From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
International aid has played a
major role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as it has been
used as a means to keep the peace process going.
Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip receive one of
the highest levels of aid in the world. Aid has
been offered to the Palestinian National
Authority (PNA) and other Palestinian Non-governmental Organizations (PNGOs) by
the international community,
Non-governmental Organizations (INGOs). The entities that
provide aid to the Palestinians are categorized into seven groups:
the Arab nations, the European Union, the United States, Japan, international institutions
(including agencies of the UN system), European
countries, and other nations.
Before the signing of the Oslo accords, two
entities were the major sources of international aid for the Israeli-occupied
territories of West Bank and Gaza: the donors of the West and the Arab
states. Most of these programs started or developed during the
1970s, and they were further expanded during the 1980s. Because of
the lack of a Palestinian state entity-partner, the majority of the
sums were channeled through PNGOs or INGOs.
Although the stance of the donors during the pre-Oslo period is
regarded by some analysts, such as Rex Brynen, as controversial and
linked with phenomena, such as corruption, nationalism and
international aid effectively financed a series of programs in the
sectors of agriculture, infrastructure, housing and education.
Even before the signing of the Oslo accords, Shimon Peres
called for an international donors' conference, recognizing that a
major US aid program for the Palestinians would have difficulties
given the past U.S.-PLO relationship.
The Oslo accords, officially signed on
September 13, 1993, on the White House lawn, contained substantial
provisions on economic matters and international aid: Annex IV of
the Declaration of Principles (DoP) discusses regional cooperation
and implicitly calls for major international aid efforts to help
the Palestinians, Jordan, Israel and the entire region.
On October 1, 1993, the international donor community (nations
and institutions) met
in Washington to mobilize support for the peace process, and
pledged to provide approximately $2.4 billion to the Palestinians
over the course of the next five years. The
international community's action was based on the premise that it
was imperative to garner all financial resources needed to make the
agreement successful, and with a full understanding that in order
for the Accords to stand in the face of daily challenges on the
ground, ordinary Palestinians needed to perceive positive change in
Therefore, the donors had two major goals: to fuel Palestinian
economic growth and to build public support for negotiations with
According to Scott Lasensky, "throughout the follow-up talks to the
DoP that produced the Gaza-Jericho Agreement (May 1994), the Early
Empowerment Agreement (August 1994), the Interim
Agreement (September 1995), and the Hebron
Accord (January 1997), [...] economic aid hovered over the
process and remained the single most critical external component
buttressing the PNA."
Between 1993-1997 the PNA faced serious economic and financial
International aid prevented the collapse of the local economy, and
contributed to the establishment of the Palestinian
Donors' pledges continued to increase regularly (their value had
risen to approximately $3,420 million as of the end of October
1997) as a result of the faltering peace process, along with the
increase in needs and the consequent increase in the assistance
necessary for Palestinians to survive.
Reality led, however, to a revision of the donors' priorities: Out
of concern that the deteriorating economic conditions could result
in a derailment of the peace process, donor support was redirected
to finance continued budgetary shortfalls, housing programs and
emergency employment creation.
According to a more critical approach, international aid in the mid
1990s supported PNA's bureaucracy
and belatedly promoted the centralization of political power, but
in a way that did not enhance government capacity and harmed the
In 1994-1995 problems of underfunding, inefficiency and poor aid
coordination marked donors' activity, and led to tensions among the
different aid bodies, and between the international community and
the PNA. In
1996, the link between development assistance and the success of
the peace process was made explicit by the President of the World Bank, James
Wolfensohn, who stated: "The sense of urgency is clear. Peace
will only be assured in that area if you can get jobs for those
After 1997, there was a reduction in the use of closure policy
by Israel, which led to an
employment growth and an expansion of the West Bank and Gaza
After the signing of the Wye River Memorandum, a new
donors' conference was convened, and over $2 billion was pledged to
the PNA for 1999-2003.
