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Dobrica Ćosić (Serbian Cyrillic:
Добрица Ћосић) (born 29 December 1921 in Velika Drenova, near Trstenik, in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes,
today in Serbia) is a Serbian writer, as well as a
political and Serb nationalist theorist. He was the first president
of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia from 1992 to 1993. Admirers often refer
to him as the "Father of the Nation", due to his
influence on modern Serbian politics and national revival movement
in the late 1980s;[1]
opponents often use that term in an ironic manner.[2]
Early life
and career
Ćosić was born in 1921 in the village of Velika Drenova,
in central Serbia, and before the Second World War
was able to attend vocational agriculture school. He joined the
communist youth organization in Negotin in 1939. When the Second World War
reached Yugoslavia in
1941, he joined the communist partisans.
After the liberation of Belgrade in October 1944, he remained active
in communist leadership positions, including work in the Serbian
republican Agitation and Propaganda commission and then as a
people's representative from his home region. In the early 1950s,
he visited the Goli otok
concentration camp, where the Tito regime imprisoned thousands of its
political opponents. Ćosić has always maintained that he did so in
order to better understand the Stalinist mind. In 1961, he joined
Marshal Tito on a 72-day tour by presidential yacht (the
Galeb) to visit eight African non-aligned countries. The
trip aboard the Galeb highlighted the close, affirmative
relationship that Ćosić had with the Tito regime until the early
1960s.
In
opposition
Until the early 1960s, Ćosić was devoted to Tito and Tito's
vision of a harmonious Yugoslavia. Between 1961 and 1962, Ćosić got
involved in a lengthy polemic with the Slovenian intellectual Dušan
Pirjevec regarding the relationship between autonomy,
nationalism and centralism in Yugoslavia. Pirjevec voiced the
opinions of the Communist
Party of Slovenia which supported a more de-centralized
development of Yugoslavia with respect for local autonomies, while
Ćosić argued for a stronger role of the Federal authorities,
warning against the rise of peripheral nationalisms. The polemic,
which was the first public and open confrontation of different
visions within the Yugoslav Communist Party after WWII, ended with
Tito's support of Ćosić's arguments. Nevertheless, actual political
measures undertaken after 1962 actually followed the positions
voiced by Pirjevec and the Slovenian Communist leadership.
As the Tito regime gradually decentralized administration of
Yugoslavia after 1963, Ćosić grew convinced that the Serbian
population of the state was imperilled. In May 1968, he gave a
celebrated speech to the Fourteenth Plenum of the Central Committee
of the Serbian League of Communists, in which he condemned
then-current nationalities policy in Yugoslavia. He was especially
upset at the regime's inclination to grant greater autonomy to Kosovo and Vojvodina. Thereafter he acted as a
dissident. In the 1980s, following the death of Tito, Ćosić helped
organize and lead a movement whose original goal was to gain
equality for Serbia in the Yugoslav federation, but which rapidly
became intense and aggressive. He was especially enthusiastic in
his advocacy of the rights of the Serbian and Montenegrin
populations of Kosovo. Ćosić is a member of the Serbian Academy of
Sciences and Arts, and is considered by many to be its most
influential member. While Ćosić has been credited with writing the
Memorandum
of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, which appeared in
unfinished fashion in the Serbian public in 1986, he in fact was
not responsible for its writing. In 1989 he endorsed the leadership
of Slobodan Milošević, and two years
later he helped raise Radovan Karadžić to the leadership of
the Bosnian Serbs. When war broke out in 1991,
he supported the Serbian effort.
During and after the
Yugoslav wars
In 1992, he became the president of Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, which consisted of Serbia and
Montenegro.
On Eastern Orthodox Christmas Eve of January 1993, Dobrica Ćosić
appeared on Serbian television to warn of demands for “national
capitulation” from western governments. “If we don't accept, we are
going to be put in a concentration camp and face an attack by the
most powerful armies of the world.” These outside forces, he said,
are determined to subordinate “the Serbian people to Muslim
hegemony.”[3]
Later that year Ćosić turned against Milošević, and was removed
from his position for that reason. In 2000, Ćosić publicly joined
Otpor, an
underground anti-Milošević organization. In congratulating Ćosić on
his 80th birthday, the late Prime Minister of Serbia Zoran Djindjić called Ćosić the "Serbian Thomas Mann." At the
same time, Ćosić was also congratulated by then President of
Yugoslavia Vojislav Koštunica and current
President of Serbia, Boris Tadić.
As of 2008, Cosic still
supports the actions of the Bosnian Serb Army
under the command of Ratko Mladic during the Bosnian War.[4]
Literary
life
Ćosić is a prolific writer who twice won the prestigious NIN award for literature,
once for Koreni (Roots, 1954) and once for
Deobe (Divisions, 1961). His novel Daleko je
sunce (Distant is the Sun, 1951), which concerned the
fate of a partisan detachment in the Second World War, was an
instant success when published; eventually it was translated into
more than a dozen foreign languages. Koreni is a story of
life in the Serbian village, written in a Faulknerian style.
Deobe is a three-volume novel about Četniks in the Second
World War; Bajka (A Fable, 1966) a futuristic
fable that condemns all variants of totalitarianism. Ćosić's most
beloved novel is Vreme smrti (Time of Death, also
three volumes, 1972-1975), which describes the fate of the Serbian
people during the first year of the First World War. Vreme
zla (Time of Evil, 1985-1991), another three-volume
work, treats Serbia's relationship with Stalinism, and the first
volume of Vreme vlasti (Time of Power, 1996, his
final, as-yet unfinished novel), examines communism in power in
Serbia. He has also published non-fiction works, including
Stvarno i moguće (The Real and the Possible,
1983), Promene (Changes, 1991), Kosovo
(2004) and Prijatelji (Friends, 2005).
Famous
quote
Quote from the musings of a controversial lead character of the
novel trilogy "Deobe"(Divisions) 1961. Volume I, page 135: "A lie,
trait of our patriotism" “We lie to deceive ourselves, to console
others, we lie for mercy, we lie to fight fear, to encourage
ourselves, to hide our and somebody else's misery. We lie for love
and honesty. We lie because of freedom. Lying is a trait of our
patriotism and the proof of our innate intelligence. We lie
creatively, imaginatively and inventively."
Ćosić and Chomsky
In 2006, Ćosić received support in the press for his proposal
for a partition of Kosovo from American dissident Noam Chomsky. In a [1] Serbian
television interview, Chomsky was asked what the best solution for
Kosovo's final status is. He responded:
My feeling has been for a long time that the only realistic
solution is one that in fact was offered by the President of Serbia
[i.e. Dobrica Cosic, then President of Yugoslavia] I think back
round 1993, namely some kind of partition, with the Serbian, by now
very few Serbs left but the, what were the Serbian areas being part
of Serbia and the rest be what they called "independent" which
means it'll join Albania. I just don't see…I didn't see any other
feasible solution ten years ago.
This interview sparked a correspondence between the two
dissident intellectuals, parts of which were published in the
Belgrade magazine NIN.
References
- Slavoljub Djukić, Čovek u svom vremenu: Razgovori sa
Dobricem Ćosićem (Belgrade: Filip Višnjić, 1989)
- Jasna Dragović Soso, Saviours of the Nation
(McGill-Queens University Press, 2001)
- Nick Miller, The Nonconformists: Culture, Politics, and
Nationalism in a Serbian Intellectual Circle, 1944-1991
(Budapest and New York: Central European University Press,
2007)