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Gavrilo Princip, the assassin

The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria and Sophie, Duchess of Hohenberg on 28 June 1914 in Bosnia-Herzegovina (then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire) brought the tensions between Austria-Hungary and Serbia to a head. This triggered a chain of international events that embroiled Russia and the major European powers. War broke out in Europe over the next three years.

Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, sat next to his wife Sophie, Duchess of Hohenberg on the back seat of an open-topped car in a motorcade, along Appel Quay in Sarajevo. They were on their way to the military hospital to visit those injured by a hand grenade thrown at the royal car earlier in the day.

When their driver mistakenly turned right into Franz Joseph Street, 19 year-old Serbian Gavrilo Princip, who had gone to get lunch after the failed bombing, happened to be standing on the corner. He was one of six assassins previously positioned along the route by Danilo Ilić, a leader in the secret radical organization, Black Hand. When the driver stopped to reverse back on to Appel Quay, Princip fired his pistol at the car. The first bullet penetrated the side of the car and hit Sophie in the abdomen. The second bullet hit Franz Ferdinand in the neck, piercing his jugular and lodging in his spine. Both wounds were fatal.

The political objective of the assassination was to break the Austro-Hungarian south-Slav provinces off from the Austro-Hungarian Empire so they could be combined into a Greater Serbia or a Yugoslavia. The assassins' motives were consistent with the movement that later became known as Young Bosnia. The assassins did not work alone. They were supported by an "underground railroad" of Serbian civilians and military officers that provided transportation and hid them; and members of the Serbian military that trained them, encouraged them, and provided weapons, maps, and other information.

After the assassination, the assassins, the key members of the underground railroad, and the key Serbian military conspirators that were still alive were arrested, tried, convicted and punished. Those who were arrested in Bosnia-Herzegovina were tried in Sarajevo in October 1914. The other conspirators were arrested and tried before a Serbian kangaroo court in French-occupied Salonika (Thessaloniki) in 1916–1917 on unrelated false charges[citation needed]. Serbia executed the top three military conspirators.

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Background

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Kingdom of Serbia

Under the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, Austria-Hungary received a mandate to occupy and administer the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina while the Ottoman Empire retained sovereignty. Under this treaty, Serbia was at last recognized by the great powers as a sovereign state, the Kingdom of Serbia. In 1903, Apis decided to change the status quo. With a group of military officers, he stormed the Serbian royal palace. After a fierce battle in the dark they captured General Laza Petrović, head of the palace guard, and forced him to reveal that King Alexander Obrenović and his wife, Queen Draga, were hiding in a clothes closet.[1] The killers shot the King thirty times, the Queen eighteen. MacKenzie writes, "The royal corpses were then stripped and brutally sabred."[2] The two bodies were then thrown out of a palace window, ending any threat that loyalists would mount a counter attack. The conspirators then killed Petrović.

Later, Tankosić organized the murder of Queen Draga's brothers, Nikola and Nikodije Lunjevica. The Serbian Parliament elected Peter I of the House of Karađorđević as the new king. A decade later in 1913–1914, Dimitrijević and Tankosić were to figure prominently in the plot to assassinate Franz Ferdinand.

Nationalism

The Karađorđević dynasty was more nationalistic,[1] and strongly supported by Russia.[1] It was also less friendly to Austria-Hungary. In 1906, Serbia ordered arms from the French rather than from the Bohemian Skoda works. Austria-Hungary retaliated by banning the import of Serbian livestock.[3] As pigs were Serbia's main export to Austria-Hungary, this became known as the "Pig War".

Over the next decade, Serbia's moves to build its power and reclaim its 14th century empire caused friction with its neighbors. The Bosnian crisis of 1908–1909, when Serbia protested about Austria-Hungary's annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, ended in a Serbian climb-down in March 1909. Following this, in the two Balkan wars of 1912–1913, Serbia conquered Macedonia and Kosovo, taking these provinces from Turkey and Bulgaria.

Nationalistic Serbs both in Serbia and in Austria-Hungary chafed under Austria-Hungarian rule and were stirred by Serbian "cultural" organizations. Serbia's military successes and their outrage about Austro-Hungaria's annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina emboldened them. In the five years before 1914, lone assassins – mostly Serbians living under Austria-Hungarian rule – made a series of unsuccessful attempts on the lives of Austro-Hungarian officials in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The assassins received only sporadic support from Serbia. The most notorious was Bogdan Žerajić's attempt to murder the iron-fisted Governor of Bosnia-Herzegovina, General Marijan Verešanin, on 15 June 1910. Žerajić was a 22-year-old orthodox Serb from Nevesinje, Herzegovina, who made frequent trips to Belgrade.[4] Just 12 days before the attempt on Verešanin, Žerajić had aborted an attempt on the life of Emperor Franz Joseph.[5]

Verešanin became vehemently hated by the Serbs when he used the army to crush the last Bosnian peasant uprising in the second half of 1910.[6] The five bullets Žerajić fired at Verešanin and the fatal bullet he put in his own brain made Žerajić an inspiration to future Serbian assassins, including Gavrilo Princip and his accomplice Nedjelko Čabrinović. Princip said that Žerajić "was my first model. When I was seventeen I passed whole nights at his grave, reflecting on our wretched condition and thinking of him. It is there that I made up my mind sooner or later to perpetrate an outrage."[7]

Franz Ferdinand advocated trialism, whereby Austria-Hungary would incorporate the Slavic lands as a third kingdom.[8] This would have been a bulwark against Serb irredentism, therefore the natio as a threat to their extreme objectives.[citation needed] Princip later said at his trial that one of his motivations for assassinating Franz Ferdinand was to prevent the Archduke's planned reforms.[citation needed]

Royal visit

In late June 1914, Archduke Franz Ferdinand visited Bosnia-Herzegovina to observe military maneuvers and open the state museum in Sarajevo in its new premises.

Sophie

He was accompanied by his wife.[9] As a "Czech countess [she] was treated as a commoner at the Austrian court".[10] Emperor Franz Joseph had only consented to a morganatic marriage so that their descendants would never ascend the Austrian throne. Their 14th wedding anniversary was on 28 June 1914 and they were happy to celebrate it far from Vienna. Historian A. J. P. Taylor observed:

[Sophie] could never share [Franz Ferdinand's] rank ... could never share his splendours, could never even sit by his side on any public occasion. There was one loophole ... his wife could enjoy the recognition of his rank when he was acting in a military capacity. Hence, he decided, in 1914, to inspect the army in Bosnia. There, at its capital Sarajevo, the Archduke and his wife could ride in an open carriage side by side ... Thus, for love, did the Archduke go to his death.[11]

After Mass, on 28 June 1914, Franz Ferdinand and his party travelled by train from Ilidža to Sarajevo.[9] It was the day commemorated by Serbs as Vidovdan, the anniversary of the great and costly Battle of Kosovo between Serbia and the Ottoman Empire in 1389 that led to Serbia's becoming a vassal state.