Nevertheless, overall donor disbursements fell in 1998-2000, and
the 1998 disbursements-to-commitments ratio was the lowest since
As for international institutions, they began to play a bigger role
in the international funding process, in spite of the decline in
the absolute value of these institutions' total commitments. After
1997, the need for donor support for the current budget and
employment generation programs receded due to the PA's improved
fiscal performance, and attention was focused instead on
infrastructures to the detriment of institution building.
Donors' activity was also characterized by a decline in support for
PNGOs, and by a preference to concessionary loans (instead of
grants) with generous grace periods, long repayment periods and low
Intifada led to one of the deepest recessions the Palestinian
economy experienced in modern history.
In those two years, Palestinian real GDP per capita shrunk by
almost 40 percent. The
precipitator of this economic crisis was again a multi-faceted
system of restrictions on the movement of goods and people designed
to protect Israelis in
Israel itself and in the settlements.
One of the many frustrations of the crisis was the erosion of
the development effort financed by the international community,
since the overwhelming emphasis in donor work was now directed
towards mitigating the impact of the economic and social crisis. A
collapse of the PNA was averted by emergency budget support from
donor countries. Despite a significant increase in donor
commitments in 2002 compared with 2001, commitments to
infrastructure and capacity-building work with a medium-term focus
continued to decline. In 2000, the ratio was approximately 7:1 in
favor of development assistance. By 2002, the ratio had shifted to
almost 5:1 in favor of emergency assistance.
The barrier route as of July 2006
Arafat's death in 2004 and Israel's unilateral
disengagement from Gaza created new hopes to the donor
community. In March 2005, the Quartet on the Middle East
underscored the importance of development assistance, and urged the
international donors community to support Palestinian institution
without however ignoring budgetary support. The
Quartet also urged Israel and the PNA to fulfill their commitments
arising from the Road map for peace, and the
international community "to review and energize current donor
coordination structures [...] in order to increase their
The international community's attempt in late 2005 to promote
Palestinian economic recovery reflected a long-standing assumption
that economic development is crucial to the peace process and to
prevent backsliding into conflict.
Although a mild positive growth returned in 2003 and 2005, this
fragile recovery stalled as a result of the segmentation of the
Gaza Strip, the stiff restrictions on movements of goods and people
across the borders with Israel and Egypt, and the completion of the
Israeli West Bank
the World Bank
stressed in December 2005, "growth will not persist without good
Palestinian governance, sound economic management and a continued
relaxation of closure by GOI."
On January 25, 2006, Hamas won the Palestinian
legislative elections; the Islamist organization assumed power
in March 29, 2006, without accepting the terms and conditions
set by the Quartet.
Hamas' stance resulted in a near cessation of direct relations
between most bilateral donors and the PNA, with only some
multilateral agencies and a few donors continuing direct contact
and project administration.
Quartet's decision met the criticism of the Quartet's former envoy,
James Wolfensohn, who characterized it "a misguided attempt to
starve the Hamas-led Palestinians into submission," and of UN's
Middle East former envoy, Alvaro de Soto.
Because of the worsening human crisis, the EU proposed a plan to channel aid directly
to the Palestinians, bypassing the Hamas-led PNA; the Quartet
approved the proposal, despite the initial US reaction, and the EU
set up a "temporary international mechanism" (TIM) to channel the
money for an initial three-month period, which was later
extended. Oxfam was one of the main critics
of the EU TIM program arguing that "limited direct payments from
the European Commission have failed to address this growing
|Outcome of the
Paris Pledging Conference
|Type of Assistance
|Amounts being allocated
The emergence of two rival governments in the West Bank and Gaza
in June 2006 presented the international community with the
prospect of shouldering a huge aid burden. The
World Bank estimated that in 2008 PNA would need $1.2 billion in
recurrent budget support, in addition to $300 million in
development aid. The
formation of the caretaker government in mid-2007 under Fayyad, and
the resumption of aid have partially reversed the impacts of the
Nevertheless, economic indicators have not changed considerably.
For instance, because of the situation in Gaza, real GDP growth was
estimated to be about -0,5% in 2007, and 0,8% in 2008.
