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Edward VI
Formal portrait in the Elizabethan style of Edward in his early teens. He has a long pointed face with fine features, dark eyes and a small full mouth. In this portrait he looks thin and ill.
Edward VI, by William Scrots, c. 1550
King of England and Ireland (more ...)
Reign 28 January 1547 – 6 July 1553 (&0000000000000006.0000006 years, &0000000000000159.000000159 days)
Coronation 20 February 1547 (aged 9)
Predecessor Henry VIII
Successor Lady Jane Grey (disputed) or Mary I
Regent Edward Seymour, 1st Duke of Somerset (1547–1549)
John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland (1549–1553)
House House of Tudor
Father Henry VIII of England
Mother Jane Seymour
Born 12 October 1537(1537-10-12)
Hampton Court Palace, Middlesex, England
Died 6 July 1553 (aged 15)
Greenwich Palace, Kent, England
Burial 8 August 1553
Henry VII Lady Chapel, Westminster Abbey, England
Signature

Edward VI (12 October 1537–6 July 1553) became King of England and Ireland on 28 January 1547 and was crowned on 20 February at the age of nine.[1] The son of Henry VIII and Jane Seymour, Edward was the third monarch of the Tudor dynasty and England's first ruler who was raised as a Protestant.

During Edward's reign, the realm was governed by a Regency Council, because he never reached maturity. The Council was led by his uncle Edward Seymour, 1st Duke of Somerset, (1547–1549), and then by John Dudley, 1st Earl of Warwick, (1550–1553), who later became Duke of Northumberland.

Edward's reign was marked by economic problems, military withdrawal from Scotland and Boulogne-sur-Mer, and social unrest that, in 1549, erupted into riot and rebellion. It also saw the transformation of the Anglican Church into a recognisably Protestant body. Henry VIII had severed the link between the Church of England and Rome, and during Edward's reign, Protestantism was established for the first time in England, with reforms that included the abolition of clerical celibacy and the Mass, and the imposition of compulsory services in English. The architect of these reforms was Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, whose Book of Common Prayer has proved lasting.

Edward fell ill in January 1553, and when it was discovered to be terminal, he and his Council drew up a "Devise for the Succession", attempting to prevent the country being returned to Catholicism. Edward named his cousin Lady Jane Grey as his heir and excluded his half sisters, Mary and Elizabeth. However, this was disputed following Edward's death and Jane was only queen for nine days before Edward's half-sister, Mary, was proclaimed Queen. She proceeded to reverse many of Edward's Protestant reforms, but Elizabeth's religious settlement of 1559 would secure his Protestant legacy.

Contents

Early life

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Birth

Prince Edward was born on 12 October 1537 at his mother's room inside of Hampton Court Palace, in Middlesex.[2] He was the son of King Henry VIII by his third wife, Jane Seymour. Throughout the realm, the people greeted the birth of a male heir, "whom we hungered for so long",[3] with joy and relief. Te Deums were sung in churches, bonfires lit, and "their was shott at the Tower that night above two thousand gonnes".[4] Jane, appearing to recover quickly from the birth, sent out pre-signed letters announcing the birth of "a Prince, conceived in most lawful matrimony between my Lord the King's Majesty and us". Edward was christened on 15 October, with Princess Mary as godmother and Princess Elizabeth carrying the chrism, or baptismal cloth;[4] and the Garter King of Arms proclaimed him as Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester.[5] Jane Seymour, however, fell ill on 23 October from presumed postnatal complications, and died the following night. Henry VIII wrote to Francis I of France that "Divine Providence ... hath mingled my joy with bitterness of the death of her who brought me this happiness".[6]

Upbringing and education

Contemporary portraits
Painting of Prince Edward as a baby, depicted with regal splendour and a kingly gesture. He is dressed in red and gold, and a hat with ostrich plume. His face has delicate features, chubby cheeks and a fringe of red-gold hair.
Prince Edward in 1539, by Hans Holbein the Younger. He holds a golden rattle that resembles a sceptre; and the Latin inscription urges him to equal or surpass his father.[7]
Painting of Edward at 9 years. Both the pose of the prince and his dress imitate portraits of Henry VIII. The child wears a broad-shouldered mantle of dark velvet over his clothes which are ornately embroidered in gold thread. He wears a prominent cod-piece and carries a dagger. His short red hair can be seen beneath his cap, contrasting with dark eyes. He looks well and robust.
Edward as Prince of Wales, 1546 He wears the Prince of Wales's feathers and crown on the pendant jewel.[8]

Edward was a healthy baby who suckled strongly from the outset. His father was delighted with him; in May 1538, Henry was observed "dallying with him in his arms ... and so holding him in a window to the sight and great comfort of the people".[9] That September, the Lord Chancellor, Thomas, Lord Audley, reported Edward's rapid growth and vigour;[9] and other accounts describe him as a tall and merry child. The tradition that Edward VI was a sickly boy has been challenged by some historians.[10] At the age of four, he fell ill with a life-threatening "quartan fever",[11] but, despite occasional illnesses and poor eyesight, he enjoyed generally good health until the last six months of his life.[12]

Edward was initially placed in the care of Margaret Bryan, "lady mistress" of the prince's household. She was succeeded by Blanche Herbert, Lady Troy. Until the age of six, Edward was brought up, as he put it later in his Chronicle, "among the women".[13] The formal royal household established around Edward was, at first, under Sir William Sidney, and later Sir Richard Page, stepfather of Edward Seymour's wife, Anne Stanhope. Henry demanded exacting standards of security and cleanliness in his son's household, stressing that Edward was "this whole realm's most precious jewel".[14] Visitors described the prince, who was lavishly provided with toys and comforts, including his own troupe of minstrels, as a contented child.[15]

From the age of six, Edward began his formal education under Richard Cox and John Cheke, concentrating, as he recalled himself, on "learning of tongues, of the scripture, of philosophy, and all liberal sciences";[16] He received tuition from Elizabeth's tutor, Roger Ascham and Jean Belmain, learning French, Spanish and Italian. In addition, he is known to have studied geometry and learned to play musical instruments, including the lute and the virginals. He collected globes and maps and, according to coinage historian C. E. Challis, developed a grasp of monetary affairs that indicates a high intelligence. Edward's religious education is assumed to have favoured the reforming agenda.[17] His religious establishment was probably chosen by Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, a leading reformer. Both Cox and Cheke were "reformed" Catholics or Erasmians and later became Marian exiles. By 1549, Edward had written a treatise on the pope as Antichrist and was making informed notes on theological controversies.[18] Many aspects of Edward's religion were essentially Catholic in his early years, including celebration of the mass and reverence for images and relics of the saints.[19]

Both Edward's sisters were attentive to their brother and often visited him - on one occasion, Elizabeth gave him a shirt "of her own working".[20] Edward "took special content" in Mary's company, though he disapproved of her taste for foreign dances; "I love you most", he wrote to her in 1546.[21] In 1543, Henry invited his children to spend Christmas with him, signalling his reconciliation with his daughters, whom he had previously illegitimised and disinherited. The following spring, he restored them to their place in the succession with a Third Succession Act, which also provided for a regency council during Edward's minority.[22] This unaccustomed family harmony may have owed much to the influence of Henry's new wife Catherine Parr,[23] of whom Edward soon became fond. He called her his "most dear mother" and in September 1546, wrote to her: "I received so many benefits from you that my mind can hardly grasp them".[24]

Profile of the prince against a blue background
Portrait miniature of Edward by an unknown artist, c. 1543–46[25]

Other children were brought to play with Edward, including the granddaughter of Edward's chamberlain, Sir William Sidney, who in adulthood recalled the prince as "a marvellous sweet child, of very mild and generous condition".[26] Edward was educated with sons of nobles, "appointed to attend upon him" in what was a form of miniature court. Among these, Barnaby Fitzpatrick, son of an Irish peer, became a close and lasting friend.[27] Edward was more devoted to his schoolwork than his classmates and seems to have outshone them, motivated to do his "duty" and compete with his sister Elizabeth's academic prowess. Edward's surroundings and possessions were regally splendid: his rooms were hung with costly Flemish tapestries, and his clothes, books, and cutlery were encrusted with precious jewels and gold.[28] Like his father, Edward was fascinated by military arts, and many of his portraits show him wearing a gold dagger with a jewelled hilt, in imitation of Henry.[29] Edward's Chronicle enthusiastically details English military campaigns against Scotland and France, and adventures such as John Dudley's near capture at Musselburgh in 1547.[30]

"The Rough Wooing"

On 1 July 1543, Henry VIII signed the Treaty of Greenwich with the Scots, sealing the peace with Edward's betrothal to the seven-month-old Mary, Queen of Scots. The Scots were in a weak bargaining position after their defeat at Solway Moss the previous November, and Henry, seeking to unite the two realms, stipulated that Mary be handed over to him to be brought up in England.[31] When the Scots repudiated the treaty in December 1543 and renewed their alliance with France, Henry was enraged. In April 1544, he ordered Edward's uncle, Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, to invade Scotland and "put all to fire and sword, burn Edinburgh town, so razed and defaced when you have sacked and gotten what ye can of it, as there may remain forever a perpetual memory of the vengeance of God lightened upon [them] for their falsehood and disloyalty".[32] Seymour responded with the most savage campaign ever launched by the English against the Scots.[33] The war, which continued into Edward's reign, has become known as "The Rough Wooing".

