairian army passed near the city of Quifangondo, only 30 km north of Luanda, at dawn on 10 November. The force, supported by South African aircraft and three 140 mm artillery pieces,[38] marched in a single line along the Bengo River to face an 800-strong Cuban force across the river. The Cubans and MPLA fighters bombarded the FNLA with mortar and 122 mm rockets, destroying most of the FNLA's armored cars and six Jeeps carrying antitank rockets in the first hour of fighting. Witnesses estimated the Cuban-led force shot 2000 rockets at the FNLA. Cubans then drove forward, launching RPG-7 rocket grenades, shooting with anti-aircraft guns, killing hundreds. The South Africans, with their aged World War II-era guns were powerless to intervene, and subsequently retreated via Ambrizete to SAS President Steyn, a South African navy frigate. The Cuba-MPLA victory in Nshila wa Lufu (Death Road), largely ended the FNLA's importance in the conflict.[39]

Foreign influence

The situation of the Portuguese in their overseas province of Angola soon became a matter of concern for a number of foreign powers, or a reason for interest and involvement of others. The USA, for example, were concerned with the possibility of a Marxist regime being established in Luanda. That is why they started supplying weapons and ammunition to the UPA, which meanwhile grew considerably and merged with the Democratic Party of Angola to form the FNLA.[40]

The leaders of the FNLA were, however, not satisfied with the US support. Savimbi consequently established good connections with the People's Republic of China, from where even larger shipments started arriving. The USA granted the company Aero Associates, from Tucson, Arizona, the permission to sell seven Douglas B-26 Invader bombers to Portugal in early 1965, despite Portugal's concerns about their support for the Marxists from Cuba and the USSR.

The aircraft were flown to Africa by John Richard Hawke – reportedly a former RAF-pilot – who on the start of one of the flights to Angola flew so low over the White House, that the USAF forced him to land and he was arrested. In May 1965 Hawke was indicted for illegally selling arms and supporting the Portuguese, but was imprisoned for less than a year. The B-26s were not to see deployment in Angola until several years later.[41]

Aside from the USA, two other African nations became involved in this war as well. These were Rhodesia, nowadays Zimbabwe, and South Africa, both of which were ruled by the white minority. Their regimes were both concerned about their own future in the case of a Portuguese defeat. Rhodesia and South Africa initially limited their participation on shipments of arms and supplies. However, by 1968 the South Africans begun providing Alouette III helicopters with crews to the Portuguese Air Force (FAP), and finally several companies of South African Defence Forces (SADF) infantry who were deployed in southern and central Angola.[42] However, contemporary reports about them guarding the iron mines of Cassinga were never confirmed.

Finally, there were reports that a number of Rhodesian pilots were recruited to fly FAP helicopters. However, when the first Portuguese unit was equipped with Aerospatiale Puma helicopters, in 1969, its crews were almost exclusively South Africans. Rhodesian pilots were considered too valuable by the Royal Rhodesian Air Force (RRAF) to be deployed in support of the Portuguese. The SADF has had pilots and helicopters operating out of the Centro Conjunto de Apoio Aéreo (CCAA – Joint Air Support Centre), setting up in Cuito Cuanavale during 1968.

During the late 1960s the USSR also became involved in the war in Angola, albeit almost exclusively via the MPLA. Namely, while the FNLA received only very limited arms shipments from the USA, and the UNITA was getting hardly any support from outside the country, the Marxist MPLA developed very close relations with Moscow and was soon to start receiving significant shipments of arms via Tanzania and Zambia.[43][44]

In 1969 the MPLA agreed with the USSR that in exchange for arms and supplies delivered to it the Soviets would – upon independence – would be granted rights for establishing bases in the country. Consequently, by the early 1970s the MPLA developed into the strongest Angolan anti-colonial movement and the most powerful political party.


The combined anti-colonial forces succeeded in their rebellion, not only because of their success in battle, but to Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA). The MFA was an organization of lower-ranked officers in the Portuguese Armed Forces which was responsible for the Carnation Revolution of 25 April 1974. Eventually, Angola was offered independence in the process.

This offer, however, only caused the outbreak of a fully-developed civil war between the MPLA, FNLA, and the UNITA, who immediately started fighting against each other, instead of the Portuguese. Within a short time it was clear that Angola would fall into anarchy as soon as the Portuguese left. The MPLA emerged as the strongest power and its leadership were to participate in the final negotiations with the Portuguese, according to which Angola was to become officially independent on 11 November 1975.

