Charles De Gaulle: Wikis


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Charles de Gaulle

In office
8 January 1959 – 28 April 1969
Prime Minister Michel Debré (1959–1961)
Georges Pompidou (1962–1968)
Maurice Couve de Murville (1968–1969)
Preceded by René Coty
Succeeded by Alain Poher (interim)
Georges Pompidou

In office
18 June 1940 – 3 July 1944
Preceded by French Third Republic
Succeeded by Provisional Government of the French Republic

President of the Provisional Government of the French Republic
In office
20 August 1944 – 20 January 1946
Preceded by Philippe Pétain
(de facto, as chief of state of Vichy France)

Pierre Laval (de facto, as chief of government)
Succeeded by Felix Gouin

In office
1 June 1958 – 8 January 1959
President René Coty
Preceded by Pierre Pflimlin
Succeeded by Michel Debré

In office
1 June 1958 – 8 January 1959
President René Coty
Prime Minister Charles de Gaulle
Preceded by Pierre de Chevigné
Succeeded by Pierre Guillaumat

Born 22 November 1890(1890-11-22)
Lille, France
Died 9 November 1970 (aged 79)
Colombey-les-Deux-Églises, France
Political party Rally of the French People (1947-1955)
Union for the New Republic (1958–1968)
Union of Democrats for the Republic (1968–1970)
Spouse(s) Yvonne de Gaulle
Occupation Military
Religion Roman Catholic

Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle (French pronunciation: [ʃaʁl də ɡol]  ( listen), English: /ˈ(t)ʃɑɹlz dəˈɡɔːl/; 22 November 1890 – 9 November 1970) was a French general and statesman who led the Free French Forces during World War II. He later founded the French Fifth Republic in 1958 and served as its first President from 1959 to 1969.[1] In France, he is commonly referred to as Général de Gaulle or simply Le Général, or by his detractors as "la Grande Zora".[2]

A veteran of World War I, in the 1920s and 1930s de Gaulle came to the fore as a proponent of armoured warfare and advocate of military aviation, which he considered a means to break the stalemate of trench warfare. During World War II, he reached the temporary rank of Brigadier General, leading one of the few successful armoured counter-attacks during the 1940 Fall of France, and then briefly served in the French government as France was falling. He escaped to England and gave a famous radio address in June 1940, exhorting the French people to resist Nazi Germany[3] and organised the Free French Forces with exiled French officers in Britain.[4]

He gradually obtained control of all French colonies - most of which had at first been controlled by the pro-German Vichy regime - and by the time of the the liberation of France in 1944 he was heading a government in exile, insisting that France be treated as an independent great power by the other Allies. De Gaulle became prime minister in the French Provisional Government, resigning in 1946 due to political conflicts.[5] After the war he founded his own political party, the RPF. Although he retired from politics in the early 1950s after the RPF's failure to win power, he was voted back to power as prime minister by the French Assembly during the May 1958 crisis. De Gaulle led the writing of a new constitution founding the Fifth Republic,[6] and was elected President of France, an office which now held much greater power than in the Third and Fourth Republics.[7]

As President, Charles de Gaulle ended the political chaos that preceded his return to power. A new French currency was issued in January 1960 to control inflation and industrial growth was promoted. Although he initially supported French rule over Algeria, he controversially decided to grant independence to that country, ending an expensive and unpopular war but leaving France divided and having to face down opposition from the white settlers and French military who had originally supported his return to power.

De Gaulle oversaw the development of French atomic weapons and promoted a pan-European foreign policy, seeking independence from U.S. and British influence. He withdrew France from NATO military command - although remaining a member of the western alliance - and twice vetoed Britain's entry into the European Community. He travelled widely in Eastern Europe and other parts of the world and recognised Communist China. On a visit to Canada he gave encouragement to Quebec Separatism.

During his term, de Gaulle also faced controversy and political opposition from Communists and Socialists. Despite having been re-elected as President, this time by direct popular ballot, in 1965, in May 1968 he appeared likely to lose power amidst widespread protests by students and workers, but survived the crisis with an increased majority in the Assembly. However, de Gaulle resigned after losing a referendum in 1969, but remains the most influential leader in modern French history.


Early life and military career

De Gaulle was born in the industrial region of Lille in French Flanders, the second of five children of Henri de Gaulle, a professor of philosophy and literature at a Jesuit college, who eventually founded his own school.[8] He was raised in a family of devout Roman Catholics who were nationalist and traditionalist, but also quite progressive.[9]

De Gaulle's father, Henri, came from a long line of aristocrats from Normandy and Burgundy, while his mother, Jeanne Maillot, descended from a family of rich entrepreneurs from Lille.[10]

According to Henri, the family's true origin was never determined, but could have been Celtic or Flemish. He thought that the name could be derived from the word gaule—a long pole which was used in the Middle Ages to beat olives from the trees.[11][12] Another source has the name deriving from Galle, meaning "oak" in the Gaulish language, and the sacred tree of the druids.[13] Since de Gaulle's family hailed from French Flanders, the name could also be a francisised form of the common Dutch Van de walle meaning From the moat.

De Gaulle was educated in Paris at the College Stanislas and also briefly in Belgium. Since childhood, he had displayed a keen interest in reading and studying history.[8] Choosing a military career, de Gaulle spent four years studying and training at the elite military academy, Saint-Cyr. While there, and because of his height, high forehead, and nose, he acquired the nicknames of "the great asparagus".[14][15] and "Cyrano".[16] He acquired yet another nickname, Le Connétable, when he was a prisoner of war in Germany during the Great War. This had come about because of the talks which he gave to fellow prisoners on the progress of the conflict. These were delivered with such patriotic ardour and confidence in victory that they called him by the title which had been given to the commander-in-chief of the French army during the monarchy.[17] Graduating from St Cyr in 1912, he joined the 33rd infantry regiment of the French Army, based at Arras and commanded by Colonel (and future Marshal) Pétain. While serving during World War I, he reached the rank of captain, commanding a company. He was wounded several times, one of them in the left hand, as a result of which he wore his wedding ring on his right hand in later life. He was captured at Douaumont in the Battle of Verdun in March 1916.[8] While being held as a prisoner of war by the German Army, de Gaulle wrote his first book, co-written by Matthieu Butler, "L'Ennemi et le vrai ennemi" (The Enemy and the True Enemy), analyzing the issues and divisions within the German Empire and its forces; the book was published in 1924. After the armistice, de Gaulle continued to serve in the army and on the staff of General Maxime Weygand's military mission to Poland during its war with Communist Russia (1919–1921), working as an instructor to Polish infantry forces.[8] He distinguished himself in operations near the River Zbrucz and won the highest Polish military decoration, the Virtuti Militari.[18]

He was promoted to Commandant in the Polish Army and offered a further career in Poland, but chose instead to return to France, where he taught at the École Militaire, becoming a protégé of his old commander, Marshal Philippe Pétain.[8] De Gaulle was heavily influenced by the use of tanks and rapid maneuvers rather than trench warfare.

De Gaulle served with the Army of Occupation in the Rhineland in the mid 1920s. He also — as a Commandant (Major) by the late 1920s - briefly commanded a light infantry battalion at Treves and then served a tour of duty in Syria, then a French colony. During the 1930s, now a lieutenant-colonel, he served as a staff officer in France.

In the 1920s - 1930s, de Gaulle wrote various books and articles on military subjects that revealed him to be a gifted writer and an imaginative thinker.[8] In 1931, he published Le fil de l’épée (Eng. tr., The Edge of the Sword, 1960), an analysis of military and political leadership based on lectures which he had given in the 1920s. He also published Vers l’armée de métier (1934; Eng. tr., The Army of the Future, 1941) and La France et son armée (1938; Eng. tr., France and Her Army, 1945). He urged the creation of a mechanised army with special armoured divisions manned by a corps of professional specialist soldiers instead of the static theories exemplified by the Maginot Line. While views similar to de Gaulle's were later advanced by Britain's J.F.C. Fuller, Germany's Heinz Guderian, United States' Dwight D. Eisenhower and George S. Patton, Russia's Mikhail Tukhachevsky, and Poland's General Władysław Sikorski, most of de Gaulle's theories were rejected by other French army officers, including his mentor Pétain with whom relations consequently became strained. French politicians also dismissed de Gaulle's ideas, questioning the political reliability of a professional army — with the notable exception of Paul Reynaud, who would play a major role in de Gaulle's career. According to Albert Speer, Adolf Hitler himself claimed to have planned the invasion of western Europe with de Gaulle's theories in mind.[19]

Free French leader during World War II

The plaque commemorating the headquarters of General de Gaulle at 4 Carlton Gardens during World War II

At the outbreak of World War II, de Gaulle was only a colonel, having antagonised the leaders of the military through the 1920s and 1930s with his bold views. Initially commanding a tank regiment in the French 5th Army, de Gaulle implemented many of his theories and tactics for armoured warfare. After the German breakthrough at Sedan on 15 May 1940 he was given command of the 4th Armoured Division.[20] On 17 May, de Gaulle attacked German tank forces at Montcornet with 200 tanks but no air support; on 28 May, de Gaulle's tanks forced the German infantry to retreat to Caumont—some of the few tactical successes the French enjoyed while suffering defeats across the country. De Gaulle was promoted to the rank of brigadier general, which he would hold for the rest of his life.[21]

On 6 June, Prime Minister Paul Reynaud appointed him Under Secretary of State for National Defense and War and put him in charge of coordination with the United Kingdom.[22] As a junior member of the French government, he unsuccessfully opposed surrender, advocating instead that the government remove itself to North Africa and carry on the war as best it could from France's African colonies. While serving as a liaison with the British government, de Gaulle telephoned Paul Reynaud, the French prime minister, from London on 16 June informing him of the offer by Britain of a Declaration of Union.[23] This would have in effect merged France and the United Kingdom into a single country, with a single government and a single army for the duration of the war. This was a desperate last-minute effort to strengthen the resolve of those members of the French government who were in favor of fighting on.