Accession

A painting
Edward VI and the Pope: An Allegory of the Reformation. This anonymous work of propaganda depicts the handing over of power from Henry VIII, who lies dying in bed, to Edward VI, seated beneath a cloth of state with a slumping pope at his feet. In the top right of the picture is an image of men pulling down and smashing idols. At Edward's side are his uncle the Lord Protector Edward Seymour, and members of the Privy Council.[34]

Henry VIII died on 28 January 1547, when Edward was only nine. Those close to the throne, led by Edward Seymour and William Paget, agreed to delay the announcement of the king's death until arrangements had been made for a smooth succession. Seymour and Sir Anthony Browne, the Master of the Horse, rode to collect Edward from Hertford and brought him to Enfield, where Princess Elizabeth was living. He and Elizabeth were then told of the death of their father and heard a reading of the will.[35] The Lord Chancellor, Thomas Wriothesley, announced Henry's death to parliament on 31 January, and general proclamations of Edward's succession were ordered.[36] The new king was taken to the Tower of London, where he was welcomed with "great shot of ordnance in all places there about, as well out of the Tower as out of the ships".[37] The following day, the nobles of the realm made their obeisance to Edward at the Tower, and Seymour was announced as Protector.[36] Henry VIII was buried at Windsor on 16 February, in the same tomb as Jane Seymour, as he had wished.

Edward VI was crowned at Westminster Abbey four days later on Sunday 20 February, the first coronation in England for almost 40 years.[38] The ceremonies were shortened, because of the "tedious length of the same which should weary and be hurtsome peradventure to the King's majesty, being yet of tender age", and also because the Reformation had rendered some of them inappropriate.[39] On the eve of the coronation, Edward progressed on horseback from the Tower to the Palace of Westminster through thronging crowds and pageants, many based on the pageants for a previous boy king, Henry VI.[40] He laughed at a Spanish tightrope walker who "tumbled and played many pretty toys" outside St Paul's Cathedral.[41] At the coronation service, Cranmer affirmed the royal supremacy and called Edward a second Josiah,[42] urging him to continue the reformation of the Church of England, "the tyranny of the Bishops of Rome banished from your subjects, and images removed".[43] After the service, Edward presided at a banquet in Westminster Hall, where, he recalled in his Chronicle, he dined with his crown on his head.[44]

Somerset's Protectorate

Council of Regency

Henry VIII's will named sixteen executors, who were to act as Edward's Council until he reached the age of 18. These executors were supplemented by twelve men "of counsail" who would assist the executors when called on.[45] The final state of Henry VIII's will has been the subject of controversy. Some historians suggest that those close to the king manipulated either him or the will itself to ensure a shareout of power to their benefit, both material and religious. In this reading, the composition of the Privy Chamber shifted towards the end of 1546 in favour of the reforming faction.[46] In addition, two leading conservative Privy Councillors were removed from the centre of power. Stephen Gardiner was refused access to Henry during his last months. Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk, found himself accused of treason; the day before the king's death his vast estates were seized, making them available for redistribution, and he spent the whole of Edward's reign in the Tower of London.[47] Other historians have argued that Gardiner's exclusion was based on non-religious matters, that Norfolk was not noticeably conservative in religion, that conservatives remained on the Council, and that the radicalism of men such as Sir Anthony Denny, who controlled the dry stamp that replicated the king's signature, is debatable.[48] Whatever the case, Henry's death was followed by a lavish hand-out of lands and honours to the new power group.[49] The will contained an "unfulfilled gifts" clause, added at the last minute, which allowed Henry's executors to freely distribute lands and honours to themselves and the court,[50] particularly to Edward Seymour, 1st Earl of Hertford, who became the Lord Protector of the Realm, Governor of the King's Person, and the Duke of Somerset.[49]

 Formal portrait of the Duke of Somerset. He has a long thin face with a goatee beard and moustache of long fine straight reddish hair. His expression is wary. He wears his collar of the Order of the Garter.
Edward VI's uncle, Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset, ruled England in the name of his nephew as Lord Protector from 1547 to 1549.

In fact, Henry VIII's will did not provide for the appointment of a Protector. It entrusted the government of the realm during his son's minority to a Regency Council that would rule collectively, by majority decision, with "like and equal charge".[51] Nevertheless, a few days after Henry's death, on 4 February, the executors chose to invest almost regal power in Edward Seymour.[52] Thirteen out of the sixteen (the others being absent) agreed to his appointment as Protector, which they justified as their joint decision "by virtue of the authority" of Henry's will.[53] Seymour may have done a deal with some of the executors, who almost all received hand-outs.[54] He is known to have done so with William Paget, private secretary to Henry VIII,[55] and to have secured the support of Sir Anthony Browne of the Privy Chamber.[56]

Seymour's appointment was in keeping with historical precedent,[57] and his eligibility for the role was reinforced by his military successes in Scotland and France. In March 1547, he secured letters patent from King Edward granting him the almost monarchical right to appoint members to the Privy Council himself and to consult them only when he wished.[58] In the words of historian G. R. Elton, "from that moment his autocratic system was complete".[59] He proceeded to rule largely by proclamation, calling on the Privy Council to do little more than rubber-stamp his decisions.[60]

Somerset's takeover of power was smooth and efficient. The imperial ambassador, Van der Delft, reported that he "governs everything absolutely", with Paget operating as his secretary, though he predicted trouble from John Dudley, Viscount Lisle, who had recently been raised to Earl of Warwick in the share-out of honours.[61] In fact, in the early weeks of his Protectorate, Somerset was challenged only by the Chancellor, Thomas Wriothesley, whom the Earldom of Southampton had evidently failed to buy off, and by his own brother.[62] Wriothesley, a religious conservative, objected to Somerset's assumption of monarchical power over the Council. He then found himself abruptly dismissed from the chancellorship on charges of selling off some of his offices to delegates.[63] His removal forestalled the forming of factions within the Council.

Thomas Seymour

Somerset faced less manageable opposition from his younger brother Thomas Seymour, who has been described as a "worm in the bud".[64] As King Edward's uncle, Thomas Seymour demanded the governorship of the king's person and a greater share of power.[65] Somerset tried to buy his brother off with a barony, an appointment to the Lord Admiralship, and a seat on the Privy Council—but Thomas was bent on scheming for power. He began smuggling pocket money to King Edward, telling him that Somerset held the purse strings too tight, making him a "beggarly king".[66] He also urged him to throw off the Protector within two years and "bear rule as other kings do"; but Edward, schooled to defer to the Council, failed to co-operate.[67] In April, using Edward's support to circumvent Somerset's opposition, Thomas Seymour secretly married Henry VIII's widow Catherine Parr, whose Protestant household included the 11-year-old Lady Jane Grey and the 13-year-old Princess Elizabeth.[68]

In summer 1548, a pregnant Catherine Parr discovered Thomas Seymour embracing Princess Elizabeth.[69] As a result, Elizabeth was removed from Catherine Parr's household and transferred to Sir Anthony Denny's. That September, Catherine Parr died in childbirth, and Thomas Seymour promptly resumed his attentions to Elizabeth by letter, planning to marry her. Elizabeth was receptive, but, like Edward, unready to agree to anything unless permitted by the Council.[70] In January 1549, the Council had Thomas Seymour arrested on various charges, including embezzlement at the Bristol mint. King Edward, whom Seymour was accused of planning to marry to Lady Jane Grey, himself testified about the pocket money.[71] Lack of clear evidence for treason ruled out a trial, so Seymour was condemned instead by an Act of Attainder and beheaded on 20 March 1549.[72] The execution of his own brother was the latest of a series of disasters that had marked the Protector's rule. From this time, Somerset's own position was increasingly under threat.[73]