Conspiracy

Direct action

Danilo Ilić was a Bosnian Orthodox Serb. He had been a school teacher and bank worker, but in 1910 and 1911 he lived with his mother who ran a small boarding house in Sarajevo. He let it be known that his mother was supporting him, but secretly Ilić was the leader of the Serbian-irredentist Ujedinjenje ili Smrt terrorist cell in Sarajevo. Ujedinjenje ili Smrt translates to 'Unification or Death' and is commonly known as Crna Ruka which in turn translates to Black Hand.[12] Ilić's position as a former teacher and his membership of the Black Hand made him an ideal bridge between Serbian military intelligence and restive Serbian youths desperate to commit revolutionary terrorist acts.

In late 1913, Ilić went to the Serbian listening post at Užice to speak to the officer in charge, Serbian Captain C. A. Popović (later Colonel), who was also a member of the Black Hand. Ilić recommended an end to the period of passive revolutionary organisation and a move to direct action against Austria-Hungary. Popović passed Ilić up the command chain. In Belgrade Ilić discussed the matter with Chief of Serbian military intelligence, Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijević[13] – commonly known as Apis (Egyptian sacred bull deity). With the death of the Black Hand president, Apis and his fellow military conspirators – drawn heavily from the ranks of the May 1903 coup – dominated the remnants of the organisation.

It is not known what took place between Ilić and Apis, but soon after their meeting, Apis' right hand man and fellow Black Hand conspiritor, Serbian Major Vojislav Tankosić – who by this time was in charge of guerrilla training – called a Serbian irredentist planning meeting in Toulouse on January 1914.[14] Amongst those summoned was Muhamed Mehmedbašić, a carpenter and son of an impoverished Muslim noble from Herzegovina.[15] He too was a member of the Black Hand, having been sworn into the organization by Danilo Ilić and Black Hand Provincial Director for Bosnia-Herzegovina, Vladimir Gaćinović. Mehmedbašić was, "...eager to carry out an act of terrorism to revive the revolutionary spirit of Bosnia."[16] During the meeting, they considered various Austro-Hungarian assassination targets – including Franz Ferdinand. In the end they decided to dispatch Mehmed Mehmedbašić to Sarajevo on a mission to kill the governor of Bosnia-Herzegovina, General Oskar Potiorek.

On the journey back to Bosnia-Herzegovina, police searched Mehmedbašić's train looking for a thief. Thinking they might be after him, he threw a dagger and bottle of poison that he was carrying out of the train window.

Franz Ferdinand targeted

Franz Ferdinand

In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the loss of the items dumped on the train journey delayed Mehmedbašić's attempt on Potiorek's life. Before he could act, Ilić summoned him to Mostar. On 26 March 1914,[17] Ilić informed Mehmedbašić that Belgrade had scrapped the mission to kill the governor. The plan now was to murder Franz Ferdinand, and Mehmedbašić should stand by for new orders.[18]

Later at the Salonika trial, Apis confessed that, as head of Serbian Army intelligence, he had orderd the assassination of Franz Ferdinand.[19] Before that, at the Serbia trial, Ilić, Čubrilović, and Popović[20] testified that, shortly after 19 April 1914, Ilić recruited two Serbian youths, Vaso Čubrilović, and Cvjetko Popović. Three Bosnian Serb youths living in BelgradeGavrilo Princip,[21] Trifun Grabež,[22] and Nedjelko Čabrinović[23] – also testified that at about the same time, they too were eager to carry out an assassination. They also stated that they approached a fellow Bosnian and former guerrilla fighter, Milan Ciganović, who was connected with the underground which could provide weapons. Subsequently, he and Major Tankosić agreed to support the assassination of Franz Ferdinand.

The conspirators soon agreed to make the attempt, but the weapons took a month to arrive. At this stage Ciganović tried to dissuade them. He told Grabež: "Nothing doing, the old Emperor is ill and the Heir Apparent will not go to Bosnia."[24] But, when Franz Joseph recovered, the objections were lifted. Tankosić gave the assassins one pistol to practice with. The rest of the weapons finally arrived on 26 May.[25]

The three assassins from Belgrade testified at the Sarajevo trial that Major Vojislav Tankosić, directly and through Ciganović, provided six hand grenades, four Browning semi-automatic pistols, ammunition and other items. These included money,[25] suicide pills,[26] a map marked with the location of gendarmes,[27] information on contacts in the secret channel used to infiltrate agents and arms into Austria-Hungary,[28] and a small card authorizing the use of the channel.[29] The three assassins stated that in addition Tankosić provided training.[22] In support of these statements Tankosić told journalist, Luciano Magrini, that he provided the hand grenades and pistols and that he was responsible for training Princip, Grabež, and Čabrinović. He also said that he had insisted that the assassins carrry suicide pills.[30]

Underground railroad

On 26 May 1914 Gavrilo Princip left Belgrade and arrived in Sarajevo on 5 June.[31] But on 2 June 1914 the Black Hand Central Executive Committee cancelled the assassination of Franz Ferdinand because Serbia was not in a position to fight any resulting war; she was almost bankrupt and had suffered heavy losses in the recent Balkan wars.[32] In spite of this, Princip disregarded the cancellation.[32] Historian A.J.P. Taylor suggested that, as the would-be assassins were a gang of inexperienced amateurs, the assassination attempt was intended to fail without causing a war.[33] This would put the Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pašić – who was an enemy of the Black Hand – in a political 'hot spot' before the Serbian elections of August 1914.[33]

In early June 1914, Pašić warned Austria-Hungary of a possible plot to assassinate Franz Ferdinand during his visit to Bosnia-Herzegovina.[34] The Serbian Minister in Vienna, Ljuba Jovanovic, met the Austro-Hungarian Finance Minister, Leon von Bilinski, on 21 June 1914 to warn him of the plot.[34] Bilinski chose not to relay the warning.[34] On 14 June 1914, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, Leopold von Berchtold, wrote a letter calling for close Austro-German association that would carry out a “forward policy” in the Balkans, which envisioned the neutralization of Serbia as the supposed leading threat to the Dual Monarchy.[35]

Route of the assassins from Belgrade to Sarajevo

Princip, Grabež, and Čabrinović left Belgrade by boat on 28 May and sailed along the Sava River to Šabac where they handed the small card to Captain Popović of the Serbian border guard. In turn, Popović provided them with a letter addressed to Serbian Captain Prvanović. He also gave them a form with the names of three customs officials whose identities they could assume to receive discounted tickets for the train journey to Loznica, a small border town.[36][37]

Princip, Grabež, and Čabrinović reached Loznica on 29 May. While waiting to discuss the best way across the border into Bosnia-Herzegovina with Captain Prvanović and three revenue sergeants, Princip and Grabež fell out with Čabrinović over his repeated security violations. Princip insisted that Čabrinović hand over his weapons and go alone to Zvornik. There he was to cross the border using Grabež's identity card before going to Tuzla where they would join up again.[38]

On the morning of 30 May, Prvanović's revenue sergeants assembled and Sergeant Budivoj Grbić led Princip and Grabež with the weapons by foot to Isaković’s Island, a small island in the middle of the Drina River that separated Serbia from Bosnia-Herzegovina. They reached the island on 31 May. Grbić passed the two terrorists and their weapons to the agents of the Serbian Narodna Odbrana for transport into Austro-Hungarian and from safe-house to safe-house. Princip and Grabež crossed into Austria-Hungary on the evening of 1 June.[39] Princip and Grabež and the weapons were passed from agent to agent until they arrived in Tuzla where they left the weapons in the hands of the Narodna Odbrana agent, Miško Jovanović, and rejoined Čabrinović.[40]