The man behind the offer of a declaration of union was Jean Monnet, who was based in London as President of the Franco-British Committee of Co-operation. Monnet had first sought the advice of Desmond Morton, Churchill's Personal Assistant, who suggested that the proposal be put to Churchill through Neville Chamberlain. The latter interceded with Churchill and the idea was put before the Cabinet, where it was approved. The final document was drafted by Robert Vansittart, Permanent Secretary to the Foreign Office, in conjunction with Monnet himself, Morton, Sir Arthur Salter, MP for Oxford University, and Monnet's deputy at the Franco-British Committee of Co-operation, René Pleven.[24]

When the proposal was put before Churchill, he was initially unenthusiastic. However, de Gaulle managed to convince him that "some dramatic move was essential to give Reynaud the support which he needed to keep his Government in the war".[25] Yet despite his endorsement of the extraordinary proposal at the time, de Gaulle later sought to distance himself from it. During an interview in 1964, which was reported in Paris Match shortly after the general's death, de Gaulle had remarked that he and Churchill had tried to improvise something but that neither of them had any illusions. It had been a myth, like other myths, dreamed up by Jean Monnet. This report brought an instant rebuttal from Monnet, who insisted that he had personally informed de Gaulle of the proposition and that the latter had simply acquiesced, albeit with great hesitation. De Gaulle's intervention in the matter had been later.[26]

General de Gaulle speaking on the BBC during the war

Returning the same day to Bordeaux, the temporary wartime capital, de Gaulle learned that Marshal Pétain had become prime minister and was planning to seek an armistice with Nazi Germany. De Gaulle and allied officers rebelled against the new French government; on the morning of 17 June, de Gaulle and other senior French officers fled the country with 100,000 gold francs in secret funds provided to him by the ex-prime minister Paul Reynaud. Narrowly escaping the Luftwaffe, he landed safely in London that afternoon. De Gaulle strongly denounced the French government's decision to seek peace with the Nazis and set about building the Free French Forces out of the soldiers and officers who were deployed outside France and in its colonies or had fled France with him. On 18 June, de Gaulle delivered a famous radio address via the BBC Radio service. Although the British cabinet initially attempted to block the speech, they were overruled by Churchill. De Gaulle's Appeal of 18 June exhorted the French people to not be demoralised and to continue to resist the occupation of France and work against the Vichy regime, which had signed an armistice with Nazi Germany. Although the original speech could only be heard in a few parts of occupied France, de Gaulle's subsequent ones reached many parts of the territories under the Vichy regime, helping to rally the French resistance movement and earning him much popularity amongst the French people and soldiers. On 4 July 1940, a court-martial in Toulouse sentenced de Gaulle in absentia to four years in prison. At a second court-martial on 2 August 1940 de Gaulle was condemned to death for treason against the Vichy regime.[20]

Charles de Gaulle, 1942

With British support, de Gaulle settled himself in Berkhamstead (36 miles northwest of London) and began organising the Free French forces. Gradually, the Allies gave increasing support and recognition to de Gaulle's efforts. In dealings with his British allies and the United States, de Gaulle insisted at all times on retaining full freedom of action on behalf of France, and he was constantly on the verge of being cut off by the Allies. He harbored a suspicion of the British in particular, believing that they were surreptitiously seeking to steal France's colonial possessions in the Levant. Clementine Churchill, who admired de Gaulle, once cautioned him, "General, you must not hate your friends more than you hate your enemies." De Gaulle himself stated famously, "France has no friends, only interests."[27] The situation was nonetheless complex, and de Gaulle's mistrust of both British and U.S. intentions with regards to France was mirrored in particular by a mistrust of the Free French among the U.S. political leadership, who for a long time refused to recognise de Gaulle as the representative of France, preferring to deal with representatives of the Vichy government. Roosevelt in particular hoped that it would be possible to wean Pétain away from Germany.[3]

Free French Generals Henri Giraud (left) and Charles de Gaulle sit down after shaking hands in presence of Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill (Casablanca Conference, 14 January 1943)

Working with the French resistance and supporters in France's colonial African possessions after the Anglo-U.S. invasion of North Africa in November 1942, de Gaulle moved his headquarters to Algiers in May, 1943. He became first joint head (with the less resolutely independent General Henri Giraud, the candidate preferred by the U.S. who wrongly suspected de Gaulle of being a British puppet) and then - after squeezing out Giraud by force of personality - sole chairman of the French Committee of National Liberation.[20]

At the liberation of France following Operation Overlord, he quickly established the authority of the Free French Forces in France, avoiding an Allied Military Government for Occupied Territories. He flew into France from the French colony of Algeria a few days before the liberation of Paris by Leclerc's French Armoured Division, and drove near the front of the liberating forces into the city alongside Allied officials. De Gaulle made a famous speech emphasising the role of France's people in her liberation.[28]

Problems listening to this file? See media help.

After his return to Paris, he moved back into his office at the War Ministry, thus proclaiming continuity of the Third Republic and denying the legitimacy of the Vichy regime.[29]

Under the leadership of General de Lattre de Tassigny France fielded an entire army - a joint force of Free French together with French colonial troops from North Africa - on the western front. Initially landing as part of Operation Dragoon, the invasion of southern France, the French First Army helped to liberate almost one third of the country and meant that France actively rejoined the Allies in the struggle against Germany. The French First Army captured a large section of territory in southern Germany after the Rhine crossings, thus enabling France to be an active participant in the signing of the German surrender. Also, through the intervention of the British and Americans at Yalta and despite the resistance of the Russians, a French zone of occupation was created in Germany.[30]

General de Gaulle delivering a speech in liberated Cherbourg from the Hôtel de ville (town hall).

De Gaulle served as President of the Provisional Government of the French Republic starting in September, 1944 and visiting Moscow for talks with Stalin at the end of 1944. He sent the French Far East Expeditionary Corps to re-establish French sovereignty in French Indochina in 1945. He made Admiral d'Argenlieu High commissioner of French Indochina and General Leclerc commander-in-chief in French Indochina and commander of the expeditionary corps.[31] De Gaulle finally resigned on 20 January 1946, complaining of conflict between the political parties, and disapproving of the draft constitution for the Fourth Republic, which he believed placed too much power in the hands of a parliament with its shifting party alliances.[32] He was succeeded by Félix Gouin (French Section of the Workers' International, SFIO), then Georges Bidault (Popular Republican Movement, MRP) and finally Léon Blum (SFIO).[33]

1946–58: Out of power

De Gaulle's opposition to the proposed constitution failed as the parties of the left supported a parliamentary regime. The second draft constitution narrowly approved at the referendum of October 1946 was even less to de Gaulle's liking than the first. He then returned to his home at Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises to write his war memoirs.[8]

In April 1947 de Gaulle made a renewed attempt to transform the political scene by creating a Rassemblement du Peuple Français (Rally of the French People, or RPF), but after initial success the movement lost momentum. In May 1953, he withdrew again from active politics, though the RPF lingered until September 1955.[8]

He once more retired to his country home to continue his war memoirs, Mémoires de guerre.[8] The famous opening paragraph of this work begins by declaring, "All my life, I have had a certain idea of France (une certaine idée de la France)", comparing his country to an old painting of a Madonna, and ends by declaring that, given the divisive nature of French politics, France cannot truly live up to this ideal without a policy of "grandeur" (roughly "greatness"). During this period of formal retirement, however, de Gaulle maintained regular contact with past political lieutenants from wartime and RPF days, including sympathisers involved in political developments in French Algeria.