War

Somerset's only undoubted skill was as a soldier, which he had proven on expeditions to Scotland and in the defence of Boulogne-sur-Mer in 1546. From the first, his main interest as Protector was the war against Scotland.[74] After a crushing victory at the Battle of Pinkie Cleugh in September 1547, he set up a network of garrisons in Scotland, stretching as far north as Dundee.[75] His initial successes, however, were followed by a loss of direction, as his aim of uniting the realms through conquest became increasingly unrealistic. The Scots allied with France, who sent reinforcements for the defence of Edinburgh in 1548,[76] while Mary, Queen of Scots, was removed to France, where she was betrothed to the dauphin.[77] The cost of maintaining the Protector's massive armies and his permanent garrisons in Scotland also placed an unsustainable burden on the royal finances.[78] A French attack on Boulogne in August 1549 at last forced Somerset to begin a withdrawal from Scotland.[79]

Rebellion

During 1548, England was subject to social unrest. After April 1549, a series of armed revolts broke out, fuelled by various religious and agrarian grievances. The two most serious rebellions, which required major military intervention to put down, were in Devon and Cornwall and in Norfolk. The first, sometimes called the Prayer Book Rebellion, arose mainly from the imposition of church services in English, and the second, led by a tradesman called Robert Kett, mainly from the encroachment of landlords on common grazing ground.[80] A complex aspect of the social unrest was that the protesters believed they were acting legitimately against enclosing landlords with the Protector's support, convinced that the landlords were the lawbreakers.[81]

The same justification for outbreaks of unrest was voiced throughout the country, not only in Norfolk and the west. The origin of the popular view of Somerset as sympathetic to the rebel cause lies partly in his series of sometimes liberal, often contradictory, proclamations,[82] and partly in the uncoordinated activities of the commissions he sent out in 1548 and 1549 to investigate grievances about loss of tillage, encroachment of large sheep flocks on common land, and similar issues.[83] Somerset's commissions were led by an evangelical M.P. called John Hales, whose socially liberal rhetoric linked the issue of enclosure with Reformation theology and the notion of a godly commonwealth.[84] Local groups often assumed that the findings of these commissions entitled them to act against offending landlords themselves.[85] King Edward wrote in his Chronicle that the 1549 risings began "because certain commissions were sent down to pluck down enclosures".[86]

Whatever the popular view of Somerset, the disastrous events of 1549 were taken as evidence of a colossal failure of government, and the Council laid the responsibility at the Protector's door.[87] In July 1549, Paget wrote to Somerset: "Every man of the council have misliked your proceedings ... would to God, that, at the first stir you had followed the matter hotly, and caused justice to be ministered in solemn fashion to the terror of others ...".[88] By that autumn, plans were afoot to eject Somerset as Protector.

Fall of Somerset

The sequence of events that led to Somerset's removal from power has often been called a coup d'état.[87] By 1 October 1549, Somerset had been alerted that his rule faced a serious threat. He issued a proclamation calling for assistance, took possession of the king's person, and withdrew for safety to the fortified Windsor Castle, where Edward wrote, "Me thinks I am in prison".[89] Meanwhile, a united Council published details of Somerset's government mismanagement. They made clear that the Protector's power came from them, not from Henry VIII's will. On 11 October, the Council had Somerset arrested and brought the king to Richmond.[87] Edward summarised the charges against Somerset in his Chronicle: "ambition, vainglory, entering into rash wars in mine youth, negligent looking on Newhaven, enriching himself of my treasure, following his own opinion, and doing all by his own authority, etc."[90] In February 1550, John Dudley, Earl of Warwick, emerged as the leader of the Council and, in effect, as Somerset's successor. Although Somerset was released from the Tower and restored to the Council, he was executed for felony in January 1552 after scheming to overthrow Dudley's regime.[91] Edward noted his uncle's death in his Chronicle: "the duke of Somerset had his head cut off upon Tower Hill between eight and nine o'clock in the morning".[92]

Historians contrast the efficiency of Somerset's takeover of power, in which they detect the organising skills of allies such as Paget, the "master of practices", with the subsequent ineptitude of his rule.[93] By autumn 1549, his costly wars had lost momentum, the crown faced financial ruin, and riots and rebellions had broken out around the country. Until recent decades, Somerset's reputation with historians was high, in view of his many proclamations that appeared to back the common people against a rapacious landowning class.[94] More recently, however, he has often been portrayed as an arrogant and aloof ruler, lacking in political and administrative skills.[95]

Northumberland's regime

In contrast, Somerset's successor John Dudley, Earl of Warwick, made Duke of Northumberland in 1550, was once regarded by historians merely as a grasping schemer who cynically elevated and enriched himself at the expense of the crown.[96] Since the 1970s, the administrative and economic achievements of his regime have been recognised, and he has been credited with restoring the authority of the royal Council and returning the government to an even keel after the disasters of Somerset's protectorate.[97]

Miniature portrait of the Earl of Warwick, richly dressed in a slashed doublet with the Order of the Garter on a ribbon round his neck. He is a handsome man with dark eyes and dark goatee beard.
John Dudley, Earl of Warwick, later 1st Duke of Northumberland, led the Privy Council after the downfall of Somerset.

The Earl of Warwick's rival for leadership of the new regime was Thomas Wriothesley, 1st Earl of Southampton, whose conservative supporters had allied with Dudley's followers to create a unanimous Council, which they, and observers such as the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V's ambassador, expected to reverse Somerset's policy of religious reform.[98] Southampton's faction intended to appoint the Catholic Princess Mary as regent for King Edward.[99] Warwick, on the other hand pinned his hopes on the king's strong Protestantism and, claiming that Edward was old enough to rule in person, moved himself and his people closer to the king, taking control of the Privy Chamber.[100] Paget, accepting a barony, joined Warwick when he realised that a conservative policy would not bring the Emperor onto the English side over Boulogne.[101] Southampton prepared a case for executing Somerset, aiming to discredit Warwick through Somerset's statements that he had done all with Warwick's cooperation. As a counter-move, Warwick convinced parliament to free Somerset, which it did on 14 January 1550. Warwick then had Southampton and his followers purged from the Council after winning the support of Council members in return for titles, and was made Lord President of the Council and great master of the king's household.[102] Although not called a Protector, he was now clearly the head of the government.[103]

In accordance with his use of the king's personal authority as the source of his own, Warwick encouraged the king to come to Council meetings, which enabled him to cite the king's authority for his decisions.[104] Although Edward was precocious and able to understand much government business, his contributions during Warwick's presidency probably amounted to no more than assent to decisions already taken. In Dale Hoak's view, "Edward VI's speeches and papers really present the somewhat pathetic figure of an articulate puppet far removed from the realities of government".[105] His greatest influence was in matters of religion, where the Council followed the strongly Protestant policy that Edward favoured.[106]

The Duke of Northumberland's mode of operation was very different from Somerset's. Careful to make sure he always commanded a majority of councillors, he encouraged a working council and used it to legitimate his authority. Lacking Somerset's blood relationship with the king, he added members to the Council from his own faction in order to control it. He also added members of his family to the royal household.[107] He saw that to achieve personal dominance, he needed total procedural control of the Council.[108] In the words of historian John Guy, "Like Somerset, he became quasi-king; the difference was that he managed the bureaucracy on the pretence that Edward had assumed full sovereignty, whereas Somerset had asserted the right to near-sovereignty as Protector".[109]

Warwick's war policies were more pragmatic than Somerset's, and they have earned him criticism for weakness. In 1550, he signed a peace treaty with France that agreed to withdrawal from Boulogne and recalled all English garrisons from Scotland. In 1551 Edward was betrothed to Elisabeth of Valois, King Henry II's daughter .[110] In practice, he realised that England could no longer support the cost of wars.[111] At home, he took measures to police local unrest. To forestall future rebellions, he kept permanent representatives of the crown in the localities, including lords lieutenant, who commanded military forces and reported back to central government.[112]

Warwick also tackled the disastrous state of the kingdom's finances, drawing on the talents of Thomas Smith, William Cecil, and William Paulet, and on the financial advice of men such as Walter Mildmay and Thomas Gresham.[113] However, his regime did not take action until after it had succumbed to the temptations of a quick profit by further debasing the coinage.[114] The economic disaster that resulted handed the initiative to the experts, and the debasement was reversed. By 1552, confidence in the coinage was restored, prices fell, and trade at last improved. Though a full economic recovery was not achieved until Elizabeth's reign, its origins lay in the Duke of Northumberland's policies.[115] The regime also cracked down on widespread embezzlement of government finances, and carried out a thorough review of revenue collection practices, which has been called "one of the more remarkable achievements of Tudor administration".[116]