As soon as this agreement became known to the public a mass exodus began. Over 300,000 people left Angola by November, most of them evacuated aboard TAP Boeing 707 aircraft. The Royal Air Force also lent a hand, sending Vickers VC10 airliners to evacuate about 6,000 additional refuges. At this stage, the Angolan Civil War had started and spread out across the newly-independent country. The devastating civil war lasted several decades and claimed millions of lives and refugees in independent Angola.[45]

The former colony became worse off after independence from Portuguese rule. The deterioration in central planning effectiveness, economic development and growth, security, education and health system efficiency was rampant. Like the other newly-independent African territories involved in the Portuguese Colonial War, Angola sank to the bottom of human development and GDP per capita world tables. Angola faced severe problems after independence. Economic and social recession, Marxist totalitarianism, corruption, poverty, inequality and failed central planning eroded the initial revolutionary fervour.[46][47] A level of economic development comparable to what had existed under Portuguese rule became a major goal for the governments of the independent territory. The sharp recession and the chaos in many areas of Angolan life eroded the initial impetus of nationalistic fervor. There were also eruptions of black racism in the former overseas province, through the use of hatred against both white and mulatto Angolans.[48]

See also


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  2. ^ a b c d Crocker, Chester A.; Fen Osler Hampson, and Pamela R. Aall (2005). Grasping The Nettle: Analyzing Cases Of Intractable Conflict. p. 213. 
  3. ^ Angolan War of Independence
  4. ^ a b António Pires Nunes, Angola 1966-74
  5. ^ a b Palmer, Alan Warwick (1979). The Facts on File Dictionary of 20th Century History, 1900-1978. p. 15. 
  6. ^ a b Dicken, Samuel Newton; Forrest Ralph Pitts (1963). Introduction to Human Geography. p. 359. 
  8. ^ (ADP) Shadle, Robert; James Stuart Olson (1991). Historical Dictionary of European Imperialism. pp. 26–27. 
  9. ^ a b c d Wright, George (1997). The Destruction of a Nation: United States Policy Towards Angola Since 1945. pp. 2, 8–11, and 57. 
  10. ^ Oyebade, Adebayo O (2006). Culture And Customs of Angola. p. XI. 
  11. ^ Africa Year Book and Who's who. 1977. p. 238. 
  12. ^ a b c d e Tvedten, Inge (1997). Angola: Struggle for Peace and Reconstruction. pp. 29–36. 
  13. ^ "inapertwa: Angola". Retrieved 2009-02-07. 
  14. ^ "Portugal by James Fearon and David Laitin (Stanford University)". Retrieved 2009-02-07. 
  15. ^ Wright, George (1997). The Destruction of a Nation: United States' Policy Towards Angola Since 1945. pp. 5–6. 
  16. ^ Sellstr̀eom (2002). Sweden and National Liberation in Southern Africa. p. 380. 
  17. ^ Angola discutida na Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas, a film of a Portuguese formal protest in the United Nations (March 1961), and an anti-American riot at Lisbon,
  18. ^ A «GUERRA» 1º Episódio «Massacres da UPA», A Guerra (Joaquim Furtado) 2007,
  19. ^ Edgerton, Robert Breckenridge (2002). Africa's Armies: From Honor to Infamy. p. 72. 
  20. ^ a b c d e George, Edward (2005). The Cuban Intervention In Angola, 1965-1991: from Che Guevara to Cuito Cuanavale. pp. 10, 46, and 289. 
  21. ^ Wellens, Karen; T.M.C. Asser Instituut (1990). Resolutions and statements of the United Nations Security Council (1946-1989): a thematic guide. BRILL. p. 58. ISBN 978-0792307969. 
  22. ^ Tvedten, Inge (1997). Angola: Struggle for Peace and Reconstruction. p. 31. 
  23. ^ Davis, John Aubrey (1966). Southern Africa in Transition, American Society of African Culture. p. 170. 
  24. ^ Beit-Hallahmi, Benjamin (1988). The Israeli Connection: Whom Israel Arms and Why. p. 64. 