1958: Collapse of the Fourth Republic

The Fourth Republic was tainted by political instability, failures in Indochina and inability to resolve the Algerian question. It did, however, pass the 1956 loi-cadre Deferre which granted independence to Tunisia and Morocco, while the Premier Pierre Mendès-France put an end to the Indochina War through the Geneva Conference of 1954.[34]

On 13 May 1958, settlers seized the government buildings in Algiers, attacking what they saw as French government weakness in the face of demands among the Arab majority for Algerian independence. A "Committee of Civil and Army Public Security" was created under the presidency of General Jacques Massu, a Gaullist sympathiser. General Raoul Salan, Commander-in-Chief in Algeria, announced on radio that he was assuming provisional power, and appealed for "confidence in the Army and its leaders".[35]

Under the pressure of Massu, Salan declared Vive de Gaulle! from the balcony of the Algiers Government-General building on 15 May.[36] De Gaulle answered two days later that he was ready to "assume the powers of the Republic".[37] Many worried as they saw this answer as support for the army.

At a 19 May press conference, de Gaulle asserted again that he was at the disposal of the country. As a journalist expressed the concerns of some who feared that he would violate civil liberties, de Gaulle retorted vehemently:

"Have I ever done that? On the contrary, I have reestablished them when they had disappeared. Who honestly believes that, at age 67, I would start a career as a dictator?"[38]

A republican by conviction, de Gaulle maintained throughout the crisis that he would accept power only from the lawfully constituted authorities.

The crisis deepened as French paratroops from Algeria seized Corsica and a landing near Paris was discussed (Operation Resurrection).[39] Political leaders on many sides agreed to support the General's return to power, except François Mitterrand, Pierre Mendès-France, Alain Savary, the Communist Party, and certain other leftists. On 29 May the French President, René Coty, appealed to the "most illustrious of Frenchmen" to confer with him and to examine what was immediately necessary for the creation of a government of national safety, and what could be done to bring about a profound reform of the country's institutions.[40]

De Gaulle remained intent on replacing the constitution of the Fourth Republic, which he blamed for France's political weakness. (Indeed he had resigned 12 years previously because he believed the parties made the task of government too difficult.) He set as a condition for his return that he be given wide emergency powers for six months and that a new constitution be proposed to the French people.[41] On 1 June 1958, de Gaulle became Premier and was given emergency powers for six months by the National Assembly.[42]

On 28 September 1958, a referendum took place and 79.2 percent of those who voted supported the new constitution and the creation of the Fifth Republic. The colonies (Algeria was officially a part of France, not a colony) were given the choice between immediate independence and the new constitution. All African colonies voted for the new constitution and the replacement of the French Union by the French Community, except Guinea, which thus became the first French African colony to gain independence, at the cost of the immediate ending of all French assistance.[43]

According to de Gaulle, the head of state should represent "the spirit of the nation" to the nation itself and to the world: "une certaine idée de la France" (a certain idea of France).[44]

1958–62: Founding of the Fifth Republic

De Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer in 1961 at the Köln/Bonn airport

In the November 1958 elections, de Gaulle and his supporters (initially organised in the Union pour la Nouvelle République-Union Démocratique du Travail, then the Union des Démocrates pour la Vème République, and later still the Union des Démocrates pour la République, UDR) won a comfortable majority. In December, de Gaulle was elected President by the electoral college with 78% of the vote, and inaugurated in January 1959.[45]

He oversaw tough economic measures to revitalise the country, including the issuing of a new franc (worth 100 old francs).[46] Internationally, he rebuffed both the United States and the Soviet Union, pushing for an independent France with its own nuclear weapons, and strongly encouraged a "Free Europe", believing that a confederation of all European nations would restore the past glories of the great European empires.[47] He set about building Franco-German cooperation as the cornerstone of the European Economic Community (EEC), paying the first state visit to Germany by a French head of state since Napoleon.[48] In January 1963, Germany and France signed a treaty of friendship, the Élysée Treaty.[49] France also reduced its dollar reserves, trading them for gold from the U.S. government, thereby reducing the US' economic influence abroad.[50]

On 23 November 1959, in a speech in Strasbourg, de Gaulle announced his vision for Europe:

Oui, c’est l’Europe, depuis l’Atlantique jusqu’à l’Oural, c’est toute l’Europe, qui décidera du destin du monde.

("Yes, it is Europe, from the Atlantic to the Urals, it is the whole of Europe, that will decide the destiny of the world.")

Monument to de Gaulle in Moscow

His expression, "Europe, from the Atlantic to the Urals", has often been cited throughout the history of European integration. It became, for the next ten years, a favourite political rallying cry of de Gaulle's. His vision stood in contrast to the Atlanticism of the United States and Britain, preferring instead a Europe that would act as a third pole between the United States and the Soviet Union. By including in his ideal of Europe all the territory up to the Urals, de Gaulle was implicitly offering détente to the Soviets, while his phrase was also interpreted as excluding the United Kingdom from a future Europe.

A European Europe means that it exists by itself for itself, in other words in the midst of the world - it has its own policy.

Upon becoming president, de Gaulle was faced with the urgent task of finding a way to bring to an end the bloody and divisive war in Algeria. French left-wingers were in favour of granting independence to Algeria and urged him to seek a way to achieve peace while, at the same time, avoiding a French loss of face.[51] This stance greatly angered the French settlers and their metropolitan supporters, and de Gaulle was forced to suppress two uprisings in Algeria by French settlers and troops, in the second of which (the Generals' Putsch in April 1961) France herself was threatened with invasion by rebel paratroops.[52] De Gaulle's government also covered up the Paris massacre of 1961, issued under the orders of the police prefect Maurice Papon. He was also targeted by the settlers' resistance group Organisation de l'armée secrète (OAS) and several assassination attempts were made on him; the most famous is that of 22 August 1962, when he and his wife narrowly escaped an assassination attempt when their Citroën DS was targeted by machine gun fire arranged by Colonel Jean-Marie Bastien-Thiry at the Petit-Clamart.[53] After a referendum on Algerian self-determination carried out in 1961, de Gaulle arranged a cease-fire in Algeria with the March 1962 Evian Accords, legitimated by another referendum a month later.[54] Although the Algerian issue was settled, Prime Minister Michel Debré resigned over the final settlement and was replaced with Georges Pompidou on 14 April 1962.[55] France recognised Algerian independence on 3 July 1962, while an amnesty was belatedly issued covering all crimes committed during the war, including the genocide against the Harkis. In just a few months in 1962, 900,000 French settlers left the country. After 5 July, the exodus accelerated in the wake of the French deaths during the Oran massacre of 1962. It had now become clear that the Evian Accords would not be enforced and that the French government had no intention of protecting the settlers.

In September 1962, de Gaulle sought a constitutional amendment to allow the president to be directly elected by the people and issued another referendum to this end. After a motion of censure voted by the Parliament on 4 October 1962, de Gaulle dissolved the National Assembly and held new elections. Although the left progressed, the Gaullists won an increased majority—this despite opposition from the Christian democratic Popular Republican Movement (MRP) and the National Centre of Independents and Peasants (CNIP) who criticised de Gaulle's euroscepticism and presidentialism.[56][57] De Gaulle's proposal to change the election procedure for the French presidency was approved at the referendum on 28 October 1962 by more than three-fifths of voters despite a broad "coalition of no" formed by most of the parties, opposed to a presidential regime. Thereafter the President was to be elected by direct universal suffrage for the first time since Louis Napoleon in 1848.[58]

1962–68: Politics of grandeur

With the Algerian conflict behind him, de Gaulle was able to achieve his two main objectives: to reform and develop the French economy, and to promote an independent foreign policy and a strong stance on the international stage. This was named by foreign observers the "politics of grandeur" (politique de grandeur).[59]

"Thirty glorious years"

In the context of a population boom unseen in France since the 18th century, the government under prime minister Georges Pompidou oversaw a rapid transformation and expansion of the French economy. With dirigisme—a unique combination of capitalism and state-directed economy—the government intervened heavily in the economy, using indicative five-year plans as its main tool.

High-profile projects, mostly but not always financially successful, were launched: the extension of Marseille harbor (soon ranking third in Europe and first in the Mediterranean); the promotion of the Caravelle passenger jetliner (a predecessor of Airbus); the decision to start building the supersonic Franco-British Concorde airliner in Toulouse; the expansion of the French auto industry with state-owned Renault at its center; and the building of the first motorways between Paris and the provinces.