Reformation

In the matter of religion, the regime of Northumberland followed the same policy as that of Somerset, supporting an increasingly vigorous programme of reform.[117] Although Edward VI's practical influence on government was limited, his intense Protestantism made a reforming administration obligatory; his succession was managed by the reforming faction, who continued in power throughout his reign. The man Edward trusted most, Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, introduced a series of religious reforms that revolutionised the English church from one that—while rejecting papal supremacy, remained essentially Catholic—to one that was institutionally Protestant. The confiscation of church property that had begun under Henry VIII resumed under Edward—notably with the dissolution of the chantries—to the great monetary advantage of the crown and the new owners of the seized property.[118] Church reform was therefore as much a political as a religious policy under Edward VI.[119] By the end of his reign, the church had been financially ruined, with much of the property of the bishops transferred into lay hands.[120]

The religious convictions of both Somerset and Northumberland have proved elusive for historians, who are divided on the sincerity of their Protestantism.[121] There is less doubt, however, about the religious devotion—some have called it bigotry[122]—of King Edward, who was said to have read twelve chapters of scripture daily and enjoyed sermons, and was commemorated by John Foxe as a "godly imp".[123] Edward was depicted during his life and afterwards as a new Josiah, the biblical king who destroyed the idols of Baal.[124] He could be priggish in his anti-Catholicism and once asked Catherine Parr to persuade Princess Mary "to attend no longer to foreign dances and merriments which do not become a most Christian princes".[19] Edward's biographer Jennifer Loach cautions, however, against accepting too readily the pious image of Edward handed down by the reformers, as in John Foxe's influential Acts and Monuments, where a woodcut depicts the young king listening to a sermon by Hugh Latimer.[125] In the early part of his life, Edward conformed to the prevailing Catholic practices, including attendance at mass: but he became convinced, under the influence of Cranmer and the reformers among his tutors and courtiers, that "true" religion should be imposed in England.[126]

Portrait of Archbishop Cranmer as an elderly man. He has a long face with a flowing white beard, large nose, dark eyes and and rosy cheeks. He wears clerical robes with a black mantle over full white sleeves and has a doctoral cap on his head
Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, exerted a powerful influence on Edward's Protestantism.

The English Reformation advanced under pressure from two directions: from the traditionalists on the one hand and the zealots on the other, who led incidents of iconoclasm (image-smashing) and complained that reform did not go far enough. Reformed doctrines were made official, such as justification by faith alone and communion for laity as well as clergy in both kinds, of bread and wine.[127] The Ordinal of 1550 replaced the divine ordination of priests with a government-run appointment system, authorising ministers to preach the gospel and administer the sacraments rather than, as before, "to offer sacrifice and celebrate mass both for the living and the dead".[128] Cranmer set himself the task of writing a uniform liturgy in English, detailing all weekly and daily services and religious festivals, to be made compulsory in the first Act of Uniformity of 1549.[129] The Book of Common Prayer of 1549, intended as a compromise, was attacked by traditionalists for dispensing with many cherished rituals of the liturgy, such as the elevation of the bread and wine,[130] while some reformers complained about the retention of too many "popish" elements, including vestiges of sacrificial rites at communion.[129] The prayer book was also opposed by many senior Catholic clerics, including Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, and Edmund Bonner, Bishop of London, who were both imprisoned in the Tower and, along with others, deprived of their sees.[100]

After 1551, the Reformation advanced further, with the approval and encouragement of Edward, who began to exert more personal influence in his role as Supreme Head of the church.[131] The new changes were also a response to criticism from such reformers as John Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester, and the Scot John Knox, who was employed as a minister in Newcastle under the Duke of Northumberland and whose preaching at court prompted the king to oppose kneeling at communion.[132] Cranmer was also influenced by the views of the continental reformer Martin Bucer, who died in England in 1551, by Peter Martyr, who was teaching at Oxford, and by other foreign theologians.[133] The progress of the Reformation was further speeded by the appointment of more reformers as bishops.[134] In the winter of 1551–52, Cranmer rewrote the Book of Common Prayer in less ambiguous reformist terms, revised canon law, and prepared a doctrinal statement, the Forty-two Articles, to clarify the practice of the reformed religion, particularly in the divisive matter of the communion service.[135] Cranmer's formulation of the reformed religion, finally divesting the communion service of any notion of the real presence of God in the bread and the wine, effectively abolished the mass.[136] According to Elton, the publication of Cranmer's revised prayer book in 1552, supported by a second Act of Uniformity, "marked the arrival of the English Church at protestantism".[137] The prayer book of 1552 remains the foundation of the Church of England's services.[138] However, Cranmer was unable to implement all these reforms once it became clear in spring 1553 that King Edward, upon whom the whole Reformation in England depended, was dying.[139]

Succession crisis

Device for the succession

In January 1553, Edward VI became ill, and by June, after several improvements and relapses, he was in a hopeless condition.[140] The king's death and the succession of his Catholic sister Mary would jeopardise the English Reformation and Edward's Council and officers had many reasons to fear it.[141] Edward opposed Mary's succession, not only on religious grounds but also on those of legitimacy and male inheritance, which also applied to Elizabeth.[142] In February 1553, Mary made an official visit to Edward, welcomed by the Privy Council "as if she had been Queen of England", in the words of the imperial ambassador.[143] Nevertheless, shortly before Edward's death, an attempt was made to subvert the succession.

 A letter written in pen and ink, with irregular writing and several alterations
In his "devise for the succession", Edward passed over his sisters' claims to the throne in favour of Lady Jane Grey. In the fourth line, he altered "L Janes heires masles" to "L Jane and her heires masles".

Henry VIII had set a precedent in that a king had nominated and excluded heirs of his own volition, independently of traditional rules of descent.[144] With his draft document headed "My devise for the succession", King Edward also undertook to change the succession; he passed over the claims of the princesses Mary and Elizabeth and, at last, settled the Crown on his first cousin once removed, the sixteen-year-old Lady Jane Grey.[145] On 21 May 1553, in what was a triple marriage ceremony "with a display truly regal",[146] Lady Jane married Guildford Dudley, the fourth son of the Duke of Northumberland. Her sister Katherine wedded the son of the Earl of Pembroke, and a sister of Guildford was matched with a descendant of the Plantagenets, England's former royal family.[147]

In early June, Edward personally supervised the drafting of a clean version of his device by lawyers, to which he lent his signature "in six several places."[148] Then, on 15 June, and under the watchful eye of the Duke of Northumberland, he summoned highranking judges and lawyers to his sickbed, commanding them on their allegiance "with sharp words and angry countenance" to prepare his device as letters patent and announced that he would have these passed in parliament.[149] His next measure was to have leading councillors and lawyers sign a bond in his presence, in which they agreed faithfully to perform Edward's will after his death.[150] Finally, on 21 June, the device was signed by over a hundred notables, including councillors, peers, archbishops, bishops, and sheriffs, many of whom later claimed that they had been bullied into doing so by Northumberland—three earls were helped along with their decisions by a substantial land grant.[151]

When excusing his part in the business in a plea to Queen Mary a few months later, Chief Justice Edward Montagu recalled that when he and his colleagues had raised legal objections to the device, Northumberland came "into the Council Chamber ... being in a great rage and fury, trembling for anger, and amongst his rageous talk called the said Sir Edward, 'Traitor', and further said that he would fight in his shirt with any man in that quarrel".[152] Later, as Edward personally demanded their obedience, Montagu overheard a bunch of lords standing behind him conclude "if they refused to do that, they were traitors".[153] Thomas Cranmer, who was on bad terms with Northumberland and very reluctant to sign the documents, gave in only as Edward said he had expected him above all others to respect his will.[154] It was now common knowledge that Edward was dying and that some scheme to debar Mary was underway. France, which found the prospect of the emperor's cousin on the English throne disagreeable, gave indications of support to Northumberland.[155] The foreign diplomats, although certain that the overwhelming majority of the English people backed Mary, were nevertheless confident that Queen Jane would successfully be established:[156] "The actual possession of power is a matter of great importance, especially among barbarians like the English", Simon Renard wrote to Charles V.[157]

 A stiff Elizabethan-style three-quarter portrait of Lady Jane Grey wearing elaborate formal dress and holding a prayer book. She is a tall, pale, rather horsey-faced young woman.
Lady Jane Grey, who was proclaimed queen four days after Edward's death

Edward had often drafted political documents as exercises; in his last year, he increasingly applied this practice to the real business of government.[158] One such document was the first draft of his "devise for the succession". Edward provided, in case of "lack of issue of my body", for the succession of male heirs only, that is, Jane Grey's mother's, Jane's or her sisters'.[159] As his death approached and possibly persuaded by Northumberland,[160] he altered the wording so that Jane and her sisters themselves should be able to succeed. Yet Edward conceded Jane's right only as an exception to male rule, demanded by reality, an example not to be followed if Jane or her sisters had only daughters.[161] By the logic of the device, Frances Grey, Duchess of Suffolk, Jane's mother and Henry VIII's niece, should have been named as Edward's heir, but she, who had already been passed over in favour of her children in Henry's will, seems to have waived her claim after a visit to Edward.[162] The letters patent of 21 June excluded both the king's half-sisters because of bastardy;[163] as both had been declared bastards under Henry VIII, this reason could not only be advanced in Mary's but also in the Protestant Elizabeth's case.[164] The provisions to alter the succession were in direct violation of Henry VIII's Third Succession Act of 1543 and the product of hurried and illogical thinking.[165]