Route of the weapons from Belgrade to Sarajevo

The Narodna Odbrana agents reported their activities to the Narodna Odbrana President, Boža Janković, who in turn reported to the then Serbian Caretaker Prime Minister, Nikola Pašić.[41] The report adds the name of a new military conspirator, Serbian Major Kosta Todorović (the Austro-Hungarian Redbook lists him as Boundary Commissioner and Director of Serbian Military Intelligence Services for the frontier line from Rada to Ljuboija in 1913). Pašić’s handwritten notes from the briefing (estimated by Dedijer to have taken place on 5 June) included the nickname of one of the assassins ("Trifko" Grabež) and also the name of Major Tankosić.[42] The Austrians later captured the report, Pašić’s handwritten notes, and additional corroborating documents.[43]

Čabrinović's father was a Sarajevo police official. In Tuzla, Čabrinović bumped into one of his father's friends, Sarajevo Police Detective Ivan Vila, and struck up a conversation. By coincidence, Princip, Grabež, and Čabrinović boarded the same train for Sarajevo as Detective Vila. The ever talkative Čabrinović inquired of the detective the date of Franz Ferdinand's visit to Sarajevo. The next morning, Čabrinović passed on the news to his fellow assassins that the assassination would be on 28 June.[44]

On arriving in Sarajevo on 4 June, Princip, Grabež, and Čabrinović parted. Princip checked in with Ilić, visited his family in Hadžići, and returned to Sarajevo on 6 June taking up residence with Ilić at Ilić's mother's house.[45] Grabež joined his family in Pale. Čabrinović moved back into his father's house in Sarajevo.[46]

On 14 June, Ilić went to Tuzla to bring the weapons to Sarajevo. Miško Jovanović hid the weapons in a large box of sugar. On 15 June, the two went separately by train to Doboj where Jovanović handed over the box to Ilić.[47] Later that day, Ilić returned to Sarajevo by train, being careful to transfer to a local train outside Sarajevo and then quickly transfer to a tram to avoid police detection. Once at his mother's house, Ilić hid the weapons in a suitcase under a sofa.[48] Then, on approximately 17 June, Ilić traveled to Brod (Dedijer puts it on 16 June, but trial records put it on 18 June). Questioned at trial, Ilić gave a confused explanation of the reason for his trip, first saying he had gone to Brod to prevent the assassination and then saying he had returned to Sarajevo from Brod to prevent the assassination.[49] Dedijer puts forward the thesis (citing Bogijević) that Ilić went to Brod to meet an emissary of Apis, Djuro Šarac, who had instructions to cancel the assassination.[50] This trip is a point of unresolved controversy.

Eve of attacks

Ilić began handing out the weapons on 27 June 1914. Until that date he had kept the identities of the Belgrade assassins secret from those he had recruited locally and vice-versa. But, as Mehmedbašić told Albertini, "On the eve of the outrage Ilić introduced me to Princip in a Sarejevo café with the words 'Mehmedbašić who to-morrow is to be with us.'"[51] The three sent a postcard to Black Hand Provincial Director for Bosnia-Herzegovina, Vladimir Gaćinović, in France.

The following morning, on 28 June 1914, Ilić positioned the six assassins along the motorcade route. He then went to each one, exhorting them to bravery.

Assassination

Motorcade

Location of bombing (yellow star) and shooting (skull and cross bones)

The governor of Bosnia-Herzegovina, General Oskar Potiorek, greeted the royal party at Sarajevo railway station, where they inspected a small guard of honour – the only troops in the town. Franz Ferdinand wore the uniform of an Austrian cavalry general – blue tunic, black trousers with a red stripe, a hat with pale green feathers, and around his waist a gold-braided ribbon with tassels. Sophie wore a white silk dress, a fur of ermine tails over her shoulders, and a large white hat.

Six automobiles waited; one was a back-up in case of a breakdown. By mistake, three local detectives got into the first car with the Chief Officer of Special Security; the special security officers who were supposed to accompany their chief were left behind.

The second car in the motorcade carried the Sarajevo Mayor, Fehim Effendi Curic, and the Chief of Police, Dr. Edmund Grede.

The third car was a Gräf & Stift touring car with its roof folded down. Franz Ferdinand sat on the left of the rear seat; Sophie sat next to him. Potiorek, and Lieutenant Colonel Count Franz von Harrach, the vehicle's owner, also rode with the Archduke.[52] The driver was Leopold Loyka, Harrach's chauffeur, a Czech.

The remainder of the entourage rode in the fourth and fifth vehicles.

Franz Ferdinand's first stop was to briefly inspect the Filippovic military barracks. Then, at 10:00 am, the motorcade was to proceed to the town hall via Appel Quay,[53] which runs along the side of the Miljacka River. Franz Ferdinand asked to be driven slowly, about 10 mph, so he could see the town.

Bombing

The motorcade passed the first assassin, Muhamed Mehmedbašić. Danilo Ilić had armed him with a hand grenade and placed him in front of the Mostar Cafe garden.[54] Mehmedbašić failed to act. Ilić placed Vaso Čubrilović next to Mehmedbašić, arming him with a pistol and a hand grenade. He too failed to act. Further along the route, Ilić placed Nedeljko Čabrinović on the opposite side of Appel Quay nearer to the Miljacka River, arming him with a hand grenade.

At 10:10 am,[55] as Franz Ferdinand's car approached, Čabrinović threw his hand grenade; it bounced off the folded-down roof behind the royal couple's seat and exploded under the following car.[56] The blast made a crater one foot in diameter and 6.5 inches deep in the road.[55] The explosion wounded Colonel Erich Edler von Merizzi, Potiorek's chief adjutant, and Lieutenant Colonel Count Alexander Boos-Waldeck who were seated in the fourth car. According to Reuters, it also wounded 20 police and bystanders[57]

Latin Bridge (Princip Bridge in the Yugoslav era). Gavrilo Princip shot Franz Ferdinand on Franz Joseph Street which leads off Appel Quay opposite the left of the bridge

Čabrinović swallowed his cyanide pill and jumped into the Miljacka River. Čabrinović's suicide attempt failed as the cyanide only induced vomiting, and the Miljacka River was only four inches deep. Police dragged Čabrinović out of the river; he was severely beaten by the crowd before being taken into custody[citation needed].

The occupants of the first two cars, being unaware of the bombing, continued on the route. After a short delay the remainer of the motorcade left the imobilised car behind and sped towards the Town Hall. Cvjetko Popović, Gavrilo Princip and Trifun Grabež were unable to act, as the royal car passed them at high speed.