With these projects, the French economy recorded growth rates unrivalled since the 19th century. In 1964, for the first time in 200 years[citation needed], France's GDP overtook that of the United Kingdom, a position it held until the 1990s. This period is still remembered in France with some nostalgia as the peak of the Trente Glorieuses ("Thirty Glorious Years" of economic growth between 1945 and 1974).[60]


He vetoed the British application to join the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1963 because, he said, he thought the United Kingdom lacked the necessary political will to be part of a strong Europe.[61] He further saw Britain as a "Trojan Horse" for the USA.[62] He maintained there were incompatibilities between continental European and British economic interests. In addition, he demanded that the United Kingdom accept all the conditions laid down by the six existing members of the EEC (Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands) and revoke its commitments to countries within its own free trade area. He supported a deepening and an acceleration of common market integration rather than expansion.[63] However, in this latter respect, a detailed study of the formative years of the EEC argues that the defence of French economic interests, especially in agriculture, in fact played a more dominant role in determining de Gaulle's stance towards British entry than the various political and foreign policy considerations that have often been cited.[64] The General's attitude was also influenced by resentments which had come about during his exile in Britain during the Second World War. Added to these were fears of an Anglo-American agreement in regard to nuclear weapons – the USA had provided Britain with Polaris missiles the previous year.[65]

Fourth nuclear power

As early as April 1954, de Gaulle had proposed that France should have its own nuclear weapons. This would enable her to become a partner in any reprisals and would give her a voice in matters of atomic control.[66] Six years later, on 13 February 1960, France became the world's fourth nuclear power when a nuclear device was exploded in the Sahara some 700 miles south-south-west of Algiers.[67] In November 1967, an article by the French Chief of the General Staff (but inspired by de Gaulle) in the Revue de la Défense Nationale caused international consternation. It was stated that French nuclear force should be capable of firing ‘in all directions’ – thus including even America as a target. This surprising statement was intended as a declaration of French national independence, and was in retaliation to a warning issued long ago by Dean Rusk that US missiles would be aimed at France if she attempted to employ atomic weapons outside an agreed plan. However, criticism of de Gaulle was growing over his tendency to act alone with little regard for the views of others.[68] In August, concern over de Gaulle's policies had been voiced by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing when he queried ‘the solitary exercise of power’.[69]

Recognition of the People's Republic of China

De Gaulle was convinced that a strong and independent France could act as a balancing force between the United States and the Soviet Union, a policy seen as little more than posturing and opportunism by his critics, particularly in Britain and the United States, to which France was formally allied. In January 1964, France established diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC)—the first step towards formal recognition. This was done without first severing links with the Republic of China (Taiwan), led by Chiang Kai-shek. Hitherto the PRC had insisted that all nations abide by a "one China" condition, and at first it was unclear how the matter would be settled.[70] However, the agreement to exchange ambassadors was subject to a delay of three months and in February, Chiang Kai-shek resolved the problem by cutting off diplomatic relations with France.[71] Eight years later U.S. President Richard Nixon visited the PRC and began normalising relations - a policy which was confirmed in the Shanghai Communiqué of 28 February 1972.[72]

As part of a European tour, Nixon visited France in 1969.[73] He and de Gaulle both shared the same non-Wilsonian approach to world affairs, believing in nations and their relative strengths, rather than in ideologies, international organisations, or multilateral agreements. De Gaulle is famously known for calling the United Nations le Machin ("the thing").[74]

Second round

In December 1965, de Gaulle returned as president for a second seven-year term, but this time he had to go through a second round of voting in which he defeated François Mitterrand, who did far better than anyone dreamed possible, gaining 45% of the vote.[75] In February 1966, France withdrew from the common NATO military command, but remained within the organisation. De Gaulle, haunted by the memories of 1940, wanted France to remain the master of the decisions affecting it, unlike in the 1930s, when France had to follow in step with her British ally. He also declared that all foreign military forces had to leave French territory and gave them one year to redeploy.[76]

In September 1966, in a famous speech in Phnom Penh (Cambodia), he expressed France's disapproval of the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, calling for a U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam as the only way to ensure peace.[77] As the Vietnam War had its roots in the previous Indochina War, in which the United States had provided France with aid, this speech did little to endear de Gaulle to the Americans[citation needed], even if their leaders later came to the same conclusion.

Empty Chair Crisis

During the establishment of the European Community, de Gaulle helped precipitate one of the greatest crises in the history of the EC, the Empty Chair Crisis. It involved the financing of the Common Agricultural Policy, but almost more importantly the use of qualified majority voting in the EC (as opposed to unanimity). In June 1965, after France and the other five members could not agree, de Gaulle withdrew France's representatives from the EC. Their absence left the organisation essentially unable to run its affairs until the Luxembourg compromise was reached in January 1966.[78] De Gaulle succeeded in influencing the decision-making mechanism written into the Treaty of Rome by insisting on solidarity founded on mutual understanding.[79] He vetoed Britain's entry into the EEC a second time, in June 1967.[80]

Six-Day War

With tension rising in the Middle East in 1967, de Gaulle on 2 June declared an arms embargo against Israel, just three days before the outbreak of the Six-Day War. This, however, did not affect spare parts for the French military hardware with which the Israeli armed forces were equipped.[81]

This was an abrupt change in policy. In 1956 France, Britain, and Israel had cooperated in an elaborate effort to retake the Suez Canal from Egypt. Israel's air force operated French Mirage and Mystère jets in the Six-Day War, and its navy was building its new missile boats in Cherbourg. Though paid for, their transfer to Israel was now blocked by de Gaulle's government. But they were smuggled out in an operation that drew further denunciations from the French government. The last boats took to the sea in December 1969, directly after a major deal between France and now-independent Algeria exchanging French armaments for Algerian oil.[82]

Under de Gaulle, following the independence of Algeria, France embarked on foreign policy more favourable to the Arab side. General de Gaulle's position in 1967 at the time of the Six Day War played a part in France's newfound popularity in the Arab world.[83] Israel turned towards the United States for arms, and toward its own industry.

In a televised news conference on 27 November 1967, de Gaulle described the Jewish people as "this elite people, sure of themselves and domineering".[84] In his letter to David Ben-Gurion dated 9 January 1968, he explained that he was convinced that Israel had ignored his warnings and overstepped the bounds of moderation by taking possession of Jerusalem, and so much Jordanian, Egyptian, and Syrian territory by force of arms. He felt Israel had exercised repression and expulsions during the occupation and that it amounted to annexation. He said that provided Israel withdrew her forces, it appeared that it might be possible to reach a solution through the UN framework which could include assurances of a dignified and fair future for refugees and minorities in the Middle East, recognition from Israel's neighbors, and freedom of navigation through the Gulf of Aqaba and the Suez Canal.[85]

Nigerian Civil War

The Eastern Region of Nigeria declared itself independent under the name of The Independent Republic of Biafra on 30 May 1967. On July 6 the first shots in the Nigerian civil war were fired, marking the start of a conflict would last until January 1970.[86] Britain provided military aid to the Federal Republic of Nigeria—yet more was made available by the Soviet Union. Under de Gaulle's leadership, France embarked on a period of interference outside the traditional French zone of influence. A policy geared toward the break-up of Nigeria put Britain and France into opposing camps. Relations between France and Nigeria had been under strain since the third French nuclear explosion in the Sahara in December 1960. From August 1968, when its embargo was lifted, France provided limited and covert support to the breakaway province. Although French arms helped to keep Biafra in action for the final 15 months of the civil war, its involvement was seen as insufficient and counterproductive. The Biafran Chief of Staff stated that the French "did more harm than good by raising false hopes and by providing the British with an excuse to reinforce Nigeria."[87]

Vive le Québec libre!

A day after his Vive le Québec Libre! speech, Charles de Gaulle attracts a crowd at Montreal's Expo 67 on 25 July 1967.

In July 1967, de Gaulle visited Canada, which was celebrating its centennial with a world's fair, Expo 67. On 24 July, speaking to a large crowd from a balcony at Montreal's city hall, de Gaulle shouted Vive le Québec! (Long live Quebec!) then added, Vive le Québec libre! (Long live Free Québec!). The Canadian media harshly criticised the statement, and the Prime Minister of Canada, Lester B. Pearson stated that "Canadians do not need to be liberated."[88] De Gaulle left Canada two days later without proceeding to Ottawa as scheduled. He never returned to Canada. The speech caused outrage in most of Canada; it led to a serious diplomatic rift between the two countries.[89] However, the event was seen as a watershed moment by the Quebec sovereignty movement.