Whether the device was Edward's own idea or the result of manipulation by his advisors has been a matter of debate. For centuries, the attempt to alter the succession was mostly seen as a one-man-plot by the Duke of Northumberland.[166] More recently, many historians have attributed the inception of the device and the insistence on its implementation to the king's initiative.[167] Diarmaid MacCulloch has made out Edward's "teenage dreams of founding an evangelical realm of Christ",[168] while David Starkey has stated that "Edward had a couple of co-operators, but the driving will was his".[169] Dale Hoak, on the other hand, has argued: "the scheme to alter the succession originated in Northumberland's camp and not in King Edward's brain".[170] Sir John Gates, a follower of Northumberland, has been suspected of presenting the drafts of the device to Edward, who then copied them out.[171] Edward, who was convinced that his word was law,[172] would have understood and endorsed either scenario: "barring Mary from the successsion was a cause in which the young King believed."[173]

Illness and death

Edward became ill in January 1553 with a fever and cough that gradually worsened. The imperial ambassador, Scheyfve, reported that "he suffers a good deal when the fever is upon him, especially from a difficulty in drawing his breath, which is due to the compression of the organs on the right side ... I opine that this is a visitation and sign from God".[174] Edward felt well enough in early April to take the air in the park at Westminster and to move to Greenwich, but by the end of the month he had weakened again. By 7 May he was "much amended" and the royal doctors had no doubt of his recovery. A few days later the king was watching the ships on the Thames, sitting at his window.[175] However, he relapsed, and on 11 June Scheyfve, who had an informant in the king's household, reported that "the matter he ejects from his mouth is sometimes coloured a greenish yellow and black, sometimes pink, like the colour of blood".[176] Now his doctors believed he was suffering from "a suppurating tumour" of the lung and admitted that Edward's life was beyond recovery.[177] Soon, his legs became so swollen that he had to lie on his back, and he lost the strength to resist the disease. To his tutor John Cheke, he whispered "I am glad to die".[178]

Edward made his final appearance in public on 1 July, when he showed himself at his window in Greenwich Palace, horrifying those who saw him by his "thin and wasted" condition. During the next two days, large crowds arrived hoping to see the king again, but on the 3rd, they were told that the weather was too chilly for him to appear. Edward died at the age of 15 at Greenwich Palace on 6 July 1553. According to John Foxe's legendary account of his death, his last words were: "I am faint; Lord have mercy upon me, and take my spirit".[179] He was buried in Henry VII Lady Chapel at Westminster Abbey on 8 August 1553, with reformed rites performed by Thomas Cranmer. The procession was led by "a grett company of chylderyn in ther surples" and watched by Londoners "wepyng and lamenting"; the funeral chariot, draped in cloth of gold, was topped by an effigy of Edward, with crown, sceptre, and garter.[180] At the same time, Queen Mary attended a mass for his soul in the Tower, where Jane Grey was by then a prisoner.

The cause of Edward VI's death is not certain. As with many royal deaths in the 16th century, rumours of poisoning abounded, but no evidence has been found to support these.[181] The Duke of Northumberland, whose unpopularity was underlined by the events that followed Edward's death, was widely believed to have ordered the imagined poisoning.[182] Another theory held that Edward had been poisoned by Catholics seeking to bring Mary to the throne.[183] The surgeon who opened Edward's chest after his death found that "the disease whereof his majesty died was the disease of the lungs".[184] The Venetian ambassador reported that Edward had died of consumption—in other words, tuberculosis—a diagnosis accepted by many historians.[185] Skidmore believes that Edward contracted the tuberculosis after a bout of measles and smallpox in 1552 that suppressed his natural immunity to the disease.[184] Loach suggests instead that his symptoms were typical of acute bronchopneumonia, leading to a "suppurating pulmonary infection", septicaemia, and kidney failure.[186]

Queen Jane and Queen Mary

A formal seated portrait in the Spanish style of Mary I. She has a sallow fleshy face with reddish-brown hair and light eyes. Her mouth is firmly set and her eyes wary. She wears a dress of fine dark brown fur over a brocade underskirt heavily patterened in the florentine style. Her cap is bordered with jewels and pearls. Much of her jewellery is grey pearls. She holds a pair of kid gloves and a rose.
Mary I, by Antonis Mor, 1554

Princess Mary, who had last seen Edward in February, was kept informed about the state of her brother's health by Northumberland and through her contacts with the imperial ambassadors; these also made her aware of some "mighty plot" to deprive her of the succession.[187] Charles V advised her to accept the throne even if it were offered to her on condition she made no change in religion. Two days before Edward's death, she was summoned to court. Instead, she left Hunsdon House, near London, and sped to her estate at Kenninghall in Norfolk, fearing a trap.[188] Northumberland sent ships to the Norfolk coast to prevent her escape or the arrival of reinforcements from the continent. He delayed the announcement of the king's death while he gathered his forces, and Jane Grey, who may not have been told of Edward's device until this moment, was taken to the Tower on 10 July.[189] Later that day, she was proclaimed queen in the streets of London, to murmurings of discontent. Northumberland now pressed Jane to make his son Guildford Dudley king, which, according to her own account, she refused to do. The Privy Council received a message from Mary asserting her "right and title" to the throne and commanding that the Council proclaim her queen, as she had already proclaimed herself.[190] The Council replied that Jane was queen by Edward's authority and that Mary, by contrast, was illegitimate and supported only by "a few lewd, base people".[191]

Northumberland soon realised that he had miscalculated drastically, not least in failing to secure Mary's person before Edward's death.[192] Although many of those who rallied to Mary were conservatives hoping for the defeat of Protestantism, her supporters also included many legitimists, for whom her lawful claim to the throne overrode religious considerations.[193] Northumberland was obliged to relinquish control of a nervous Council in London and launch an unplanned pursuit of Mary into East Anglia, from where news was arriving of her growing support, which included a number of nobles and gentlemen and "innumerable companies of the common people".[194] In this precarious situation, Northumberland sent a secret mission to France to secure a pledge of French support.[195] Next, the duke marched out of London with three thousand men, reaching Cambridge on 14 July; meanwhile, Mary rallied her forces at Framlingham Castle in Suffolk, gathering an army of nearly twenty thousand by 19 July.[196]

It now dawned on the Privy Council that it had made a terrible mistake. When news reached the councillors in the Tower that even the Norfolk fleet had declared for Mary, they abandoned Northumberland and offered a reward for his arrest.[197] On 19 July, the Council completed its turnabout by publicly proclaiming Mary as queen; and Jane's nine-day reign came to an end. The proclamation triggered wild rejoicing throughout London.[198] Stranded in Cambridge, Northumberland had no alternative, as a member of the Council, but to proclaim Mary himself.[199] William Paget and the Earl of Arundel rode to Framlingham to beg Mary's pardon, and Arundel arrested Northumberland on 24 July. Northumberland was beheaded on 22 August, shortly after renouncing Protestantism.[200] His recantation dismayed his daughter-in-law, Jane, who followed him to the scaffold on 12 February 1554, after her father's involvement in Wyatt's rebellion.[201]

Protestant legacy

A contemporary woodcut of Hugh Latimer preaching to King Edward and a crowd of courtiers from a pulpit in the privy garden at the Palace of Whitehall. Published in John Foxe's Acts and Monuments in 1563.[202]

Although Edward reigned for only six years and died at the age of fifteen, his reign made a lasting contribution to the English Reformation and the structure of the Church of England.[203] The last decade of Henry VIII's reign had seen a partial stalling of the Reformation, a drifting back to more conservative values.[204] By contrast, Edward's reign saw radical progress in the Reformation. In those six years, the Church transferred from an essentially Roman Catholic liturgy and structure to one that is usually identified as Protestant.[205] In particular, the introduction of the Book of Common Prayer, the Ordinal of 1550, and Cranmer's Forty-two Articles formed the basis for English Church practices that continue to this day.[206] Edward himself fully approved these changes, and though they were the work of reformers such as Thomas Cranmer, Hugh Latimer, and Nicholas Ridley, backed by Edward's determinedly evangelical Council, the fact of the king's religion was a catalyst in the acceleration of the Reformation during his reign.[207]