Reception

At the Town Hall reception, Franz Ferdinand was stressed. He interrupted Mayor Curcic's welcoming speech to protest, "Mr. Mayor, I came here on a visit and I get bombs thrown at me. It is outrageous."[58] He then regained his composure and allowed the mayor to finish. Franz Ferdinand had to wait as his own speech notes, wet with blood, were brought from the fourth car. At the end of his delivery, Franz Ferdinand thanked the assembly for the people's ovations and said, "...as I see in them an expression of their joy at the failure of the attempt at assassination."[59]

Officials and members of the Archduke's party discussed how to guard against another assassination attempt; there was no practical outcome. A suggestion that the troops outside the city be brought in to line the streets was reportedly rejected because they did not have their parade uniforms with them on manoeuvres.[citation needed] Security was accordingly left to the small Sarajevo police force. The only obvious precaution was for Count Harrach to stand on the left running board of the third car in an attempt to protect the Archduke. This is confirmed by photographs of the scene outside the Town Hall.

Shooting

After the attacks the police arrested anyone they thought suspicious (this picture does not show Princip)

Following the Town Hall reception, Franz Ferdinand decided to visit those in hospital who had been wounded by Čabrinović's hand grenade. Considering that she should accompany him, Sophie abandoned her planned separate program; instead, at 10:45am, she climbed into the third car with Franz Ferdinand.[60]

After learning that the assassination attempt had failed, Princip went for a sandwich at Schiller's cafe and delicatessen on the corner of Appel Quay and Franz Joseph Street, opposite the Latin Bridge. Emerging, he saw Franz Ferdinand's open-top car reversing towards Appel Quay. The driver, Leopold Loyka,[61] had followed the first two cars that turned right on to Franz Joseph Street; they had not been told about the change of route that would have continued along Appel Quay. Gavrilo Princip pushed forward to the right of the car and fired his pistol.[62] According to Albertini, "the first bullet wounded the Archduke in the jugular vein, the second inflicted an abdominal wound on the Duchess."[58] Princip later claimed that he intended to kill Governor Potiorek, not Sophie.

Harrach reported that Franz Ferdinand said to his wife, "Sophie, Sophie! Don't die! Live for our children!" When Harrach asked Franz Ferdinand about his injuries, he replied six or seven times, "It is nothing." Harrach said these utterances were followed by a long death rattle.

Loyka sped to the Governor's residence, the Konak, nearby on the other side of the Miljacka river. Franz Ferdinand was dead on arrival; Sophie died ten minutes later.[63] The bodies were placed in separate rooms.

The town's bells rang and anti-Serb rioting broke out until the police restored order.

Trials

Sarajevo trial

Sarajevo court room. Front row seated from the left: Trifun Grabež, Nedjelko Čabrinović, Gavrilo Princip, Danilo Ilić, Veljko Čubrilović.[64]

The Austro-Hungarian authorities arrested all of the Sarajevo assassins, except Muhamed Mehmedbašić. They also arrested the agents and peasants who assisted them. Mehmedbašić fled to Montenegro. There the police caught him but he 'managed to escape' and take refuge in Serbia,[65] where he joined Major Voja Tankosić's auxiliaries. A trial was held from 12 to 23 October 1914 in Sarajevo.

The most serious charge was conspiracy to commit high treason by a Serbian official. This crime carried a maximum sentence of death, while conspiracy to commit murder did not. According to Austro-Hungarian law, youths – those younger than twenty at the time of an offence – could only receive a maximum sentence of 20 years in prison.

The adult defendants – who faced the death penalty – claimed to be unwilling participants in the conspiracy. Veljko Cubrilović, a Narodna Odbrana agent who helped coordinate the transportion of the weapons, is an example. He stated that, "Princip glared at me and very forcefully said 'If you want to know, it is for that reason and we are going to carry out an assassination of the Heir and if you know about it, you have to be quiet. If you betray it, you and your family will be destroyed.'"[66]

Cubrilović claimed to fear that a revolutionary organization backing Princip would destroy his house and kill his family if he did not comply. He said that he knew such an organization existed in Serbia, at least at one time. When asked why he risked judicial punishment and did not seek the protection of the law, he responded, "I was more afraid of terror than the law."[67]

Gavrillo Princip in prison during the investigation[64]

The court was not persuaded that Cubrilović's 'acting out of fear' claim justified a lesser sentence, but the principal of the claim may have contributed to the acquittal of several peasants with minor roles in the operation.

As the youths from Belgrade did not face the death penalty, they tried to take sole responsibility and deflect blame from the Serbian officials. Because of this, their court testimony differed from their original depositions.[68] Cabrinović tried to place some blame on people in Serbia. The court did not believe the claims that Serbian officials were not involved.

Under cross examination, Princip stated, "I am a Yugoslav nationalist and I believe in unification of all South Slavs in whatever form of state and that it be free of Austria." Princip was then asked how he intended to realize his goal; he responded, "By means of terror."[69]

Although there was doubt about the prompt and accurate registration of Princip's birth, the court concluded that he was under 20 at the time of the assassination. But Princip, Čabrinović, Grabež, and Ilić were already under a death sentence; they had tuberculosis which was a killer in those days. Due to Bosnia's unique status, the Austro-Hungarian Finance Minister administered Bosnia and had responsibility for recommending clemency to the Kaiser. At the trial Čabrinović expressed regret for the murders; following sentencing, he received a letter of forgiveness from the royal couple's three children that the assassination had orphaned.[70]

Included the verdict were the words, "The court regards it as proved by the evidence that both the Narodna Obrana [Black Hand] and military circles in the Kingdom of Serbia in charge of the espionage service, collaborated in the outrage."[71] Although now known to be true, this statement was considered to be politically motivated at the time.[citation needed] The sentences, announced on 28 October 1914, and the outcome were as follows:[72]

Name Sentence Outcome
Gavrilo Princip 20 years in prison Died of tuberculosis in prison 28 April 1918
Nedjelko Čabrinović 20 years in prison Died of tuberculosis in prison 23 January 1916
Trifun Grabež 20 years in prison Died of tuberculosis in prison February 1918
Vaso Čubrilović 16 years in prison Released November 1918 (died 1990)
Cvjetko Popović 13 years in prison Released November 1918
Lazar Djukić 10 years in prison Served sentence
Danilo Ilić Death by hanging Executed 3 February 1915
Veljko Čubrilović Death by hanging Executed 3 February 1915
Nedjo Kerović Death by hanging Commuted to 20 years in prison by Kaiser Franz Joseph based on Finance Minister's recommendation
Mihaijlo Jovanović Death by hanging Executed 3 February 1915
Jakov Milović Death by hanging Commuted to life in prison by Kaiser Franz Joseph based on court and Finance Minister's recommendation
Mitar Kerović Life in prison Served sentence
Ivo Kranjcević 10 years in prison Served sentence
Branko Zagorac 3 years in prison Served sentence
Marko Perin 3 years in prison Served sentence
Cvijan Stjepanović 7 years in prison Served sentence
Nine other defendants Acquitted -

Salonika trial

In late 1916 and early 1917, Austria-Hungary and France held secret peace talks. Circumstantial evidence indicates that Austria-Hungary and Serbia held parallel discussions with Prime Minister Nikola Pašić dispatching his right hand-man, Stephan Protic, and Prince Regent Alexander dispatching his confidant Colonel Živković, to Geneva. Kaiser Karl laid out Austria-Hungary's key demand for returning Serbia to the control of the Serbian government exiled in Corfu since the autumn of 1915: that Serbia must guarantee that no further political agitation against Austria-Hungary shall emanate from Serbia.