In the following year, de Gaulle visited Brittany, where he declaimed a poem written by his uncle (also called Charles de Gaulle) in the Breton language. The speech followed a series of crackdowns on Breton nationalism. De Gaulle was accused of double standards for on the one hand demanding a "free" Quebec because of its differences from English-speaking Canada, while on the other oppressing a regionalist movement in Brittany.[90]

In December 1967, claiming continental European solidarity, de Gaulle again rejected British entry into the European Economic Community. The United Kingdom nevertheless became a member of the EEC in January 1973.[91]

Visit to South America

In September and October 1964, despite a recent operation for prostate cancer and fears for his security, he set out on a punishing 20,000-mile tour of all ten republics in South America. He had visited Mexico the previous year and was again keen to show the French flag and gain both cultural and economic influence in this new 26-day tour.[92] He spoke constantly of his resentment of US influence (hegemony) in South America - "that some states should establish a power of political or economic direction outside their own borders". Yet France could provide no investment or aid to match that from Washington.[93]

May 1968

De Gaulle at the inauguration of the German embassy in Paris, February 1968

De Gaulle's government was criticised within France, particularly for its heavy-handed style. While the written press and elections were free, and private stations were able to broadcast in French from abroad (see Europe 1), the state had a monopoly on television and radio (see ORTF). This monopoly meant that the executive was in a position to bias the news. In many respects, society was traditionalistic and repressive—this included the position of women.[94][95] Many factors contributed to a general weariness of sections of the public, particularly the student youth, which led to the events of May 1968.

The huge demonstrations and strikes in France in May 1968 severely challenged de Gaulle's legitimacy. He made a flying visit to Germany and met with Jacques Massu, the then chief of the French forces occupying Germany, to discuss possible army intervention against the protesters.[96]

In a private meeting discussing the students' and workers' demands for direct participation in business and government he coined the phrase "La réforme oui, la chienlit non", which can be politely translated as 'reform yes, masquerade/chaos no.' It was a vernacular scatological pun meaning 'chie-en-lit, no'. The term is now common parlance in French political commentary, used both critically and ironically referring back to de Gaulle.[97][98]

But de Gaulle offered to accept some of the reforms the demonstrators sought. He again considered a referendum to support his moves, but Pompidou persuaded him to dissolve parliament (in which the government had all but lost its majority in the March 1967 elections) and hold new elections instead. The June 1968 elections were a major success for the Gaullists and their allies; when shown the spectre of revolution or even civil war, the majority of the country rallied to him. His party won 358 of 487 seats. Pompidou was suddenly replaced by Maurice Couve de Murville in July.[99]

Retirement and death

US president Richard Nixon visiting president Charles de Gaulle one month before de Gaulle's retirement.

Charles de Gaulle resigned the presidency at noon, 28 April 1969,[100][101] following the rejection of his proposed reform of the Senate and local governments in a nationwide referendum. De Gaulle vowed that if the referendum failed, he would resign his office. Despite an eight-minute-long speech by de Gaulle, the referendum failed and he duly resigned, whereupon he was replaced by Georges Pompidou.[102]

De Gaulle retired once again to Colombey-les-Deux-Églises, where he died suddenly in 1970, two weeks before his 80th birthday and in the middle of writing his memoirs. He had generally been in very robust health until then, despite an operation on his prostate some years before. He had been sitting in front of the television while waiting for the start of the news when he felt unwell and collapsed. His wife called the doctor and the local priest, but by the time they arrived he had died: the cause of death was an aneurysm of the aorta.[103]

Grave of Charles de Gaulle at Colombey-les-Deux-Églises

De Gaulle had made arrangements that insisted that his funeral would be held at Colombey, and that no presidents or ministers attend his funeral - only his Compagnons de la Libération.[104]

Heads of state had to content themselves with a simultaneous service at Notre-Dame Cathedral.[105] He was carried to his grave on an armoured reconnaissance vehicle, and as he was lowered into the ground the bells of all the churches in France tolled starting from Notre Dame and spreading out from there. He was buried on November 12.[106]

He specified that his tombstone bear the simple inscription of his name and his dates of birth and death. Therefore, it simply says: "Charles de Gaulle, 1890–1970".[107]

De Gaulle was nearly destitute when he died. When he retired, he did not accept the pensions to which he was entitled as a retired president and as a retired general. Instead, he only accepted a pension to which colonels are entitled.

His family had to sell the Boisserie residence. It was purchased by a foundation and is currently the Charles de Gaulle Museum.

Private life

Charles de Gaulle married Yvonne Vendroux on 7 April 1921. They had three children: Philippe (born 1921), Élisabeth (1924), who married general Alain de Boissieu, and Anne (1928–1948). Anne had Down's syndrome and died at the age of 20.[108]

One of Charles de Gaulle's grandsons, also named Charles De Gaulle, was a member of the European Parliament from 1994 to 2004, his last tenure being for the National Front.[109] Another grandson, Jean de Gaulle, was a member of the French Parliament until his retirement in 2007.[110]

Charles de Gaulle Airport

France's largest airport, in Roissy outside Paris, is named Charles de Gaulle Airport in his honour. Many however still call it simply Roissy Airport[citation needed].

In popular culture

In the English-speaking world de Gaulle is remembered as a presence in the Frederick Forsyth novel "The Day of the Jackal", in which the OAS - after the failure of the actual August 1962 Petit Clamart assassination attempt - hire an English professional assassin to attempt to kill him on Liberation Day 1963. The novel was made into a film, starring Edward Fox and Michel Lonsdale, in 1973.


French editions

  • La Discorde Chez l’Ennemi (1924)
  • Histoire des Troupes du Levant (1931) Written by Major de Gaulle and Major Yvon, with Staff Colonel de Mierry collaborating in the preparation of the final text.
  • Le Fil de l’Épée (1932)
  • Vers l’Armée de Métier (1934)
  • La France et son Armée (1938)
  • Trois Études (1945) (Rôle Historique des Places Fortes; Mobilisation Economique à l’Étranger; Comment Faire une Armée de Métier) followed by the Memorandum of 26 January 1940.
  • Mémoires de Guerre
    • Volume I - L’Appel 1940–1942 (1954)
    • Volume II - L’Unité, 1942–1944 (1956)
    • Volume III - Le Salut, 1944–1946 (1959)
  • Mémoires d’Espoir
    • Volume I - Le Renouveau 1958–1962 (1970)
  • Discours et Messages
    • Volume I - Pendant la Guerre 1940–1946 (1970)
    • Volume II - Dans l’attente 1946–1958 (1970)
    • Volume III - Avec le Renouveau 1958–1962 (1970)
    • Volume IV - Pour l’Effort 1962–1965 (1970)
    • Volume V — Vers le Terme 1966–1969

English translations

  • The Enemy's House Divided (La Discorde chez l’ennemi). Tr. by Robert Eden. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 2002.
  • The Edge of the Sword (Le Fil de l’Épée). Tr. by Gerard Hopkins. Faber, London, 1960 Criterion Books, New York, 1960
  • The Army of the Future (Vers l’Armée de Métier). Hutchinson, London-Melbourne, 1940. Lippincott, New York, 1940
  • France and Her Army (La France et son Armée). Tr. by F.L. Dash. Hutchinson London, 1945. Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1945
  • War Memoirs: Call to Honour, 1940–1942 (L’Appel). Tr. by Jonathan Griffin. Collins, London, 1955 (2 volumes). Viking Press, New York, 1955.
  • War Memoirs: Unity, 1942–1944 (L’Unité). Tr. by Richard Howard (narrative) and Joyce Murchie and Hamish Erskine (documents). Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1959 (2 volumes). Simon and Schuster, New York, 1959 (2 volumes).
  • War Memoirs: Salvation, 1944–1946' (Le Salut). Tr. by Richard Howard (narrative) and Joyce Murchie and Hamish Erskine (documents). Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1960 (2 volumes). Simon and Schuster, New York, 1960 (2 volumes).

De Gaulle's Second Government, 21 December 1945 - 26 January 1946

De Gaulle's Third Ministry, 9 June 1958 - 8 January 1959


  • 12 June 1958: André Malraux enters the cabinet as Minister of Radio, Television, and Press.
  • 14 June 1958: Guy Mollet becomes Minister of General Civil Servants Status.
  • 7 July 1958: Bernard Chenot enters the cabinet as Minister of Public Health and Population. Jacques Soustelle succeeds Malraux as Minister of Information.
  • 23 July 1958: Antoine Pinay becomes Minister of Economic Affairs, remaining also Minister of Finance.