Queen Mary's attempts to undo the reforming work of her brother's reign faced major obstacles. Despite her belief in the papal supremacy, she ruled constitutionally as the Supreme Head of the English Church, a contradiction under which she bridled.[208] She found herself entirely unable to restore the vast number of ecclesiastical properties handed over or sold to private landowners.[209] Although she burned a number of leading Protestant churchmen, many reformers either went into exile or remained subversively active in England during her reign, producing a torrent of reforming propaganda that she was unable to stem.[210] Nevertheless, Protestantism was not yet "printed in the stomachs" of the English people,[211] and had Mary lived longer, her Catholic reconstruction might have succeeded, leaving Edward's reign, rather than hers, as a historical aberration.[212]

On Mary's death in 1558, the English Reformation resumed its course, and most of the reforms instituted during Edward's reign were reinstated in the Elizabethan Religious Settlement. Queen Elizabeth replaced Mary's councillors and bishops with ex-Edwardians, such as William Cecil, Northumberland's former secretary, and Richard Cox, Edward's old tutor, who preached an anti-Catholic sermon at the opening of parliament in 1558.[213] Parliament passed an Act of Uniformity the following spring that restored, with modifications, Cranmer's prayer book of 1552;[214] and the Thirty-nine Articles of 1563 were largely based on Cranmer's Forty-two Articles. The theological developments of Edward's reign provided a vital source of reference for Elizabeth's religious policies, though the internationalism of the Edwardian Reformation was never revived.[215]