Fearing that they were a threat to his power, Prince Alexander was planning to eliminate Dragutin Dimitrijević (Apis) and his loyal officers; the Austro-Hungarian peace demand strengthened his resolve. On 15 March 1917, a Serbian court martial in French occupied Salonika indicted Dimitrijević and his loyal officers on false charges unrelated to the Sarajevo assassination. Vojislav Tankosić was not tried because, in late 1915, he died in battle.[73]

Four of the defendants confessed their roles in Sarajevo. On 23 May 1917 Dimitrijević and eight of his associates were sentenced to death; two others were sentenced to 15 years in prison. One defendant died during the trial and the charges against him were dropped. Prince Alexander commuted six of the death sentences. In justification of the executions, Prime Minister Pašić wrote to his envoy in London, "...Dimitrijević (Apis) besides everything else admitted he had ordered Franz Ferdinand to be killed. And now who could reprieve them?"[74] Subsequently, in 1953, the Supreme Court of Serbia retried the case and exonerated all of the defendants.[75]

Sentences of the Salonika court martial and the outcome were as follows:[76]

Name Sentence Outcome
Dragutin Dimitrijević (Apis) Death by firing squad, 70 dinar court fee, and additional witness fees Executed 26 June 1917
Colonel Ljuba Vulović Death by firing squad, 70 dinar court fee, and additional witness fees Executed 26 June 1917
Rade Malobabić Death by firing squad, 70 dinar court fee, and additional witness fees Executed 26 June 1917
Muhamed Mehmedbašić 15 years in prison, 60 dinar court fee, and additional witness fees Commuted and released in 1919-died 1943

Responsibility

Serbia's 'warning'

Following the assassinations, Serbian ambassadors to France, Milenko Vesnić, and Russia, Miroslave Spalajković, said that Serbia had warned Austria-Hungary of the impending assassination.[77] Serbia soon denied this, claiming that they had no knowledge of the plot and had not been given any advance warnings. Prime Minister Pašić supported these denials with statements in Az Est on 7 July 1914 and in the Paris Edition of the New York Herald on 20 July.[78]

As Serbian Education Minister Ljuba Jovanović wrote in Krv Sloventsva, "...in late May or early June [1914], Prime Minister Pašić reviewed the plot of the impending assassination with members of his cabinet."[79] On 18 June a telegram, lacking any specific information, ordered Serbia's Austrian Ambassador, Jovan Jovanović, to Vienna to warn Austria-Hungary that Serbia believed that there was a conspiracy to assassinate Franz Ferdinand in Bosnia. On 21 June Ambassador Jovanović met with Austro-Hungarian Finance Minister Bilinski. According to Serbia's Military Attaché to Vienna, Colonel Lesanin, Ambassador Jovanović spoke to Bilinski and "...stressed in general terms the risks the Archduke heir apparent might run from the inflamed public opinion in Bosnia and Serbia. Some serious personal misadventure might befall him. His journey might give rise to incidents and demonstrations that Serbia would deprecate but that would have fatal repercussions on Austro-Serbian relations."

Jovanović came back from the meeting with Bilinski and told Lesanin that, "...Bilinski showed no sign of attaching great importance to the total message and dismissed it limiting himself to remarking when saying goodbye and thanking him, saying, 'Let us hope nothing does happen.'"[80] The Austro-Hungarian Finance Minister took no action based on Jovanović's vague and misleading remarks.

In 1924 Jovan Jovanović stated publicly that he gave the warning on his own initiative. He claimed that he had said, "Among the Serb youths [in the army] there may be one who will put a ball-cartridge in his rifle or revolver in place of a blank cartridge and he may fire it, the bullet might strike the man [Franz Ferdinand] giving provocation." J. Jovanović's account changed often over the years and never adequately addressed Colonel Lesanin's statement. Bilinski did not speak openly on the subject, but his press department's chief confirmed that a meeting had taken place and a vague warning had been given, but he denied any mention of an Austro-Hungarian Serb soldier shooting Franz Ferdinand.[81]

In the period leading up to the assassination, Pašić was effectively a puppet prime minister because the Serbian Government briefly formed a political alliance with the Serbian Military, and they dictated policy. The military favored promoting Jovan Jovanović to Foreign Minister,[82] and Jovanović's loyalties one might expect to have been divided and his orders therefore carried out poorly. By choosing a military loyalist to convey the message, and by not including any of the specifics such as the conspirators' names and weapons, Pašić, a survivor, hedged his bets against any outcomes of the assassination.[citation needed]

Rade Malobabić

In 1914, Rade Malobabić was Serbia's Military Intelligence Chief, operating undercover against Austria-Hungary. His name appeared in Serbian documents captured by Austria-Hungary during the First World War. These documents describe the clandestine transportation of arms, munitions, and agents from Serbia into Austria-Hungary under Malobabić's direction.[41] Because Serbia suppressed both Apis' confession and the Salonika trial transcripts, historians did not initially link Malobabić closely with the Sarajevo assassination. Apis' confession, however, states that, "I engaged Malobabić to organize the assassination on the occasion of the announced arrival of Franz Ferdinand to Sarajevo."

At the Salonika trial, Colonel Ljubomir Vulović, head of the Serbian Frontiers Service, testified that, "In 1914 on occasion of my official trip from Loznica to Belgrade, I received a letter at the General Staff [signed by Marshal Putnik, Serbia's top military officer] noting that agents of Malobabić would come and a teacher whose name I don’t recall [Danilo Ilić was a teacher but it is unclear if the teacher in question was Ilić as Ilić can be placed in Brod but not Loznica] so I could sent [sic] them into Bosnia. [Because of that] I went to Loznica and either that day or very soon afterwards sent Rade and that teacher into Bosnia. Soon thereafter occurred the Sarajevo assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand."[83] At that point the Serbian prosecutor cut him off as it was forbidden to speak of the Sarajevo attack at the Salonica trial.

On the eve of his execution, Malobabić told a priest: “They ordered me to go to Sarajevo when that assassination was to take place, and when everything was over, they ordered me to come back and fulfill other missions, and then there was the outbreak of the war.”[84][85] Vladimir Dedijer in The Road to Sarajevo presented additional testimonial evidence that Malobabić arrived in Sarajevo on the eve of the assassination and gave Danilo Ilić the final go ahead for the assassination.[86]

This agrees with Dedijer's theory that, on 16 June 1914, Djuro Šarac instructed Ilić to cancell the assassination. Soon after their confessions, Serbia executed Malobabić, Vulović, and Apis on false charges.

Serbia did not publish any information on their confessions about the Sarajevo assassination.

Serbian Military Intelligence or Black Hand

The Black Hand seal

Serbian Military Intelligence or Black Hand may have been solely responsible for the assassination but, more likely, both organisations were involved.

The Black Hand was a shadowy organization formed in Serbia as a counter to the Bulgarian-sponsored Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO). After the second Balkan war of 1913, the Black Hand became moribund when its president died and they failed to replace him. An inactive secretary, casualties, broken links between its three-man cells, and loss of funding also contributed to its demise.[87] By 1914 the Black Hand was no longer operating under its constitution but rather at the dictate of the Chief of Serbian Military Intelligence, Apis. Its active ranks were composed mostly of Serbian military officers loyal to him. The overlap in membership between the Serbian military and Black Hand makes it difficult to determin which organization was responsible for the Sarajevo assassination.