See also


  1. ^ "Cinquième République". Assemblée Nationale Française. 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-02. 
  2. ^ Nickname originally used by French settlers in Algeria [1] Le Nouvel Observateur 1976-02-09, section "Tableaux de chasse" ; Vialatte Alexandre, Sigoda Pascal "Alexandre Vialatte L'Age d'Homme". (31 July 1997). Collection : Les dossiers h. p.150. ISBN 2825124532 ISBN 978-2825124536 google books
  3. ^ a b Berthon, Simon (2001). Allies at War. London: Collins. p. 21. ISBN 0007116225. 
  4. ^ "Fondation Charles de Gaulle". Retrieved 2009-09-10. 
  5. ^ "Fondation Charles de Gaulle". Retrieved 2009-09-10. 
  6. ^ "Fondation Charles de Gaulle". Retrieved 2009-09-10. 
  7. ^ "Gen. De Gaulle At Élysée To-Day New President Faces Growing Threat Of Labour Unrest", The Times, 08 Jan 1959 
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h i "Charles de Gaulle". Grolier Online. Retrieved 2008-12-27. 
  9. ^ "Fondation Charles de Gaulle - La Genèse 1890–1940 : une famille du Nord". Retrieved 2009-09-10. 
  10. ^ Crawley, Aidan (1969). De Gaulle. London: The Literary Guild. pp. 13–16. ASIN B000KXPUCK. 
  11. ^ Crawley p. 13–14
  12. ^ Crawley comments further: 'Henri's theory may have been known in scholastic circles, for in November 1940, a group of Paris students marched around the Arc de Triomphe each carrying two poles ('deux gaules') as a gesture of defiance to the uncomprehending Germans'.
  13. ^ "Fondation Charles de Gaulle". Retrieved 2009-01-11. 
  14. ^ Dallas, Gregor (2005). 1945: The War That Never Ended. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. p. 90. ISBN 0-300-10980-6. 
  15. ^ Gorman, Robert F. (ed.) (2008) "Charles de Gaulle" Great Lives from History: The 20th Century Salem Press, Pasadena, Calif., ISBN 978-1-58765-345-2
  16. ^ Debray, Régis (1994) Charles de Gaulle: Futurist of the Nation translated by John Howe, Verso, New York, ISBN 0-86091-622-7; a translation of Debray, Régis (1990) A demain de Gaulle Gallimard, Paris, ISBN 2-07-072021-7
  17. ^ Ledwidge, Bernard (1982). De Gaulle. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. p. 24. ISBN 0297779524. 
  18. ^ "Index of Surnames: Polish Order of the Virtuti Militari Recipients (1792–1992)". Z Wesolowski and FEEFHS. 1997. Retrieved 2008-12-28. 
  19. ^ "Hitler claimed total credit for the success of the campaign in the West. The plan for it came from him, he said. 'I have again and again', he told us, 'read Colonel de Gaulle's book on methods of modern warfare employing fully motorised units, and I have learned a great deal from it.'" in Albert Speer's Inside The Third Reich, Simon & Shuster, ISBN 0-684-82949-5, p.170
  20. ^ a b c Brad DeLong (2000-05-29). "Charles de Gaulle". University of California at Berkeley. Retrieved 2008-02-11. 
  21. ^ Ledwidge p. 50-52
  22. ^ "Cabinet Paul Reynaud". Assemblée Nationale Française. 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-02. 
  23. ^ Roussel, Eric (2002). Charles de Gaulle. Paris: Editions Gallimard. p. 113. ISBN 2070752410. 
  24. ^ Monnet, Jean (1976-01-01). Memoires. Paris: Arthème Fayard. pp. 20–21. ISBN 2-213-00402-1. 
  25. ^ Gates, Eleanor M. (1981). End of the Affair - The Collapse of the Anglo-French Alliance, 1939–40. London: George Allen & Unwin. p. 230. ISBN 0-04-940063-0. 
  26. ^ Roussel, Eric (2002). Charles de Gaulle. Paris: Editions Gallimard. p. 112. ISBN 2-07-075241-0. 
  27. ^ Peter Yapp, ed (April 1983). The Travellers' Dictionary of Quotation: Who Said What, About Where?. London: Routledge Kegan & Paul. p. 143. ISBN 0710009925, 9780710009920. 
  28. ^ "Speech made by General de Gaulle at the Hotel de Ville in Paris on August 25th 1944". Fondation Charles de Gaulle. 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-02. 
  29. ^ "1944-1946 : Liberation". Fondation et Institut Charles de Gaulle. 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-02. 
  30. ^ Berthon, p.325
  31. ^ Anthony Clayton Three Marshals of France. p. 124
  32. ^ "1944-1946 :Liberation". Fondation et Institut Charles de Gaulle. 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-02. 
  33. ^ "Gouvernement Provisoire de la République Française". Assemblée Nationale Française. 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-02. 
  34. ^ "La France face à la décolonisation de 1945 à 1962". CPRD Champagne-Ardenne. 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-02. 
  35. ^ "Generals in Algiers revolt against Paris – Demand for "Government of Public Safety"", The Times, 14 May 1958 
  36. ^ "Vive De Gaulle – General Salan's Public Utterance", The Times, 16 May 1958 
  37. ^ "General de Gaulle's Bid for Authority – Ready to Assume Powers of Rebublic", The Times, 16 May 1958 
  38. ^ "Party System has Failed State and People – General de Gaulle Explains his Views", The Times, 20 May 1958 
  39. ^ "General Massu - Obituary", The Times, 29 October 2002, 
  40. ^ "President Coty speaks of Crumbling Republic", The Times, 30 May 1958 
  41. ^ As he commissioned the new constitution and was responsible for its overall framework, de Gaulle is sometimes described as the author of the constitution. De Gaulle's political ideas were written into a constitution by Michel Debré who then guided the text through the enactment process. Thus while the constitution reflects de Gaulle's ideas, Michel Debré was the actual author of the text.
  42. ^ "Gen de Gaulle given a majority of 105 – Full powers demanded for six months", The Times, 02 June 1958 
  43. ^ "Sweeping Vote for General de Gaulle – 4:1 Majority says "Yes" to new Constitution", The Times, 29 September 1958 
  44. ^ The citation in French is taken from Charles de Gaulle, Mémoires de guerre, tome 1, Plon, 1954
  45. ^ "Landslide Vote Repeated for de Gaulle – President of Fifth Republic – Sweeping Powers", The Times, 22 Dec 1958 
  46. ^ "New Year Brings in New Franc", The Times, 2 Jan 1960 
  47. ^ Crawley p.411, p.428
  48. ^ "Germans Give General de Gaulle a Hero's Welcome", The Times, 6 Sep 1962 
  49. ^ Crawley p.422
  50. ^ Crawley p.439
  51. ^ Gaulle, Charles de. (2009) In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 8 July 2009, from Encyclopædia Britannica Online Library Edition:
  52. ^ "Rebels Plot to Seize Power in Paris - Sirens to Warn Citizens of Algeria Parachutists - General De Gaulle Assumes Dictatorial Powers", The Times, 24 Apr 1961 
  53. ^ Crawley p.381
  54. ^ "Vote Of Confidence In General De Gaulle - Conclusive Referendum Verdict On Algeria Peace", The Times, 9 Apr 1962 
  55. ^ "M. Pompidou Takes Over from M. Debre – Few Changes in New Cabinet", The Times, 16 Apr 1962 
  56. ^ "De Gaulle Challenge to Parliament – To Retire if Referendum not Approved – Call to Nation before Debate on Censure Motion", The Times, 5 Oct 1962 
  57. ^ "De Gaulle against the Politicians – Clear Issue for October Referendum – Assembly Election Likely after Solid Censure Vote", The Times, 6 Oct 1962 
  58. ^ ""Yes" Reply for Gen. De Gaulle – Over 60 p.c. of Valid Votes – President Likely to Keep Office", The Times, 29 Oct 1962 
  59. ^ Kolodziej, Edward A (1974). French International Policy under de Gaulle and Pompidou: The Politics of Grandeur. New Haven, Conn: Cornell University Press. p. 618. ISBN 0-300-10980-6. 
  60. ^ Haine, W. Scott (1974). Culture and Customs of France. Westport CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2006. p. 315. ISBN 0313328927, 9780313328923. 
  61. ^ "How the EU was built". BBC News. 2000-12-05. Retrieved 2007-08-18. 
  62. ^ "Fondation Charles de Gaulle". Retrieved 2009-01-13. 
  63. ^ "European NAvigator (ENA) - General de Gaulle's first veto". Retrieved 2009-01-17. 
  64. ^ Moravscik, Andrew (December 2008). The Choice for Europe: Social Purpose and State Power from Messina to Maastricht. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0801435099. 
  65. ^ "European NAvigator (ENA) - General de Gaulle's first veto". Retrieved 2009-01-17. 
  66. ^ "Marshal Juin Defended – General de Gaulle on Moral Issue", The Times, 08 Apr 1954 
  67. ^ "Weekend of Rejoicing in France", The Times, 15 Feb 1960 
  68. ^ Ledwidge p. 341
  69. ^ "Independents Fear for France’s Future - Gaullist Policy Queried", The Times, 18 August 1967 
  70. ^ "Recognition of Peking by France – Relations with two regimes – Chiang protest but no break", The Times, 28 Jan 1964 
  71. ^ "Chiang Breaks with France", The Times, 11 Feb 1964 
  72. ^ "Nixon's China's Visit and "Sino-U.S. Joint Communiqué". Retrieved 2009-01-13. 
  73. ^ "De Gaulle's Warm Welcome to Nixon", The Times, 1 Mar 1969 
  74. ^ "Fondation Charles de Gaulle". Retrieved 2009-01-13. 
  75. ^ "France Again Elects Gen. De Gaulle – M. Mitterrand Concedes Within 80 Minutes – Centre Votes Evenly Divided", The Times, 20 Dec 1965 
  76. ^ Crawley p.431
  77. ^ "Address by the President of the French Republic (General de Gaulle), Phnom Penh, Cambodia, September 1, 1966". Fondation Charles de Gaulle. 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-02. 
  78. ^ "France Ends Boycott of Common Market – No Winners or Losers after Midnight Agreement", The Times, 31 Jan 1966 
  79. ^ "Fondation Charles de Gaulle – De Gaulle and Europe". Retrieved 2009-01-18. 
  80. ^ "European NAvigator (ENA) - General de Gaulle's second veto". Retrieved 2009-01-17. 
  81. ^ "French Emphasis on Long-Term Issues", The Times, 7 Jun 1967 
  82. ^ The Cherbourg Boats by Doron Geller
  83. ^ "Fondation Charles de Gaulle - De Gaulle and the Third World". Retrieved 2009-01-17. 
  84. ^ "France-Israel: from De Gaulle’s arms embargo to Sarkozy’s election". Retrieved 2010-03-09. 
  85. ^ "Text of de Gaulle's Answer to Letter From Ben-Gurion". Retrieved 2010-03-09. 
  86. ^ "920 Days of Fighting, Death and Hunger", The Times, 12 Jan 1970 
  87. ^ Saha, Santosh C. (2006). Perspectives on Contemporary Ethnic Conflict: Primal Violence Or the Politics of Conviction?. Lanham MD: Lexington Books. pp. 344, p.184-184. ISBN 0739110853, 9780739110850. 
  88. ^ "CBC archives". 1988-07-24. Retrieved 2010-03-09. 
  89. ^ "Gen De Gaulle Rebuked by Mr Pearson – Canada Rejects Efforts to Destroy Unity – Quebec Statements Unacceptable", The Times, 26 Jul 1967 
  90. ^ Peter Berresford Ellis, The Celtic Dawn, Constable, London, 1993, pp. 62.
  91. ^ "Just a Normal Winter's Day in Dover", The Times, 2 Jan 1973 
  92. ^ "Gen. De Gaulle Takes His Legend To S. America - 40 Speeches To Be Made During 20,000-Mile Tour", The Times, 18 September 1964 
  93. ^ Crawley p.427
  94. ^ "Les femmes et le pouvoir". Retrieved 2009-01-13. 
  95. ^ 'Les femmes et le pouvoir' notes: 'It should not be forgotten that of the first eleven governments of the Fifth Republic, four contained no women whatsoever. Furthermore, in May 1968, the executive was 100 per cent male.
  96. ^ "Autocrat of the Grand Manner", The Times, 28 Apr 1969 
  97. ^ Crawley p.454
  98. ^ Crawley (p.454) also writes that de Gaulle was undoubtedly using the term in his barrack-room style to mean 'shit in the bed'. De Gaulle had said it first in Bucharest while on an official visit from which he returned on 19 May 1968. Pompidou told the press that de Gaulle used the phrase after the Cabinet Meeting on 19 May.
  99. ^ "Dropping the Pilot", The Times, 11 Jul 1968 
  100. ^ "Déclaration du Conseil constitutionnel suite à la démission du Général de Gaulle, Président de la République". Constitutional council of France. 1969. 
  101. ^ "Press Release re Resignation". Fondation Charles de Gaulle. 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-02. 
  102. ^ ""Charles de Gaulle Defeated: 1969 Year in Review". 2005-10-25. Retrieved 2010-03-09. 
  103. ^ "World Leaders to Gather in Paris to Honour General de Gaulle", The Times, 11 November 1970 
  104. ^ "Testament de Charles de Gaulle, 16 janvier 1952". Histoire de France et d'ailleurs. Retrieved 2009-02-03. 
  105. ^ ""De Gaulle Dies: 1970 Year in Review". 2005-10-25. Retrieved 2010-03-09. 
  106. ^ "De Gaulle Dies: 1970 Year in Review,"
  107. ^ "Fondation Charles de Gaulle - Retirement". Retrieved 2009-01-17. 
  108. ^ "Find a Grave – Georges Pompidou". Retrieved 2009-01-17. 
  109. ^ "Site non officiel du Parti socialiste français". Retrieved 2009-01-17. 
  110. ^ "Assemblée Nationale". Retrieved 2009-01-15. 


