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Cem



The central Alevi ritual.

The purpose of all Alevi rituals (ibadet), including the Jem is to foster love (muhabbet) and unity (birlik) in the community. The early tragedy of Imam Hussain's martyrdom symbolizes all the discrimination and persecution suffered by Alevis since then.<ref>David Shankland. �Social Change and Culture: Responses to Modernization in an Alevi Village in Anatolia�2, in C.N. Hann, ed., 1994. When History Accelerates: Essays on Rapid Social Change, Complexity, and Creativity, London: Athlone Press, pp. 243-244. See also Krisztina Kehl-Bodorgi. 1988. Die Kizilbash/Aleviten, pp. 179-180</ref>

In Anatolia, assemblies have been traditionally held on Thursday evenings and called Juma Akshamlar (Turkish: Cuma akşamlar), literally, “Friday nights.” However, for convenience, in some places today they are held during the day on Sundays, which is the official weekly holiday in Turkey.

A building or room set apart for such meetings is called an assembly house Jemevi (Turkish: Cemevi), but private homes are also a suitable location for an assembly meeting. Jemevi do not have minarets, and Jem meetings are not announced by a call to prayer Adhan.

The celebration includes a sacrificial meal (lokma), a ritual alcoholic drink, nefes hymns accompanied by music on the saz, dance (sema), and the ritual lighting and extinguishing of candles. In the villages of Anatolia the ayn-i cem takes place only in the absence of distrusted outsiders, and is held at night under great secrecy.<ref>David Shankland. �Social Change and Culture: Responses to Modernization in an Alevi Village in Anatolia�2, in C.N. Hann, ed., 1994. When History Accelerates: Essays on Rapid Social Change, Complexity, and Creativity, London: Athlone Press, pp. 244-245.</ref>

The ceremony is held once a year under the leadership of a dede assisted by a rehber, is held in a Cemevi, private house or a public building, which become the Cemevi, once a year. Women are included on an equal footing with men. The ceremony cannot take place unless there is a general reconciliation among all members of the community, which is achieved by questioning community members. Punishments for confessed transgressions are meted out, and include fines, corporal punishment, and temporary excommunication. <ref>Krisztina Kehl-Bodrogi. 1988. Die Kizilbash/Aleviten, p. 211. See also Martin Stokes. �Ritual, Identity and the State: An Alevi (Shi�a) Cem Ceremony�, in Kirsten E. Schulze et al. eds., 1996. Nationalism, Minorities and Diasporas: Identities and Rights in the Middle East, , pp. 196-198. Stokes describes a cem celebration in a city, Iskenderun, and notes the differences to the rural ceremonies. The urban celebration was open to the public and centered more on Sema dances and deyis music. The dispute arbitrating session was absent. Stokes explained the differences by the desire of urban Alevis to present an acceptable public image of Alevism to the general public. Stokes also noticed that on the wall of the hall hung three portraits: one of Haci Bektas Veli, the other of Ali, and in between, that of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.</ref>

A traditional Alevi cem is only open to those who have made a commitment to each other and to follow their dede. No unreconciled people can participate in an assembly. Before the dede holds the religious services he acts as a judge in a kind of people's court (halk mahkemesi), reconciling differences between congregational members. Those who do not confess their personal sins or who are not reconciled with others are disciplined by the dede, and are considered put out of fellowship (düşkünlük). They are not entitled to take part in the service or share in the community meal until they repent.

Open, public cems are held in some cities today. Their format is somewhat different than a traditional village cem. The following is a brief description of the kind of assembly a visitor may be invited to attend or will see demonstrated on television.

The dede sits on a sheepskin (post) on the floor at one end or side of the room. The congregation, which consists of both men and women, sits in a circle on the floor facing each other. There is no physical separation of men and women. The women are not required to wear any certain type of clothing or to cover their heads, although many do. Children are also allowed in the meeting.

Participants in the assembly take off their shoes before entering the room. A visitor will generally not see Alevis perform ceremonial washings Wudu immediately before a public service; worshipers are instructed to come to the assembly after they clean themselves all over by bathing or showering. Most Alevis say coming to worship clean on the inside (batıni or iç temizlik) is at least as important as being clean on the outside (zahiri or dış temizlik). Many say inner cleanliness is even more important.

The service mainly consists of the dede saying prayers, giving short religious messages, singing solo ballads, and leading the congregation in singing. Another key element is a circling ritual dance semah performed by selected men and women in a group that can vary in size. The dede plays a seven stringed lute called a saz or bağlama while singing and while the dance is being performed. Sometimes an accompanist zakir will play a lute with, or instead of, the dede. During certain parts of the service, the congregation assumes a worship position, kneeling and sitting on their ankles, occasionally bowing their heads to the floor in unison (halka namaz).

The service is held entirely in Turkish, including all the prayers and singing. However, in some cems portions of the Kuran may be read in Arabic. The subjects of the ballads, prayers and speeches include encouraging the congregation to love God, to love other people, and to apply the teachings of Muhammed, Ali, the twelve imams, and Haji Bektash. An emotional climax of the service is one or more ballads in memory of the murders of Ali and his sons. The murder of Ali’s son, Hüseyin, at the battle of Karbala is especially remembered, the commemoration of the martyrs of Karbala has today been generally replaced with remembrance of the victims of Sivas.

To conclude the worship service, the congregation shares a meal together, which usually includes a ram that has been ceremonially sacrificed.

There are other details involved in the assembly meeting, comprising twelve acts of service called Hizmet, such as distributing holy water Niyaz, sweeping the floor, lighting candles etc.

Though Alevis are mystical in many of their beliefs, they do have regular form or design in their ceremonies and practices. Traditionalist Alevis believe that certain exact rituals must be followed and specific prayers said during cems and for all other religious rites and ceremonies. Because most Alevi forms and traditions have been passed down the generations orally rather than in writing, these forms may vary from region to region. However, non-traditionalist Alevis will say that it is not necessary to follow any form strictly.

References


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Literature

  • John Kingsley Birge, The Bektashi order of dervishes, London and Hartford, 1937 (out of print)
  • Karin Vorhoff, Zwischen Glaube, Nation und neuer Gemeinschaft: Alevitische Identität in der Türkei der Gegenwart, Berlin, 1995
  • Irène Mélikoff, Hadji Bektach, Un mythe et ses avatars. Genèse et évolution du soufisme populaire en Turquie., Leiden, 1998 [Islamic History and Civilization, Studies and Texts, volume 20], ISBN 90-04-10954-4
  • Aykan Erdemir, "Tradition and Modernity: Alevis' Ambiguous Terms and Turkey's Ambivalent Subjects", Middle Eastern Studies, 2005, vol.41, no.6, pp.937-951.
  • Ali Yaman and Aykan Erdemir, Alevism-Bektashism: A Brief Introduction, London: England Alevi Cultural Centre & Cem Evi, 2006, ISBN 975-98065-3-3

  • John Brown, The Darvishes of Oriental Spiritualism, 1927, 1st Edition.

  • Matti Moosa, Extremist Shiites: the Ghulat Sects, Syracuse University Press, 1988.

  • Burhan Kocadağ, Alevi Bektaşi Tarihi, Can Yayınları, 1996.

  • Irene Melikoff, Uyur İdik Uyardılar, Cem Yayınevi, 1993.







































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