Apis confessed to ordering the operation, beginning with the phrase, "As the Chief of the Intelligence Department of the General Staff". The military chain of command was invoked. Black Hand was moribund. Under the Black Hand constitution an assassination could only be ordered by a vote of the Supreme Council Directorate, the President or the Secretary and no such order was made. These factors point at Serbian military intelligence.

On the other hand, Milan Ciganović and other key officers of Black Hand were involved, the Black Hand Provincial Director for Bosnia-Herzegovina, Vladimir Gaćinović, was consulted, and there was no official budget for the operation. These factors suggest the Black Hand.

Crampton probably sums up the situation:

In the summer of 1914 factions within the Serbian military, angry at various features of civilian rule in the newly acquired "Old Serbia" (Macedonia), and seeking therefore to embarrass the government in Belgrade, aided a group of young Serbian Bosnian extremists in a ploy to kill the heir to the Hapsburg throne. Few in the Serbian army believed the mission to Sarajevo would succeed.[88]

Newspaper clipping

The trial noted that the three assassins from Belgrade tried to take sole blame for killing the arch duke and his wife. Čabrinović claimed that the idea of killing Franz Ferdinand came from a newspaper clipping he received in the mail at the end of March 1914 announcing Franz Ferdinand's visit to Sarajevo.[89] He then showed the newspaper clipping to Princip and the next day they agreed they would kill Franz Ferdinand. Princip explained to the court that he had already read about Franz Ferdinand's visit in German papers.[90] Princip went on to testify that, around 19 April 1914, he wrote an allegorical letter to Ilić informing him of the plan to kill Franz Ferdinand.[91] Grabež testified that he and Princip agreed to assassinate either Governor Potiorek or Franz Ferdinand; later they chose Franz Ferdinand.[92] The defendants refused or were unable to provide further details under examination.

On 26 March 1914 Ilić and Mehmedbašić had already agreed to kill Franz Ferdinand in accordance with instructions from Belgrade. So, although a newspaper clipping may have been sent to Čabrinović, it arrived too late to have initiated the plot.

Narodna Odbrana

Serbian military intelligence – through remnants of the Black Hand – penetrated the Narodna Odbrana (National Defence), using its underground railroad to smuggle the assassins and their weapons from Belgrade to Sarajevo. In his 5 June 1914 report to Prime Minister Pašić, President of the Narodna Odbrana, Boža Milanović, expressed his frustration about the hijacking of his organization. The final sentence dealing with Sarajevo reads, "Boža has informed all the agents that they should not receive anyone unless he produces the password given by Boža."[43]

Milan Ciganović

According to Education Minister, Ljuba Jovanović, Prime Minister Nikola Pasic was informed about the assassination plan early enough for the government to order the border guards to prevent the assassins from entering Bosnia-Herzegovina. This places the cabinet minister discussions in late May 1914 and the information release at some time before that. Albertini concluded that the source of the information was most likely to be Milan Ciganović.[93] Bogiĉević made a more forceful case.

The circumstantial evidence against Ciganović includes his no-work government job, his protection by the Chief of Police and Serbia's failure to arrest him (Austria-Hungary demanded that Serbia arrest Major Vojislav Tankosić and Ciganović but Serbia only arrested Tankosić and prentended that Ciganović could not be found), Serbia's protection of Ciganović during the war, and the government's provision for Ciganović after the war. In 1917, all of the Sarajevo conspirators within Serbia's control were tried at Salonika on false charges except Ciganović. At the trial, Ciganović gave evidence against his comrades.

Russia's involvement

Apis' confession to ordering the assassination of Franz Ferdinand states that Russian Military Attaché Artamonov promised Russia's protection from Austria-Hungary if Serbia's intelligence operations became exposed and that Russia had funded the assassination. Artamonov denied the involvement of his office unconvincingly in an interview with Albertini. Artamonov stated that he went on vacation to Italy leaving Assistant Military Attaché Alexander Werchovsky in charge and though he was in daily contact with Apis he did not learn of Apis' role until after the war had ended.[94] Werchovsky admitted the involvement of his office and then fell silent on the subject.[95] The article, "Rossiiskaia Kontrrazvedka I Tainaia Serbskaia Organizatsii'Chernaia Ruka'" which may be thought of as Russia's current official position on the subject, denies that Werchovsky ever worked for the Military Attaché's Office and denies that Russia had one single agent in Serbia at the time.

There is evidence that Russia was at least aware of the plot prior to 14 June. De Schelking writes,

On 1 June 1914 [14 June new calendar], Emperor Nicholas had an interview with King Charles I of Roumania, at Constanza. I was there at the time … yet as far as I could judge from my conversation with members of his [Russian Foreign Minister Sazonov’s] entourage, he [Sazonov] was convinced that if the Archduke [Franz Ferdinand] were out of the way, the peace of Europe would not be endangered.[96]

At the time of publication, Entente apologists argued that "out of the way" might not necessarily mean assassinated.

Consequences

Allied, central, and neutral powers

The murder of the heir to the Austro-Hungarian Empire and his wife produced widespread shock across Europe, and there was initially much sympathy for the Austrian position. Within two days of the assassination, Austria-Hungary and Germany advised Serbia that it should open an investigation, but Gruić, speaking for Serbia, replied "Nothing had been done so far and the matter did not concern the Serbian Government," after which "high words" were spoken on both sides.[97] The Austrian government now saw this as a chance to settle the perceived threat from Serbia once and for all.

After conducting a criminal investigation, verifying that Germany would honor its military alliance, and persuading the skeptical Hungarian Count Tisza, Austria-Hungary issued a formal letter to the government of Serbia. The letter reminded Serbia of its commitment to respect the Great Powers' decision regarding Bosnia-Herzegovina, and to maintain good neighborly relations with Austria-Hungary. The letter contained specific demands aimed at preventing the publication of propaganda advocating the violent destruction of Austria-Hungary, removing the people behind this propaganda from the Serbian Military, arresting the people on Serbian soil who were involved in the assassination plot and preventing the clandestine shipment of arms and explosives from Serbia to Austria-Hungary.

This letter became known as the July Ultimatum, and Austria-Hungary stated that if Serbia did not accept all of the demands in total within 48 hours, it would recall its ambassador from Serbia. After receiving a telegram of support from Russia, Serbia mobilized its army and responded to the letter by accepting points #8 and #10 in entirety and partially accepting, finessing, disingenuously answering or politely rejecting elements of the preamble and enumerated demands #1–7 and #9. The shortcomings of Serbia's response were published by Austria-Hungary and can be seen beginning on page 364 of Origins of the War, Vol. II by Albertini, with the Austrian complaints placed side-by-side against Serbia's response. Austria-Hungary responded by breaking diplomatic relations.

Serbian reservists being transported on tramp steamers on the Danube, apparently accidentally, crossed onto the Austro-Hungarian side of the river at Temes-Kubin and Austro-Hungarian soldiers fired into the air to warn them off. This incident was blown out of proportion[citation needed] and Austria-Hungary then declared war and mobilized the portion of its army that would face the (already mobilized) Serbian Army on 28 July 1914. Under the Secret Treaty of 1892 Russia and France were obliged to mobilize their armies if any of the Triple Alliance mobilized. Russia's mobilization set-off full Austro-Hungarian and German mobilizations. Soon all the Great Powers except Italy had chosen sides and gone to war.