  • Crawley, Aidan (1969). De Gaulle. London: The Literary Guild. ASIN B000KXPUCK. 
  • Haine, W. Scott (2006). Culture and Customs of France. Greenwood Press. ISBN 0313328927. 
  • Saha, Santosh C. (2006). Perspectives on Contemporary Ethnic Conflict: Primal Violence or the Politics of Conviction?. Lexington Books. ISBN 0739110853. 
  • Speer, Albert (1997). Inside the Third Reich. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0684829495. 

External links

Political offices
Preceded by
Pierre Laval (as Prime Minister)
Chairman of the Provisional Government of France
Succeeded by
Félix Gouin
Preceded by
Philippe Pétain (as Head of State)
Co-Prince of Andorra
with Ramon Iglesias i Navarri
Preceded by
Pierre Pflimlin
Prime Minister of France
Succeeded by
Michel Debré
Preceded by
Pierre de Chevigné
Minister of National Defense
Succeeded by
Pierre Guillaumat
Preceded by
René Coty
Presidents of the French Republic
Succeeded by
Alain Poher
Co-Prince of Andorra
with Ramon Iglesias i Navarri
Succeeded by
Georges Pompidou
Party political offices
New title Gaullist Party Presidential Candidate
1958 (won); 1965 (won)
Succeeded by
Georges Pompidou


Up to date as of January 14, 2010
(Redirected to Charles de Gaulle article)

From Wikiquote

Charles de Gaulle

Charles-André-Joseph-Marie de Gaulle (22 November 18909 November 1970) was a French military leader and statesman. During World War II, he reached the rank of Brigade General and then became the leader of the Forces Françaises Libres ("FFL" — the "Free French Forces"). Between 1944 and 1946, following the liberation of France from German occupation, he was head of the French provisional government. Called to form a government in 1958, he inspired a new constitution and was the Fifth Republic's first president, serving from 1958 to 1969.



Most famous

  • All my life I have had a certain idea of France.
    • Toute ma vie, je me suis fait une certaine idée de la France.
    • Opening sentence of his Mémoires de guerre.
  • I have understood you!
    • Je vous ai compris !
    • Said before the population of Algiers after they had called upon him to take power, June 4, 1958.
  • Long live free Quebec!
    • Vive le Québec libre!
    • Said in 1967 on the balcony of Montréal City Hall. It caused a diplomatic uproar with Canada and inflamed the Quebec sovereignty movement.
  • France has no friends, only interests.
    • Clementine Churchill: "General, you must not hate your friends more than you hate your enemies"
    • De Gaulle (in English): "France has no friends, only interests."
  • Yes, it is Europe, from the Atlantic to the Urals, it is Europe, it is the whole of Europe, that will decide the fate of the world.
    • Oui, c'est l'Europe, depuis l'Atlantique jusqu'à l'Oural, c'est toute l'Europe, qui décidera du destin du monde.
    • 23 November 1959, Strasbourg. The phrase shown in bold is the most often quoted excerpt. De Gaulle was expressing his vision of Europe's future, implicitly not including the United Kingdom.
  • Now she is like the others.
    • Maintenant, elle est comme les autres.
    • Spoken at the funeral of his daughter Anne, who had Down Syndrome, February 1948
France cannot be France without greatness.

World War II

  • France has lost a battle, but France has not lost the war.
    • La France a perdu une bataille, mais la France n'a pas perdu la guerre.
    • Proclamation, June 18 1940.
  • At the root of our civilization, there is the freedom of each person of thought, of belief, of opinion, of work, of leisure.
    • A la base de notre civilisation, il y a la liberté de chacun dans sa pensée, ses croyances, ses opinions, son travail, ses loisirs.
    • Speech, November 25 1941.
  • Let us be firm, pure and faithful; at the end of our sorrow, there is the greatest glory of the world, that of the men who did not give in.
    • Soyons fermes, purs et fidèles ; au bout de nos peines, il y a la plus grande gloire du monde, celle des hommes qui n'ont pas cédé.
    • Speech, July 14 1943.