In December 2007, during the Paris Donor Conference, which
followed the Annapolis Conference, the
international community pledged over $7.7 billion for 2008–2010 in
support of the Palestinian Reform and Development Program
Hamas, which was not invited to Paris, called the conference a
"declaration of war" on it. In
the beginning of 2008, The EU moved from the TIM mechanism to
PEGASE, which provides channels for direct support to the PNA's
Central Treasury Account in addition to the types of channels used
for TIM. The World Bank also launched a trust fund which would
provide support in the context of the PNA's 2008–2010 reform policy
However, neither mechanism contains sufficient resources to cover
the PNA's entire monthly needs, thus not allowing the PNA to plan
expenditures beyond a two-month horizon.
The World Bank assesses that the PNA has made significant
progress on implementing the reform agenda laid out in the PRDP,
and re-establishing law and order; Gaza, however, remains outside
of the reforms as Hamas controls security and the most important
ministry positions there. Palestinian inter-factional tension
continues in the West Bank and Gaza, with arrests of people and
closures of NGOs by each side, resulting in a deterioration in the
ability of civil society organizations to continue cater to
Following the 2008–2009 Israel–Gaza conflict, an
international conference took place in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, where donors pledged almost
$4.5 billion for the resonstruction of Gaza. These funds bypass
Hamas, since the PNA, in collaboration with the donor community,
has taken the leadership in delivering and distributing the assistance.
Map of countries giving emergency aid to Gaza in 2009
According to the Development Assistance
Committee, the main multilateral donors for the 2006–2007
period were UNRWA and the EU (through the European
Commission); the main bilateral donors were the US, Japan, Canada and six European countries
(Norway, Germany, Sweden, Spain
and France). Since
1993 the European Commission and the EU member-states combined have
been by far the largest aid contributor to the Palestinians. The
Arab League states have also been substantial donors, notably
through budgetary support to the PNA during the Second Intifada;
they have been however criticized for not sufficiently financing
the UNRWA and the PNA, and for balking at their pledges. After
the 2006 Palestinian elections, the Arab countries tried to
contribute to the payment of the Palestinian public servants'
wages, bypassing the PNA; at the same time Arab funds were paid
directly to Abbas' office for disbursement.
During the Paris Conference, 11% of the pledges came from the US
and Canada, 53% from Europe and 20% from the Arab countries.
Since 1993, a complex structure for donor coordination has been
put in place in an effort to balance competing American and
European positions, facilitate agenda-setting, reduce duplication,
and foster synergies. The
overall monitoring of the donors' activities was assigned to the
Ad-Hoc Liaison Committee, which was established in November 1993,
operates on the basis of consensus, and aims at promoting the
dialogue between the partners of the "triangular partnership",
namely the donors, Israel, and the PNA.
Keating (2005), 2
Palestine Human Development Report (2004), 113. According to
certain analyses, Palestinians are the largest per capita
recipients of international development assistance in the world
(Lasensky , 211, Lasensky-Grace ).
Hever (2005), 13, 16, and (2006), 5, 10
refutes this assessment, arguing that Israel is the biggest
recipient of total foreign aid in the world. Turner (2006), 747,
underscores that the US provides Israel with annual bilateral funds
of US$654 per person, which is more than double what the
Palestinians receive in multilateral aid. According to Le More
(2005), 982, "the United States has also provided [the PNA with]
considerable funds, even if they are negligible compared to what it
allocates bilaterally to Israel — which alone far exceeds the level
of combined international assistance to the Palestinians."
Palestine Human Development Report (2004), 116
Since 1970 the role of the the INGOs (and in particular of the
Northern NGOs) in the delivery of aid was strengthened
(Hanafi-Tabar , 35-36).
- ^ For instance, Jordan's disengagement from its
administrative role in the West Bank just after 1990, and the
discontent of some Arab states-donors for the PLO's stance during the First Gulf War resulted in the
Organization's almost complete breakdown (Brynen ,
Brynen (2000), 44-48
- ^ Peres had stated: "So I
came up with the idea for an international donors' conference. The
aid itself didn't radically change how the Palestinians negotiated,
but we both knew it would be crucial to the implementation of the
agreement (Lasensky , 92)."