Commemorative plaque at the site of the assassination

It could be argued that this assassination set in motion most of the major events of the 20th century, with its reverberations lingering into the 21st. The Treaty of Versailles at the end of the First World War is generally linked to the rise of Adolf Hitler and World War II. It also led to the Russian Revolution, which helped lead to the Cold War. This, in turn, led to many of the major political developments of the 20th century, such as the fall of the colonial empires and the rise of the United States and the Soviet Union to super-power status.

However, if the assassination had not occurred, it is very possible that European war would still have erupted, triggered by another event at another time. The alliances noted above and the existence of vast and complex mobilization plans that were almost impossible to reverse once put in motion made war on a huge scale increasingly likely from the beginning of the 20th century.

Appendix

Popular culture

  • Al Stewart's 1970 song Manuscript, on the Zero She Flies album, depicts how, at the time, the assassination seemed to be a minor event, not a trigger for a world war:
And the tsar in his great Winter Palace has called for the foreign news
"An archduke was shot down in Bosnia, but nothing much."
  • The Scottish indie band Franz Ferdinand alude to the assassination in their 2004 breakthrough single Take Me Out.[98] In concert they use laser cross-hairs to reinforce the allusion. More directly, the band's 2004 song All For You, Sophia (bonus track on the U.S. extended CD) describes in detail the assassination of the royal couple.
  • From 'The Fairly Oddparents' children's show on 'Nick' UK TV channel,
You know what they say Timmy, curiosity killed the cat... and Archduke Ferdinand!

Pistol

FN Model 1910 (courtesy of http://www.adamsguns.com)
  • Type: Semi-automatic pistol
  • Model: FN Model 1910[62] (designed by Browning)
  • Manufacturer: Fabrique Nationale
  • Country of manufacture: Belgium
  • Cartridge type: straight-walled, rimless
  • Cartridge designation: .380 ACP (Automatic Colt Pistol)
  • Cartridge dimensions: 9.5 mm diameter by 25mm long
  • Bullet dimensions: 9mm (0.38 inch) diameter
  • Magazine capacity: 6 rounds
  • Serial numbers: Princip fired serial number 19074; the other assassins carried serial numbers 19075, 19120, and 19126[62]

The FN Model 1910 pistol, using the .380 ACP round, is compact and light but it has a relatively short range and low stopping power. The fact that the bullets killed both Franz Ferdinand and Sophie – especially as in her case the bullet penetrated the car body first – supports the reports that Princip fired at close range.

Hand grenade

In 1912, the Serbian Army adopted the Vasic M.12 hand grenade just in time for deployment in the first and second Balkan wars of 1912 to 1913. After that, the Serbian infantry used them extensively in World War I. The troops knew the Vasic M.12 as the "Vasicka" after its designer, Colonel Miloš Vasic of the Serbian Army, or the "Kragujevka" after the Serbian Kragujevac military works where they were made.

The Vasic M.12, which resembles an oblong bar of soap, is often described as a "percussion" hand grenade, but this is a misnomer. A percussion grenade explodes on impact with the target whereas the M.12 has a cap on the top of the detonator which must be snapped off before the detonator can be impacted by the user. This causes the grenade to explode twelve seconds later.[99]

It was a Vasic M.12 that Nedeljko Čabrinović carried. He struck the detonator on a lamppost and threw the grenade immediately. Had he been able to wait a few seconds, as advised, the grenade may have killed the occupants of the royal car rather than bouncing off and exploding under the following vehicle.[100] But, he didn't have time because the Archduke's car would have passed by then.

The Austro-Hungarian authorities used Vasic M12s, captured from the assassins, as evidence to implicate Serbia's government and military in the assassination plot.

Royal car

  • Model: Double Phaeton
    The Royal Car-Military History Museum in Vienna, Austria.
  • Year of manufacture: 1911
  • Manufacturer: Gräf & Stift of Austria (1907 to 1938)
  • Type: 28/32 PS
  • Body: Convertible
  • # of seats: 4 plus 2 jump seats behind first row
  • # of doors: 4
  • Engine: 4 Cylinder, 5.88 litre, 32 horse power, petrol
  • Transmission: Front wheel drive[citation needed]
  • Colour: Bright red at time of assassination[citation needed] (colour changed later)
  • Licence plate: A11 118 (Austria)

The Gräf & Stift Double Phaeton was hand made to order for special clients. This range of expensive luxury limousines were considered to be 'Austrian Rolls Royces'.

The Imperial and Royal Voluntary Automobile Corps, a unit of reserve officers, supplied cars for official visits. Colonel Franz Harrach, who was a friend of the Archduke's, owned the Gräf & Stift open top sports tourer[101] and rode in it with the royal couple. Some pictures of the incident show the car without the folded roof behind the rear seat; it may have been removed after the bombing, presumably because it was damaged as was the back of the car.

The bullet that killed Sophie penetrated the top of the body above the right rear wheel and entered the right side of her abdomen. Subsequently the car was repaired and had a number of owners. It is now displayed in the Museum of Military History (Heeresgeschichtliches) in Vienna; the location of the bullet hole is marked by a silver circle.

Exhibits

On permanent display in the Museum of Military History (Heeresgeschichtliches Museum) in Vienna, Austria:

  • The pistol that Princip fired
  • The Gräf & Stift Double Phaeton car in which the Archduke and Sophie were riding
  • The Archduke's bloodstained light blue uniform and plumed cocked hat
  • The chaise longue on which the Archduke died

Stored as an exhibit in the Konopiště Castle near Benešov, Czech Republic:


Notes

Franz Ferdinand's blood-stained uniform-Military History Museum in Vienna, Austria.
  1. ^ a b c Ponting (2002, pp. 17)
  2. ^ MacKenzie pp. 22
  3. ^ Strachan (2001, pp. 36)
  4. ^ Dedijer pp. 243
  5. ^ Dedijer pp. 240-2
  6. ^ Dedijer pp. 203–4
  7. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 50)
  8. ^ Gilbert (1994, pp. 17)
  9. ^ a b Dedijer pp. 9
  10. ^ Strachan (2001, pp. 58)
  11. ^ Taylor (1963, pp. 13)
  12. ^ Strachan (2001, pp. 46)
  13. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 27–28, 79)
  14. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 76–77)
  15. ^ Dedijer pp. 282
  16. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 78)
  17. ^ Dedijer pp. 283. Note that Dedijer places the meeting in Sarajevo, not Mostar.
  18. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 78–79) Note the date error: 25 July should read 25 June.
  19. ^ Dedijer pp. 398
  20. ^ Owings pp. 117–118, 129–131, 140, 142
  21. ^ Owings pp. 58–59
  22. ^ a b Owings
  23. ^ Owings pp. 26–27, 27–28, 30
  24. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 56)
  25. ^ a b Owings pp. 59
  26. ^ Owings pp. 41, 46
  27. ^ Owings pp. 109–110
  28. ^ Owings pp. 106
  29. ^ Owings pp. 40, 59
  30. ^ Magrini pp. 94–95
  31. ^ Fromkin pp. 125
  32. ^ a b Fromkin pp. 127
  33. ^ a b Fromkin pp. 262
  34. ^ a b c Fromkin pp. 126
  35. ^ Fromkin pp. 155
  36. ^ Owings pp. 36–38
  37. ^ Dedijer pp. 296
  38. ^ Dedijer pp. 296–297
  39. ^ Dedijer pp. 298
  40. ^ Owings pp. 61–64
  41. ^ a b Dedijer pp. 388–89
  42. ^ Dedijer pp. 503
  43. ^ a b Dedijer pp. 390, 505
  44. ^ Dedijer pp. 300–301
  45. ^ Dedijer pp. 303
  46. ^ Dedijer pp. 305
  47. ^ Owings pp. 185–186
  48. ^ Owings pp. 118–119
  49. ^ Owings pp. 126
  50. ^ Dedijer pp. 309
  51. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 49)
  52. ^ Dedijer pp. 11
  53. ^ Dedijer pp. 9, 12
  54. ^ Dedijer pp. 313
  55. ^ a b Dedijer pp. 12
  56. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 35)
  57. ^ Dedijer Chapter XIV, footnote 21
  58. ^ a b Albertini (1953, pp. 36–37)
  59. ^ Dedijer pp. 13–14
  60. ^ Dedijer pp. 15
  61. ^ Time Magazine Milestones (as Leopold Lojka)
  62. ^ a b c Belfield pp. 237
  63. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 36–7)
  64. ^ a b Dedijer pp. 160-161
  65. ^ Documents Diplomatiques Francais pp. 3
  66. ^ Owings pp. 159
  67. ^ Owings pp. 170
  68. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 50–51)
  69. ^ Owings pp. 56
  70. ^ Dedijer pp. 345–6
  71. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 68)
  72. ^ Owings pp. 527–530
  73. ^ Magrini pp. 95
  74. ^ MacKenzie pp. 392
  75. ^ MacKenzie pp. 2
  76. ^ MacKenzie pp. 329, 344–347
  77. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 100–101)
  78. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 99)
  79. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 90)
  80. ^ Magrini pp. 115–6
  81. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 102–3)
  82. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 106)
  83. ^ MacKenzie pp. 241–242
  84. ^ Dedijer pp. 399
  85. ^ MacKenzie pp. 391
  86. ^ Dedijer pp. 394
  87. ^ MacKenzie pp. 133–134, 137, 143, and in entirety
  88. ^ Crampton (1994, pp. 6)
  89. ^ Dedijer pp. 289
  90. ^ Owings pp. 57
  91. ^ Owings pp. 65
  92. ^ Owings pp. 89
  93. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 282–3)
  94. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 84)
  95. ^ Trydar-Burzinski pp. 128
  96. ^ de Schelking pp. 194–5
  97. ^ Albertini (1953, pp. 273)
  98. ^ The School of Rock, John Sutherland
  99. ^ Dedijer pp. 293
  100. ^ Dedijer pp. 319
  101. ^ Ponting (2002, pp. 11)
  102. ^ Time.com

References

Franz Ferdinand and Sophie on an Austro-Hungarian stamp
  • Albertini, Luigi (1953) Origins of the War of 1914 (Vol 2 of 3). Oxford University Press. London. Vol. 2 (Also 2005 edition (3 Vols)) published by Enigma Books. ISBN 1-929631-26-X Amazon)
  • Belfield, Richard (2005) The Assassination Business: A History of State-Sponsored Murder. Carroll & Graf Publishers. New York. ISBN 0786713437
  • Crampton, R.J. (1994) First World War. Routledge. London, New York, Canada. ISBN 0-415-10691-5
  • Dedijer, Vladimir (1966) The Road to Sarajevo. Simon and Schuster. New York.
  • de Schelking, Eugene (1918) Recollections of a Russian Diplomat, The Suicide of Monarchies (William II and Nicholas II). McMillan Co. New York. Internet Archive ebook
  • Documents Diplomatiques Francais, III Serie, 1911–14. X Doc. 537. (This document notes that the diplomatic cable to investigate the January 1914 irredentist planning meeting in France was forwarded to the National Security Department Secret Service but they did not report back)
  • Fromkin, David (2004) Europe’s Last Summer: Why the World Went to War in 1914. Alfred Knopf. New York. ISBN 0434008583
  • Gilbert, Martin (1994) First World War. Orion Publishing Group Ltd. London. ISBN 0-297-81312-9
  • MacKenzie, David (1995) Black Hand On Trial: Salonika 1917 (Eastern European Monographs). Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-88033-320-0
  • Magrini, Luciano (1929) Il Dramma Di Seraievo. Origini e responsabilita della guerra europa. Milan.
  • Owings, W.A. Dolph (1984) The Sarajevo Trial. Documentary Publications. Chapel Hill, NC. ISBN 0897121228
  • Ponting, Clive (2002) Thirteen Days: the Road to the First World War. Chatto & Windus. London. ISBN 0-701-17293-2 OCLC 49872036
  • Strachan, Hew (2001) The First World War Volume 1: To Arms. Oxford University Press. Oxford. ISBN 0-19-926191-1
  • Taylor, A.J.P. (1963) The First World War: An Illustrated History. Penguin Books. London. ISBN 0-14-002481-6
  • Trydar-Burzinski, Louis (1926) Le Crépuscule d’une autocratie. Florence.

Further reading

  • Clancy, Tim (2004). Bosnia & Herzegovina. UK, USA: Bradt Travel Guides Ltd. ISBN 1-84162-094-7. 
  • Fay, Sidney Bradshaw (1930). The Origins of the World War. New York: Macmillan Co. OCLC 646134. 
  • Gavrilović, Stoyan (1955). New Evidence on the Sarajevo Assassination (The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 27, No. 4, Dec. 1955, pp. 410 to 413). USA: University of Chicago Press.  Jstor.org preview
  • Glenny, Misha (1999). The Balkans, 1804 to 1999 - Nationalism, War, and the Great Powers. London: Granta Publications. ISBN 1-862070-050-4. 
  • Judah, Tim (1997). The Serbs, History, Myth & the Destruction of Yugoslavia. New Haven, London: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-07656-8. 
  • Marshall, Samuel, Lyman, Atwood (2001). World War 1: 1914 to 1918. New York: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 0618056866.  Google Books preview
  • Morris & Murphy, Terry & Derrick (2000). Europe 1870-1991. London: Harper Collins Publishers Ltd. ISBN 0-00-327133-1. 
  • Smith, David James (2008). One Morning in Sarajevo: 28 June 1914. London: Orion Publishing Group Ltd. ISBN 0297851446. 
  • Stoessinger, John (1998). Why Nations Go To War. Wadsworth Pub Co.. ISBN 9780495797180. OCLC 436029918. 
  • Treusch, Wolf Sören (2004). Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand und seine Gemahlin werden in Sarajevo Ermordet (Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his Wife are Murdered in Sarajevo). Berlin: DLF. 

External links

The Museum of Military History, Vienna

Coordinates: 43°51′28.5″N 18°25′43.5″E / 43.857917°N 18.42875°E / 43.857917; 18.42875


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