Ancestry

Practical legacy

Edward VI founded three charitable institutions, including Christ's Hospital, a school, which he founded 10 days before he died.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Henry VIII had replaced the style "Lord of Ireland" with "King of Ireland" in 1541; Edward also maintained the English claim to the French throne but did not rule France. See Scarisbrick 1971, pp. 548–49, and Lydon 1998, p. 119.
  2. ^ Loach 1999, p. 4
  3. ^ Hugh Latimer, bishop of Worcester, quoted by Erickson 1978, p. 181
  4. ^ a b Loach 1999, pp. 5–6
  5. ^ Erickson 1978, p. 182
  6. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 20
  7. ^ Foister 2006, p. 100
  8. ^ Strong 1969, p. 92; Hearn 1995, p. 50.
  9. ^ a b Loach 1999, p. 8
  10. ^ Elton 1977, p. 372; Loach 1999, p. 161; MacCulloch 2002, p. 21
  11. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 27. A fever recurring about every four days, today usually associated with malaria.
  12. ^ Skidmore 2007, pp. 33, 177, 223–34, 260. Edward was also ill in 1550 and "of the measles and the smallpox" in 1552.
  13. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 22; Jordan 1968, pp. 37–38
  14. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 23; Jordan 1968, pp. 38–39
  15. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 9–11
  16. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 11–12; Jordan 1968, p. 42. For example, he read biblical texts, Cato, Aesop's Fables, and Vives's Satellitium Vivis, which were written for his sister, Mary.
  17. ^ Jordan 1968, p. 40; MacCulloch 2002, p. 8
  18. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 13–16; MacCulloch 2002, pp. 26–30
  19. ^ a b Skidmore 2007, p. 38
  20. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 26
  21. ^ Skidmore 2007, pp. 38–37; Loach 1999, p. 16
  22. ^ Mackie 1952, pp. 413–14; Guy 1988, p. 196. Mary and Elizabeth remained technically illegitimate, only succeeding to the crown, due to Henry's nomination. They could lose their rights, for example by marrying without the consent of the Privy Council: Ives 2009, pp. 142–143; Loades 1996, p. 231.
  23. ^ Starkey 2004, p. 720
  24. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 34
  25. ^ This miniature, formerly attributed to Hans Holbein the Younger and one of several versions derived from the same pattern, is now thought likely to be by a follower of William Scrots. The background inscription gives Edward's age as six, but this has been doubted after x-rays of the underpainting. See Strong 1969, pp. 92–93, and Rowlands 1985, pp. 235–36.
  26. ^ Skidmore 2007, pp. 28–29
  27. ^ Jordan 1968, p. 44
  28. ^ Skidmore 2007, pp. 35–36
  29. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 36; Strong 1969, p. 92. Such portraits were modelled on Holbein's depiction of Henry VIII for a wall-painting at Whitehall in 1537, in which Henry confronts the viewer, wearing a dagger. See Remigius van Leemput's 1667 copy of the mural, which was destroyed in a fire in 1698.
  30. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 53–54
  31. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 30
  32. ^ Wormald 2001, p. 58
  33. ^ "His detailed reports to his master are a hideous record of fire and bloodshed, chronicled in the most factual and laconic manner." Wormald 2001, p. 59
  34. ^ Aston 1993; Loach 1999, p. 187; Hearn 1995, pp. 75–76
  35. ^ Jordan 1968, pp. 51–52; Loades 2004, p. 28
  36. ^ a b Loach 1999, p. 29
  37. ^ Jordan 1968, p. 52
  38. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 30–38
  39. ^ Jordan 1968, pp. 65–66; Loach 1999, pp. 35–37
  40. ^ Loach 1999, p. 33
  41. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 59
  42. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 61; MacCulloch 2002, p. 62
  43. ^ Jordan 1968, p. 67
  44. ^ Jordan 1968, pp. 65–69; Loach 1999, pp. 29–38
  45. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 17–18; Jordan 1968, p. 56
  46. ^ Starkey 2002, pp. 130–145
  47. ^ Starkey 2002, pp. 130–145; Elton 1977, pp. 330–31
  48. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 19–25. In addressing these views, Loach cites, among others: G. Redworth, In Defence of the Church Catholic: the Life of Stephen Gardiner (Oxford, 1990), 231–37; Susan Brigden, "Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, and the Conjoured League", Historical Journal, xxxvii (1994), 507–37; and Eric Ives, "Henry VIII's Will: A Forensic Conundrum", Historical Journal (1992), 792–99.
  49. ^ a b Loach 1999, pp. 19–25
  50. ^ Starkey 2002, p. 142; Elton 1977, p. 332. David Starkey describes this distribution of benefits as typical of "the shameless back-scratching of the alliance"; G. R. Elton calls the changes to the will "convenient".
  51. ^ Starkey 2002, pp. 138–39; Alford 2002, p. 69. The existence of a council of executors alongside the Privy Council was rationalised in March when the two became one, incorporating the executors and most of their appointed assistants and adding Thomas Seymour, who had protested at his exclusion from power.
  52. ^ MacCulloch 2002, p. 7; Alford 2002, p. 65
  53. ^ Starkey 2002, pp. 138–39; Alford 2002, p. 67
  54. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 26–27; Elton 1962, p. 203
  55. ^ In 1549, Paget was to remind Seymour: "Remember what you promised me in the gallery at Westminster before the breath was out of the body of the king that dead is. Remember what you promised immediately after, devising with me concerning the place which you now occupy ... and that was to follow mine advice in all your proceedings more than any other man's". Quoted in Guy 1988, p. 211
  56. ^ Alford 2002, pp. 67–68
  57. ^ Alford 2002, pp. 49–50, 91–92; Elton 1977, p. 333. Uncles of the king had been made Protector in 1422 and 1483 during the minorities of Henry VI and Edward V (though not also Governor of the King's Person, as Seymour's brother Thomas, who coveted the role for himself, pointed out).
  58. ^ Alford 2002, p. 70 ; Jordan 1968, pp. 73–75. In 1549, William Paget described him as king in all but name.
  59. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 334, 338
  60. ^ Alford 2002, p. 66
  61. ^ Jordan 1968, pp. 69, 76–77; Skidmore 2007, pp. 63–65
  62. ^ Elton 1977, p. 333
  63. ^ Loades 2004, pp. 33–34; Elton 1977, p. 333
  64. ^ Loades 2004, p. 34
  65. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 333, 346.
  66. ^ Loades 204, p. 36
  67. ^ Loades 2004, pp. 36–37; Brigden 2000, p. 182
  68. ^ Erickson 1978, p. 234
  69. ^ Somerset 1997, p. 23
  70. ^ Loades 2004, pp. 37–38
  71. ^ Loades 2004, pp. 40–41; Alford 2002, pp. 96–97
  72. ^ Alford 2002, pp. 91–97
  73. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 346–47
  74. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 183; MacCulloch 2002, p. 42
  75. ^ Mackie 1952, p. 484
  76. ^ Mackie 1952, p. 485
  77. ^ Wormald 2001, p. 62; Loach 1999, pp. 52–53. The dauphin was the future Francis II of France, son of Henry II of France.
  78. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 183
  79. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 340–41
  80. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 70–83
  81. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 347–350; Loach 1999, pp. 66–67, 86. For example, in Hereford, a man was recorded as saying that "by the king's proclamation all enclosures were to be broken up".
  82. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 60–61, 66–68, 89; Elton 1962, p. 207. Some proclamations expressed sympathy for the victims of enclosure and announced action; some condemned the destruction of enclosures and associated riots; another announced pardons for those who had destroyed enclosures by mistake ("of folly and of mistaking") after misunderstanding the meaning of proclamations, so long as they were sorry.
  83. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 61–66.
  84. ^ MacCulloch 2002, pp. 49–51; Dickens 1967, p. 310
  85. ^ "Their aim was not to bring down government, but to help it correct the faults of local magistrates and identify the ways in which England could be reformed." MacCulloch 2002, p. 126
  86. ^ Loach 1999, p. 85
  87. ^ a b c Elton 1977, p. 350
  88. ^ Loach 1999, p. 87
  89. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 192
  90. ^ Quoted in Loach 1999, p. 91. By "Newhaven" is meant Ambleteuse, near Boulogne.
  91. ^ Guy 1988, pp. 212–15; Loach 1999, pp. 101–102
  92. ^ Loach 1999, p. 102
  93. ^ MacCulloch 2002, p. 104; Dickens 1967, p. 279
  94. ^ Elton 1977, p. 333n; Alford 2002, p. 65. A. F. Pollard took this line in the early 20th century, echoed later by Edward VI's 1960s biographer W. K. Jordan. A more critical approach was initiated by M. L. Bush and Dale Hoak in the 1970s.
  95. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 334–350
  96. ^ Hoak 1980, pp. 31–32; MacCulloch 2002, p. 42
  97. ^ Alford 2002, p. 25; Hoak 1980, pp. 42, 51
  98. ^ Loach 1999, p. 92
  99. ^ Elton 1977, p. 351; Hoak 1980, p. 47
  100. ^ a b Brigden 2000, p. 193
  101. ^ Elton 1977, p. 351
  102. ^ Guy 1988, p. 213; Hoak 1980, pp. 38–39. Hoak explains that the office of Lord President gave its holder the right to create and dismiss councillors, as well as to call and dissolve Council meetings.
  103. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 350–352
  104. ^ Elton 1977, p. 354; Loach 1999, p. 100; Skidmore 2007, p. 246. Loach, followed by Skidmore, contends that Edward did not attend the Privy Council itself but a special committee created for him.
  105. ^ Hoak 1980, p. 43
  106. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 354, 371
  107. ^ Loach 1999, p. 94.
  108. ^ Hoak 1980, pp. 36–37
  109. ^ Guy 1988, p. 215
  110. ^ Guy 1988, pp. 218–19; Loach 1999, p. 108. Edward sent Elisabeth a "fair diamond" from Catherine Parr's collection.
  111. ^ Loach 1999, p. 113; MacCulloch 2002, p. 55
  112. ^ Elton 1977, p. 355; Loach 1999, p. 105
  113. ^ Elton 1977, p. 355
  114. ^ Loach 1999, p. 110; Hoak 1980, p. 41
  115. ^ Elton 1977, p. 356
  116. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 357–58
  117. ^ MacCulloch 2002, p. 56
  118. ^ Dickens 1967, pp. 287–93
  119. ^ Elton 1962, pp. 204–205; MacCulloch 2002, p. 8
  120. ^ Elton 1962, p. 210
  121. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 169–171; Elton 1962, p. 210; Guy 1988, p. 219; Loades 2004, p. 135; Skidmore 2007, pp. 286–87.
  122. ^ Mackie 1952, p. 524; Elton 1977, p. 354
  123. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 180; Skidmore 2007, p. 6
  124. ^ MacCulloch 2002, p. 14
  125. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 180–81; MacCulloch 2002, pp. 21–29. Loach points out, following Jordan, that Edward's Chronicle records nothing of his religious views and mentions no sermons; MacCulloch counters that Edward's notebook of sermons, which was once archived and documented, has since been lost.
  126. ^ Brigden 2000, pp. 180–81
  127. ^ Brigden 2000, pp. 188–89
  128. ^ Mackie 1952, p. 517; Elton 1977, p. 360; Haigh 1993, p. 168
  129. ^ a b Elton 1977, p. 345
  130. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 190; Haigh 1993, p. 174; Dickens 1967, p. 305. One of the grievances of the western prayer-book rebels in 1549 was that the new service seemed "like a Christmas game".
  131. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 195
  132. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 361, 365
  133. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 361–62; Haigh 1993, pp. 179–80; Dickens 1967, pp. 318–25, 40–42
  134. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 178. Notable among the new bishops were John Ponet, who succeeded Gardiner at Winchester, Myles Coverdale at Exeter, and John Hooper at Gloucester.
  135. ^ Dickens 1967, pp. 340–49
  136. ^ Brigden 2000, pp. 196–97; Elton 1962, p. 212
  137. ^ " The Prayer Book of 1552, the Ordinal of 1550, which it took over, the act of uniformity which made the Prayer Book the only legal form of worship, and the Forty-two Articles binding upon all Englishmen, clerical and lay—these between them comprehended the protestant Reformation in England." Elton 1962, p. 212
  138. ^ Elton 1977, p. 365
  139. ^ Elton 1977, p. 366. Edward approved the Forty-two Articles in June 1553, too late for them to be introduced—they later became the basis of Elizabeth I's Thirty-nine Articles of 1563. Cranmer's revision of canon law, Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum, was never authorised by king or parliament.
  140. ^ Loades 1996, pp. 238, 239; Ives 2009, pp. 145, 314
  141. ^ Starkey 2001, pp. 111–112
  142. ^ Starkey 2001, pp. 112–113; Loades 1996, p. 232
  143. ^ Ives 2009, p. 94
  144. ^ Ives 2009, pp. 142–144
  145. ^ Ives 2009, pp. 8–9
  146. ^ Starkey 2001, p. 114
  147. ^ Loades 1996, pp. 238–239
  148. ^ Ives 2009, pp. 145, 314
  149. ^ Ives 2009, p. 148; Loades 1996, p. 241
  150. ^ Ives 2009, pp. 160–161
  151. ^ Loach 1999, p. 165; Hoak 1980, p. 49; Ives 2009, p. 161
  152. ^ Ives 2009, pp. 105, 147; Loades 1996, p. 241
  153. ^ Ives 2009, p. 160
  154. ^ Ives 2009, p. 162
  155. ^ Loades 1996, pp. 254–255
  156. ^ Loades 1996, pp. 256–257
  157. ^ Loades 1996, p. 257
  158. ^ Ives 2009, pp. 134–136; Loades 1996, p. 235
  159. ^ Ives 2009, pp. 137, 139–140. In case there were no male heirs at the time of his death, England should have no king, but Jane's mother, Frances Grey, Duchess of Suffolk should act as regent until the birth of a royal male. Edward made detailed provisions for a minority rule, stipulated at what age the male rulers were to take power, and left open the possibility of his having children. This first draft has been dated between early 1553 and May 1553. Ives 2009, pp. 137–139; Alford 2002, pp. 172–173; Loades 1996, p. 231.
  160. ^ Loades 1996, p. 240
  161. ^ Ives 2009, pp. 147, 150
  162. ^ Ives 2009, pp. 157, 35
  163. ^ Ives 2009, p. 167
  164. ^ Loades 1996, p. 232; Elton 1977, p. 373n16
  165. ^ Jordan 1970, p. 515; Loach 1999, p. 163
  166. ^ Ives 2009, p. 128
  167. ^ Jordan 1970, p. 513–517; Loades 1996, pp. 239–241; Starkey 2001, pp. 112–114; MacCulloch 2002, pp. 39–41; Alford 2002, pp. 171–174; Skidmore 2009, pp. 247–249; Ives 2009, pp. 8–9, 145–149
  168. ^ MacCulloch 2002, p. 41
  169. ^ Starkey 2001, p. 112
  170. ^ Hoak 1980, p. 48
  171. ^ Guy 1988, p. 226; Hoak 1980, p. 48–49. When Northumberland and Gates made their farewells before their executions, the duke said to him: "you and your counsel was a great occasion hereof" – "your and your authority was the only original cause of all together", was Gates' answer: Ives 2009, p. 150.
  172. ^ Mackie 1952, p. 524
  173. ^ Hoak 1980, p. 49.
  174. ^ Skidmore 2007, pp. 244–45
  175. ^ Loades 1996, p. 238
  176. ^ Loach 1999, p. 159
  177. ^ Loach 1999, p. 160; Skidmore 2007, p. 254
  178. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 254
  179. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 258; Loach 1999, p. 167. See Foxe's Acts and monuments, VI, 352.
  180. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 167–69
  181. ^ Loach 1999, p. 160; Jordan 1970, p. 520n1
  182. ^ Dickens 1967, p. 352
  183. ^ Skidmore 2007, pp. 258–59
  184. ^ a b Skidmore 2007, p. 260
  185. ^ Loach 1999, p. 161
  186. ^ Loach 1999, pp. 159–62
  187. ^ Loades 1996, pp. 239–240, 237
  188. ^ Erickson 1978, p. 289
  189. ^ Jordan 1970, p. 521
  190. ^ Erickson 1978, pp. 290–91; Tittler 1991, p. 8
  191. ^ Jordan 1970, p. 522
  192. ^ Elton 1977, p. 375; Dickens 1967, p. 353
  193. ^ Jordan 1970, p. 524; Elton 1977, p. 375
  194. ^ Erickson 1978, p. 291
  195. ^ Loades 1996, pp. 262–263
  196. ^ Tittler 1991, p. 10; Erickson 1978, pp. 292–93
  197. ^ Erickson 1978, p. 294; Jordan 1970, p. 527
  198. ^ Jordan 1970, pp. 529–30
  199. ^ Loades 2004, p. 134
  200. ^ Loades 2004, pp. 134–35
  201. ^ Tittler 1991, p. 11; Erickson 1978, pp. 357–58
  202. ^ MacCulloch 2002, pp. 21–25, 107
  203. ^ MacCulloch 2002, p. 12
  204. ^ Scarisbrick 1971, pp. 545–47
  205. ^ The article follows the majority of historians in using the term "Protestant" for the Church of England as it stood by the end of Edward's reign. However, a minority prefer the terms "evangelical" or "new". In this view, as expressed by Diarmaid MacCulloch, it is "premature to use the label 'Protestant' for the English movement of reform in the reigns of Henry and Edward, even though its priorities were intimately related to what was happening in central Europe. A description more true to the period would be 'evangelical', a word which was indeed used at the time in various cognates". MacCulloch 2002, p. 2
  206. ^ Elton 1962, p. 212; Skidmore 2007, pp. 8–9
  207. ^ MacCulloch 2002, p. 8
  208. ^ Elton 1977, pp. 378, 383
  209. ^ Elton 1962, pp. 216–219
  210. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 223; Elton 1977, pp. 382–83
  211. ^ Loach 1999, p. 182; Haigh 1993, p. 175
  212. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 235
  213. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 238
  214. ^ Somerset 1997, p. 101
  215. ^ Loach 1999, p. 182; MacCulloch 2002, p. 79