Fifth Republic and other post-WW2

Supported General Douglas MacArthur during his row with President Harry Truman by saying MacArthur was:

  • "A foreign military leader whose daring was feared by those who profited by it." De Gaulle said that MacArthur's critics should "pay deserved tribute to the legendary service of a great soldier".
    • from William Manchester's "American Caesar".
  • I am a man who belongs to no-one and who belongs to everyone.
    • Je suis un homme qui n'appartient à personne et qui appartient à tout le monde.
    • Press conference, May 19 1958
  • Why do you think that at 67 I would start a career as a dictator ?
    • Pourquoi voulez-vous qu'à 67 ans je commence une carrière de dictateur ?
    • Press conference, May 19 1958
Charles de Gaulle statue
  • Politics, when it is an art and a service, not an exploitation, is about acting for an ideal through realities.
    • La politique, quand elle est un art et un service, non point une exploitation, c'est une action pour un idéal à travers des réalités.
    • Press conference, June 30 1955
  • No policy is worth anything outside of reality.
    • Il n'y a pas de politique qui vaille en dehors des réalités.
    • Televized speech, June 14 1960
  • How can you govern a country which has two hundred and forty-six varieties of cheese?
    • Comment voulez-vous gouverner un pays qui a deux cent quarante-six variétés de fromage?
    • Les Mots du Général, Ernest Mignon, 1962
  • I am not ill. But do not worry, one day, I will certainly die.
    • Je ne vais pas mal. Mais rassurez-vous, un jour, je ne manquerai pas de mourir.
    • Press conference, February 1965, denying rumours that he secretly had a terminal disease
  • Of course one can jump up and down yelling Europe ! Europe ! Europe ! But it amounts to nothing and it means nothing.
    • Bien entendu, on peut sauter sur sa chaise comme un cabri en disant l’Europe ! l’Europe ! l’Europe ! mais cela n’aboutit à rien et cela ne signifie rien.
    • Interview on a presidential campaign, December 1965 INA archive of the video
  • Men can have friends, statesmen cannot.
    • Les hommes peuvent avoir des amis, pas les hommes d'Etat.
    • Interview, December 9 1967.
  • The future does not belong to men...
    • L'avenir n'appartient pas aux hommes...
    • Speech, December 1967
Charles de Gaulle statue
  • Patriotism is when love of your own people comes first; nationalism, when hate for people other than your own comes first.
    • Recalled on leaving the presidency, Life, May 9, 1969


  • The sword is the axis of the world and grandeur cannot be divided.
    • L'épée est l'axe du monde et la grandeur ne se divise pas.
    • in Vers l’armée de métier.
  • Nothing great is done without great men, and they are great because they wanted it.
    • On ne fait rien de grand sans de grands hommes, et ceux-ci le sont pour l'avoir voulu.
    • in Vers l’armée de métier.
  • France was built with swords. The fleur-de-lis, symbol of national unity, is only the image of a spear with three pikes.
    • La France fut faite à coups d'épée. La fleur de lys, symbole d'unité nationale, n'est que l'image d'un javelot à trois lances.
    • in La France et son armée.
  • The desire of privilege and the taste of equality are the dominant and contradictory passions of the French of all times.
    • Le désir du privilège et le goût de l'égalité, passions dominantes et contradictoires des Français de toute époque.
    • in La France et son armée.
Charles de Gaulle with Winston Churchill
  • Nothing builds authority up like silence, splendor of the strong and shelter of the weak.
    • Rien ne rehausse l'autorité mieux que le silence, splendeur des forts et refuge des faibles.
    • in Le Fil de l'épée.
  • It is better to have a bad method than to have none.
    • Il vaut mieux avoir une méthode mauvaise plutôt que de n'en avoir aucune.
    • in Le Fil de l’épée.
  • Character is the virtue of hard times.
    • Le caractère, vertu des temps difficiles.
    • in Le fil de l’épée.
  • Anything can happen someday, even that an act conforming to honour and honesty can end up, at the end of the line, as a good political decision.
    • Tout peut, un jour, arriver, même qu'un acte conforme à l'honneur et à l'honnêteté apparaisse en fin de compte, comme un bon placement politique.
    • in Mémoires de guerre.
  • The leader is always alone before bad fates.
    • Toujours le chef est seul en face du mauvais destin.
    • in Mémoires de guerre.
Charles de Gaulle with Rt. Hon. W.L. Mackenzie King
  • Difficulty attracts the characterful man, for it is by grasping it that he fulfils himself.
    • La difficulté attire l'homme de caractère, car c'est en l'étreignant qu'il se réalise lui-même.
    • in Mémoires de guerre.
  • The government has no propositions to make, but orders to give.
    • Le gouvernement n'a pas de propositions à faire, mais des ordres à donner.
    • in Mémoires de guerre.
  • France cannot be France without greatness.
    • La France ne peut être la France sans la grandeur.
    • in Mémoires de guerre.


  • The graveyards are full of indispensable men.
    • Les cimetières sont pleins d'hommes indispensables.
    • Sometimes attributed to Georges Clemenceau.
Charles de Gaulle in Chad with Govenor-General Félix Adolphe Éboué
  • Always go for the highest position, it is generally the least crowded.
    • Prenez invariablement la position la plus élevée, c'est généralement la moins encombrée.
    • Attributed by Henri Amouroux.
  • The important things which were said to humanity were always simple things.
    • Les choses capitales qui ont été dites à l'humanité ont toujours été des choses simples.
    • Attributed by André Malraux.
  • Treaties are like roses and young girls; they last while they last.
    • attributed to President Charles de Gaulle, from On Franco-German treaty talks, Time 1963-07-12, quoted in Simpson’s Contemporary Quotations, compiled by James B. Simpson (1988) [1]; also The Economist (London) 1972-03-18, at 6, as cited in Chapter 6, note 47 (page 427) of Antonio Cassese (2001) International Law. Oxford. ISBN 0198299982.
  • You may be sure that the Americans will commit all the stupidities they can think of, plus some that are beyond imagination.
  • That's a tall order, indeed.
    • Vaste programme, en effet.
    • his response to a heckler who yelled Mort aux cons! (Death to the idiots!)
  • To Général Jacques Massu : Alors Massu, toujours aussi con ? (So, Massu, still that stupid?)
    • Général Jacques Massu's answer : Toujours aussi gaulliste, mon Général. (Still that gaullist, general!)
General de Gaulle, from the film Divide and Conquer
  • I have come to the conclusion that politics is too serious a matter to be left to the politicians.
    • A reference to Georges Clemenceau's quote "War is too serious a matter to be left to the military."
  • There are three roads to ruin: by gambling, which is the quickest; through women, which is the most pleasurable; and through taking the advice of experts, which is the most certain.
  • In the name of policy, change your friends.
    • Answer to a politician who told him : "In the name of my friends, change your policy!"
    • "Au nom de mes amis, changez de politique !" "Au nom de la politique, changez d'amis."
    • Attributed by Marcel Jullian.
  • Within ten years we shall have whatever is necessary to kill 80 million Russians. Well I reckon one does not light-heartly attack people who are able to kill 80 million Russians, even if one can kill 800 million French, that is if there were 800 million French.
    • « Dans dix ans, nous aurons de quoi tuer 80 millions de Russes. Eh bien je crois qu'on n'attaque pas volontiers des gens qui ont de quoi tuer 80 millions de Russes, même si on a soi-même de quoi tuer 800 millions de Français, à supposer qu'il y eût 800 millions de Français ».
    • About French nuclear deterrence
Charles de Gaulle
  • Since a politician never believes what he says, he is quite surprised to be taken at his word.
  • They make me laugh with their "Rubicon": "Rubicon", "Rubicon", what does it mean ?
    • Ils me font bien rire avec leur Rubicon : Rubicon, Rubicon, à quoi ça rime ?
    • untranslatable pun on "à quoi ça rime" ("what does it mean?", but literally "what does it rhyme with?") ; "Rubicon" rhymes with "con" ("arse")

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Simple English

Charles de Gaulle

In office
January 8, 1959 – April 28, 1969
Preceded by René Coty
Succeeded by Georges Pompidou

In office
June 1, 1958 – January 8, 1959
Preceded by Pierre Pflimlin
Succeeded by Michel Debré

Born November 22, 1890
Lille, France
Died November 9, 1970; age 79
Nationality French
Political party UDR
Spouse Yvonne de Gaulle

General Charles-André-Joseph-Marie de Gaulle (November 22, 1890 - November 9, 1970) was a French military and political leader. He was president of France from 1959 to 1969.

rue:Шарл де Ґолл

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