Before the signing ceremony, President Bill Clinton and Secretary of State Warren
Christopher spoke in very clear terms about America's
commitment to provide economic support to the Palestinians. Israeli
foreign minister Shimon Peres told Palestinian officials that he
had already secured commitments from European countries to give
them aid (Lasensky , 93 and , 219).
Annex IV (paragraph 1) of the Declaration of Principles on
Interim Self-Government Arrangements: "The two sides will
cooperate in the context of the multilateral peace efforts in
promoting a Development Program for the region, including the West
Bank and the Gaza Strip, to be initiated by the G-7. The parties
will request the G-7 to seek the participation in this program of
other interested states, such as members of the Organisation for
Economic Cooperation and Development, regional Arab states and
institutions, as well as members of the private sector."
22 donor states, major international financial institutions, and
states neighboring the West Bank and Gaza (Frisch-Hoffnung ,
Aid Effectiveness (1999), 11; An Evaluation of Bank Assistance
(2002), 2; Palestine Human
Development Report (2004), 115
- ^ Palestine Human
Development Report (2004), 113
- ^ Lasensky-Grace (2006).
According to Yezid Sayigh (2007), 9, "starting with the first
international donor conference in October 1993, foreign aidwas
intended to demonstrate tangible peace dividends to the
Palestinians as well as provide economic reconstruction and
development to build public support for continued diplomacy.
Lasensky (2002), 94 and (2004), 221
Poor economic performance in these years was the product of many
factors, such as the low public investment and the contraction of
the regional economy, and they were aggravated by the effects of
Israeli closures, permits policies, and other complex restrictions
on the movement of people and goods (Aid Effectiveness , 15; Brynen , 64; Le
More , 984).
An Evaluation of Bank Assistance (2002), 24; Rocard (1999), 28;
Roy (1995), 74-75
Palestine Human Development Report (2004), 115
director Chris Crowley stated, "the political situation often drove
the aid disbursement process (Lasensky , 96-97)."
An Evaluation of Bank Assistance (2002), 25;
Brynen-Awartani-Woodcraft (2000), 254
- ^ According to Brynen
(2005), 228, "closure [...] exacerbated the tendency of the PNA to
use public sector employment as a tool of both political patronage
and local job creation. The public sector payroll thus continued to
expand at a rapid rate, growing from 9% of GDP in 1995 to 14% by
1997 [...] This sapped public funds needed for investment purposes
and threatened to outstrip fiscal revenues."
- ^ Frisch-Hoffnung
The Palestinians construed the shortage of aid funding as a form of
punishment and as attempt of the donors to impose their own agenda,
while US officials blamed "intra-PLO politics, the Palestinian
leadership's resistance to donors' standards of accountability, and
inexperienced [middle] management (Ball-Friedman-Rossiter ,
256; Brynen , 114; Brynen-Awartani-Woodcraft , 222;
Lasensky , 223; Roy , 74-75)."
- ^ Ball-Friedman-Rossiter
- ^ GDP grew by an estimated
3.8% in 1998 and 4.0% in 1999, and unemployment fell to 12.4
percent in 1999, almost half its 1996 peak (Aid Effectiveness
Lasensky (2002), 98; Lasensky (2004), 225;
- ^ a
Donor Disbursements and Public
Palestine Human Development Report (2004), 117
Aid Effectiveness (1999), 18–20; Brynen (2000), 74; UNCTAD (2006),
- ^ a
Disengagement (2004), 1
Overview (2004), 6
Twenty-Seven Months (2003), 51
- ^ a
Quartet Statement - London,
March 1, 2005, Jerusalem Media and Communication Center
As Rodrigo de Rato stated, "substantial
external budget assistance is necessary to allow the PNA to
continue to function and mobilize political support."
Sayigh (2007), 9
According to the World Bank, "the incompatibility of GOI's
continuous movement proposal with donor and PA funding criteria,
allied with GOI's commitment to protecting access to Israeli
settlements, translate to a continuing high level of restriction on
Palestinian movement throughout much of the West Bank (Overview
, 6, 9)."
