An
anti-memeite Wikipedia
is also known as a follower of the
Modularity of
mind view as implied by Noam Chomsky's concept of a universal,
generative grammar. Jerry Fodor, drawing from Chomsky and other
evidence from linguistics as well as implications from optical
illusions and philosophy of mind, revived the idea of the
modularity of mind, without the notion of precise physical
localizability of the mental faculties, in
the 1980s and became one of the most articulate proponents for it
with the 1983 publication of Modularity of
Mind[1].
Doubts about memeticsA basic difficulty in the
study of
memes involves the
frequent lack of clarity as to what distinguishes one meme from
another.[citation needed]
In much the same way that the selfish
gene concept offers a way of understanding and reasoning about
aspects of biological evolution, the meme concept can conceivably
assist in the better understanding of some otherwise puzzling
aspects of human culture. However, if one cannot test for "better"
empirically, the question will remain whether or not the meme
concept counts as a valid scientific theory. Memetics thus remains
a science in its infancy, a protoscience to proponents, or a
pseudoscience to detractors.
Another objection to the study of
the evolution of memes in genetic terms (although not to the
existence of memes) involves the fact that the cumulative evolution
of genes depends on biological selection-pressures neither too
great nor too small in relation to mutation-rates. There seems no
reason to think that the same balance will exist in the selection
pressures on memes.<ref>Kim Sterelney and Paul E. Griffiths,
Sex and Death: And Introduction to Philosophy of Biology, Chicago,
University of Chicago Press, 1999, p.333</ref>
Some
prominent researchers in evolutionary psychology and anthropology,
including Scott Atran, Dan Sperber, Pascal Boyer, John Tooby and
others, argue the possibility of incompatibility between modularity
of mind and memetics. On their view, minds structure certain
communicable aspects of the ideas produced, and these communicable
aspects generally trigger or elicit ideas in other minds through
inference (to relatively rich structures generated from often
low-fidelity input) and not high-fidelity replication or imitation.
Atran discusses communication involving religious beliefs as a case
in point. In one set of experiments, he asked religious people to
write down on a piece of paper the meanings of the Ten
Commandments. Despite the subjects' own expectations of consensus,
interpretations of the commandments showed wide ranges of
variation, with little evidence of consensus. In another
experiment, normal subjects and autistic subjects interpreted
ideological and religious sayings (for example, "Let a thousand
flowers bloom" or "To everything there is a season"). Autistics
showed a significant tendency to closely paraphrase and repeat
content from the original statement (for example: "Don't cut
flowers before they bloom"). Controls tended to infer a wider range
of cultural meanings with little replicated content (for example:
"Go with the flow" or "Everyone should have equal opportunity").
Only the autistic subjects — who lack inferential capacity normally
associated with aspects of theory of mind — came close to
functioning as "meme machines".<ref>Scott Atran, In Gods We
Trust: The Evolutionary Landscape of Religion, New York, Oxford
University Press, 2002, chapter 9 "The Trouble with
Memes".</ref>
Controversy surrounds the word meme. In part
this arises because a number of possible (though not mutually
exclusive) interpretations of the nature of the concept have
arisen:
1. The least controversial claim suggests that memes
provide a useful philosophical perspective with which to examine
cultural evolution. Proponents of this view argue that considering
cultural developments from a meme's eye view — as if memes, or the
people who carry them, acted to maximise their own replication and
survival — can lead to useful insights and yield valuable
predictions into how culture develops over time. Dawkins himself
seems to have favoured this approach.[citation needed]
2. Other
theorists, such as Francis Heylighen, have focused on the need to
provide an empirical grounding for memetics in order for people to
regard it as a real and useful scientific discipline.[citation
needed] Given the nebulous (and in many cases subjective) nature of
many memes, providing such an empirical grounding has to date
proved challenging.[citation needed] However, a recent study by
Mikael Sandberg, further elaborates the memetic approach to
empirical studies of innovation diffusion in
organisations.<ref>"The Evolution of IT Innovations in
Swedish Organizations: A Darwinian Critique of ‘Lamarckian’
Institutional Economics", Journal of Evolutionary Economics
(on-line 2006, in print 2007)</ref>
3. A third approach,
exemplified by Dennett and by Susan Blackmore in her book The Meme
Machine (1999), seeks to place memes at the centre of a radical and
counter-intuitive naturalistic theory of mind and of personal
identity. Evan Louis Sheehan uses the hierarchical model of
cortical architecture proposed by Jeff Hawkins to develop such a
memetic theory of mind in his book The Mocking Memes: A Basis for
Automated Intelligence.
See also
ModularityLanguage
moduleVisual modularitySociety of Mind which
proposes the mind is made up of agentpseudosciencecreationismFor
contrasting views:
NeuroplasticitymemememeticsRichard DawsonCharles
DarwinEvolutionpseudoscienceReferences
Further
reading
Barrett, H. C., and Kurzban, R. (2006). Modularity
in cognition: Framing the debate. Psychological
Review, 113, 628-647. Kurzban
2006.pdf Full textAnimal Minds : Beyond Cognition to
Consciousness Donald R. Griffin, University of Chicago Press,
2001 (ISBN 0226308650)