Bibliography

  • Alford, Stephen (2002), Kingship and Politics in the Reign of Edward VI, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0521039711 .
  • Aston, Margaret (1993), The King's Bedpost: Reformation and Iconography in a Tudor Group Portrait, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 052148457X .
  • Brigden, Susan (2000), New Worlds, Lost Worlds: The Rule of the Tudors, 1485–1603, London: Allen Lane/Penguin, ISBN 0713990678 .
  • Davis, Catharine (2002), A Religion of the Word: The Defence of the Reformation in the Reign of Edward VI, Manchester: Manchester University Press, ISBN 9780719057304 .
  • Dickens, A. G. (1967), The English Reformation, London: Fontana, ISBN 0006861156 .
  • Elton, G. R. (1962), England Under the Tudors, London: Methuen, OCLC 154186398 .
  • Elton, G. R. (1977), Reform and Reformation, London: Edward Arnold, ISBN 0713159537 .
  • Erickson, Carolly (1978), Bloody Mary, New York: Doubleday, ISBN 0385116632 .
  • Foister, Susan (2006), Holbein in England, London: Tate Publishing, ISBN 1854376454 .
  • Guy, John (1988), Tudor England, Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0192852132 .
  • Haigh, Christopher (1993), English Reformations: Religion, Politics and Society Under the Tudors, Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 9780198221623 .
  • Hearn, Karen (1995), Dynasties: Painting in Tudor and Jacobean England 1530–1630, New York: Rizzoli, ISBN 084781940X .
  • Hoak, Dale (1980), "Rehabilitating the Duke of Northumberland: Politics and Political Control, 1549–53", in Loach, Jennifer; Tittler, Robert, The Mid-Tudor Polity c. 1540–1560, London: Macmillan, pp. 29–51, ISBN 0333245288 .
  • Ives, Eric (2009), Lady Jane Grey. A Tudor Mystery, Chichester, West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, ISBN 9781405194136 .
  • Jordan, W. K. (1970), Edward VI: The Threshold of Power. The Dominance of the Duke of Northumberland, London: George Allen & Unwin, ISBN 0049420836 .
  • Jordan, W. K. (1968), Edward VI: The Young King. The Protectorship of the Duke of Somerset, London: George Allen & Unwin, OCLC 40403 .
  • Loach, Jennifer (1999), Bernard, George; Williams, Penry, eds., Edward VI, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, ISBN 0300079923 .
  • Loades, David (2004), Intrigue and Treason: The Tudor Court, 1547–1558, London: Pearson Longman, ISBN 0582772265 
  • Loades, David (1996), John Dudley Duke of Northumberland 1504–1553, Oxford: Clarendon Press, ISBN 0198201931 .
  • Lydon, James (1998), The Making of Ireland: A History, London: Routledge, ISBN 9780415013475 .
  • MacCulloch, Diarmaid (2002), The Boy King: Edward VI and the Protestant Reformation, Berkeley: University of California Press, ISBN 0520234022 .
  • MacCulloch, Diarmaid (1996), Thomas Cranmer, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, ISBN 0300074484 .
  • Mackie, J. D. (1952), The Earlier Tudors, 1485–1558, Oxford: Clarendon Press, OCLC 186603282 .
  • Richardson, R. E. (2007), Mistress Blanche, Queen Elizabeth I's Confidante, Logaston Press, ISBN 9781904396864 .
  • Rowlands, John (1985), Holbein: The Paintings of Hans Holbein the Younger, Boston: David R. Godine, ISBN 0879235780 .
  • Scarisbrick, J. J. (1971), Henry VIII, London: Penguin, ISBN 014021318X .
  • Skidmore, Chris (2007), Edward VI: The Lost King of England, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, ISBN 9780297846499 .
  • Skidmore, Chris (2009), Edward VI: The Lost King of England, New York: St. Martin's Griffin, ISBN 9780312538934 .
  • Somerset, Anne (1997), Elizabeth I, London: Phoenix, ISBN 1842126245 .
  • Starkey, David (2001), Elizabeth. Apprenticeship, London: Vintage, ISBN 0099286572 .
  • Starkey, David (2004), Six Wives: The Queens of Henry VIII, London: Vintage, ISBN 0099437244 .
  • Starkey, David (2002), The Reign of Henry VIII, London: Vintage, ISBN 0099445107 .
  • Strong, Roy (1969), Tudor and Jacobean Portraits, London: HMSO, OCLC 71370718 .
  • Tittler, Robert (1991), The Reign of Mary I, London: Longman, ISBN 0582061075 .
  • Wormald, Jenny (2001), Mary, Queen of Scots: Politics, Passion and a Kingdom Lost, London: Tauris Parke, ISBN 1860645887 .

Further reading

  • Bush, M. L. (1975), The Government Policy of Protector Somerset, London: Edward Arnold, OCLC 60005549 .
  • Hoak, Dale (1976), The King's Council in the Reign of Edward VI, New York: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0521208661 .
  • Jordan, W. K., ed. (1966), The Chronicle and Political Papers of Edward VI, Ithaca, NY: Folger Shakespeare Library/Cornell University Press, OCLC 398375 .
  • Pollard, A. F. (1900), England Under Protector Somerset, London: K. Paul, Trench, Trübner, OCLC 4244810 .

External links

Edward VI of England
Born: 12 October 1537 Died: 6 July 1553
Regnal titles
Preceded by
Henry VIII
King of England
King of Ireland

28 January 1547 – 6 July 1553
Succeeded by
Jane or
Mary I
English royalty
Preceded by
Lady Elizabeth Tudor
Heir to the English Throne
as heir apparent
12 October 1537 – 28 January 1547
Succeeded by
Lady Mary Tudor
New title
New Kingdom
Heir to the Irish Throne
as heir apparent
1541 – 28 January 1547
Peerage of England
Vacant
Title last held by
Henry, Prince of Wales
later became King Henry VIII
Prince of Wales
1537–1547
Vacant
Title next held by
Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales
Vacant
Title last held by
Henry Tudor, Duke of Cornwall
Duke of Cornwall
1537–1547

1911 encyclopedia

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