The Palestinian Economy (2005), 1-2
According to the Quartet,
"all members of the future Palestinian government must be committed
to non-violence, recognition of Israel and acceptance of previous
agreements and obligations, including the roadmap."
Sayigh (2007), 17; Two Years after London (2007), 30
Eldar, Quartet to Hold Key
Talks; McCarthy-Williams, Secret UN report condemns
US; McCarthy-Williams, UN Was Pummeled into
US "Blocks" Palestinian Aid
Plan, BBC News; Powers agree Palestinian Aid
Plan, BBC News; Palestinians to Get Interim
Aid, BBC News
Oxfam, EU Must Resume Aid;
Oxfam, Middle East Quartet.
According to the International Federation for Human Rights,
7, "the temporary
international mechanism (TIM) did not make up for the impact of the
sanctions, because it did not allow for the payment of the wages of
Palestinian civil servants."
- ^ a
Implementing the Palestinian Reform (2008), 10
Sayigh (2007), 27
Thus, external aid will be at least 32% of GDP (Palestinian
Economic Prospects , 7).
The Bush administration unfroze $86 million in August 2007; the
first $10 million was intended to strengthen Mr. Abbas' security
forces (Cooper-Erlanger, Rice Backs Appointed
- ^ Implementing the
Palestinian Reform (2008), 6; Palestinian Economic
Prospects (2008), 6–7
Palestinians "Win $7bn Aid
Vow", BBC News
Implementing the Palestinian Reform (2008), 15; Overview of PEGASE,
Palestinian Economic Prospects (2008), 35
Palestinian Economic Prospects (2008), 5–6
Fund-Channeling Options (2009), 6; Pleming & Sharp, Donors Pledge £3.2 billion
Palestinian Adm. Areas,
Le More (2005), 982
At Riyadh Summit,
Associated Press; Freund, Do Arab States really Care
about the Palestinians?; Rubin (1998)
Two Years after London (2007), 30
Aid Effectiveness (1999), 34; Le More (2004), 213
Brynen (2002), 92; Lasensky-Grace (2006); Le
More (2004), 213
- Aid Effectiveness in the West
Bank and Gaza. Japan and the World Bank. 1999.
- "At Riyadh Summit, Arab States
to Propose Increasing Aid to PA". The Associated Press. March 25,
2007. http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/841721.html#resp. Retrieved
- Ball, Nicole; Friedman, Jordana D.;
Rossiter, Caleb S. (2000). "The Role of International Financial
Institutions in Preventing and Resolving Conflict". in David
Cortright. The Proce of Peace: Incentives and International
Conflict Prevention. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN
- Brynen, Rex (2000). A very
Political Economy: Peacebuilding and Aid in the West Bank and
Gaza. Washington: United States Institute of
- Brynen, Rex (2005). "Donor
Assistance"Lessons from Palestine for Afghanistan". in Gerd Junne,
Willemijn Verkoren. Postconflict Development: Meeting New
Challenges. Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN
- Brynen, Rex; Awartani, Hisham;
Woodcraft, Clare (2000). "The Palestinian Territories". in Shepard
Forman and Stewart Patrick. Good Intentions: Pledges of Aid for
Postconflict Recovery. Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN
- Cooper, Helene; Erlanger, Steven
(August 3, 2007). "Rice Backs Appointed
Palestinian Premier and Mideast Democracy". Middle
East (New York Times). http://www.nytimes.com/2007/08/03/world/middleeast/03diplo.html?_r=2&oref=slogin&oref=slogin. Retrieved
- "Criteria Set for Palestinian
Aid". BBC News.
January 31, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/4665670.stm. Retrieved
- "Disengagement, the
Palestinian Economy and the Settlements" (PDF). World Bank. June 23,
2004. http://lnweb18.worldbank.org/mna/mena.nsf/Attachments/Disengagement+Paper/$File/Disengagement+Paper.pdf. Retrieved
- "Donor Disbursements and
Public Investment". Report on the Palestinian Economy.