  25. ^ Figueiredo, António de (1961). Portugal and Its Empire: The Truth. p. 130. 
  26. ^ Walker, John Frederick (2004). A Certain Curve of Horn: The Hundred-Year Quest for the Giant Sable Antelope of Angola. pp. 146–148. 
  27. ^ a b c d Abbott, Peter; Manuel Ribeiro Rodrigues (1988). Modern African Wars: Angola and Mozambique, 1961-74. p. 10. 
  28. ^ George, Edward (2005). The Cuban Intervention in Angola, 1965-1991. Routledge. pp. 289. ISBN 0415350158. 
  29. ^ Laidi, Zaki. The Superpowers and Africa: The Constraints of a Rivalry:1960-1990. Chicago: Univ. Of Chicago, 1990.
  30. ^ (Portuguese) Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA). In Infopédia [Em linha]. Porto: Porto Editora, 2003-2009. [Consult. 2009-01-07]. Disponível na www: <URL:$movimento-das-forcas-armadas-(mfa)>.
  31. ^ a b c d e Schneidman, Witney Wright (2004). Engaging Africa: Washington and the Fall of Portugal's Colonial Empire. p. 200. 
  32. ^ Ryan, J. Atticus (1998). Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization Yearbook. p. 58. 
  33. ^ Westad, Odd Arne (2005). The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times. p. 227. 
  34. ^ McDannald, Alexander Hopkins (1976). The Americana Annual: An Encyclopedia of Current Events, 1877-1976. p. 86. 
  35. ^ Porter, Bruce D. (1986). The USSR in Third World Conflicts: Soviet Arms and Diplomacy in Local Wars, 1945-1980. p. 149. 
  36. ^ Stearns, Peter N.; William Leonard Langer (2001). The Encyclopedia of World History: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern, Chronologically Arranged. p. 1065. 
  37. ^ 1975, Angola: Mercenaries, Murder and Corruption Coalition to Oppose the Arms Trade
  38. ^ Edward George (2005). The Cuban Intervention in Angola, 1965-1991: From Che Guevara to Cuito Cuanavale. Routledge. p. 89. ISBN 0415350158. Retrieved 2008-05-11. 
  39. ^ CIA man Roberto: Burying the Last of Angola's 'Big Men', 9 August 2007. Santiago Indy Media.
  40. ^ "Jonas Savimbi: Washington's "Freedom Fighter," Africa's "Terrorist"". Retrieved 2009-02-09. 
  41. ^ Bender, Gerald J.. "KISSINGER IN ANGOLA: ANATOMY OF FAILURE". Retrieved 2009-02-09. 
  42. ^ "THE AIRFORCE - THE BORDER WAR". Retrieved 2009-02-09. 
  43. ^ "SOVIET AND CUBAN AID TO THE MPLA IN ANGOLA FROM MARCH THROUGH DECEMBER 1975 (NI - CIA document". Retrieved 2009-02-09. 
  44. ^ "Castro's Secret War 1". Retrieved 2009-02-09. 
  45. ^ The Decolonization of Portuguese Africa: Metropolitan Revolution and the Dissolution of Empire by Norrie MacQueen - Mozambique since Independence: Confronting Leviathan by Margaret Hall, Tom Young - Author of Review: Stuart A. Notholt African Affairs, Vol. 97, No. 387 (Apr., 1998), pp. 276-278, JSTOR
  46. ^ Mark D. Tooley, Praying for Marxism in Africa, (Friday, March 13, 2009)
  47. ^ Mario de Queiroz, AFRICA-PORTUGAL: Three Decades After Last Colonial Empire Came to an End
  48. ^ "Things are going well in Angola. They achieved good progress in their first year of independence. There's been a lot of building and they are developing health facilities. In 1976 they produced 80,000 tons of coffee. Transportation means are also being developed. Currently between 200,000 and 400,000 tons of coffee are still in warehouses. In our talks with [Angolan President Agostinho] Neto we stressed the absolute necessity of achieving a level of economic development comparable to what had existed under [Portuguese] colonialism."; "There is also evidence of black racism in Angola. Some are using the hatred against the colonial masters for negative purposes. There are many mulattos and whites in Angola. Unfortunately, racist feelings are spreading very quickly." [1] Castro's 1977 southern Africa tour: A report to Honecker, CNN

*Angolan war of Independance

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