UNSCO. Autumn 1999. http://www.arts.mcgill.ca/mepp/unsco/palecon99/014.htm. Retrieved
- Eldar, Akiva (March 3, 2006).
"Quartet to Hold Key Talks on
Fate of its Mideast Peacemaking Role". Haaretz. http://globalpolicy.org/security/issues/israel-palestine/2006/0503quartet.htm. Retrieved
- "EU Must Resume Aid to
Palestinian Authority". Oxfam
International. September 14, 2006.
- "Failing the Palestinian
State, Punishing its People" (PDF). International Federation for Human Rights.
October 2006. http://www.fidh.org/IMG/pdf/tporapport1910.pdf. Retrieved
- Freund, Michael (February 9,
2007). "Do Arab States really Care
about the Palestinians?". Jerusalem Post. http://freund.typepad.com/my_weblog/2007/02/do_arab_states_.html. Retrieved
- Frisch, Hillel; Hofnung,
Menachem (1997). "State Formation and International Aid: The
Emergence of the Palestinian Authority". World Development
25 (8): 1243–1255. doi:10.1016/S0305-750X(97)00028-4.
- "Fund-Channeling Options For
Early Recovery and beyond" (PDF). World Bank. March 2, 2009. http://www.ldf.ps/documentsShow.aspx?ATT_ID=1425. Retrieved
- Hanafi, Sari; Tabar, Linda (2005).
The Emergence of a Palestinian Globalized Elite - Donors,
International Aid and Local NGOs. Jerusalem: The Institute for
Palestinian Studies and Muwatin, the Palestinian Institute for the
Study of Democracy. ISBN
- Hever, Shir (April-May 2005). "Do Palestinians Get the Most
Foreign Aid in the World?" ( – Scholar search).
Palestine/Israel: News within/from 21
(3): 13–17. http://www.alternativenews.org/downloads/task,doc_download/gid,19/. Retrieved
- Hever, Shir (2006) (PDF). The Economy of the
Occupation: Foreign Aid to Palestine-Israel. Jerusalem:
The Alternative Information Center. http://www.alternativenews.org/images/stories/downloads/socioeconomic_bulletin_01.pdf.
- "Implementing the Palestinian
Reform and Development Agenda" (PDF). World Bank. May 2,
2008. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WorldBankAHLCMay2,08.pdf. Retrieved
- Keating, Michael (2005).
"Introduction". in Michael Keating, Anne Le More, Robert Lowe.
Aid, Diplomacy and Facts on the Ground. London-Washington:
Chatham House – Royal Institute of International Affairs. ISBN
- Lasensky, Scott (2004). "Paying for Peace: The Oslo
Process and the Limits of American Foreign Aid" (PDF). Middle East
Journal 58 (2): 210–234. http://apsaproceedings.cup.org/Site/papers/000/000009LasenskySc.pdf. Retrieved
- Lasensky, Scott (March 2002). "Underwriting Peace in the
Middle East: US Foreign Policy and the Limits of Economic
Inducements" (PDF). Middle East
Review of International Affairs 6 (1):
89–105. http://meria.idc.ac.il/journal/2002/issue1/lasensky.pdf. Retrieved
- Lasensky, Scott; Grace, Robert
(August 2006). "Dollars and Diplomacy:
Foreign Aid and the Palestinian Question". USIPeace
Briefing. United States Institute of Peace. http://www.usip.org/pubs/usipeace_briefings/2006/0810_aid_palestine.html. Retrieved
- Le More, Anne (2004). "Foreign Aid
Strategy". in Cobham, David P.. The Economics of
Palestine. Routledge. ISBN
- Le More, Anne (October 2005). "Killing with
Kindness:Funding the Demise of a Palestinian State". International
Affairs 81 (5): 981–999. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2005.00498.x. http://www.blackwell-synergy.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2005.00498.x?cookieSet=1&journalCode=inta. Retrieved
- McCarthy, Rony; Williams, Ian
(June 13, 2007). "Secret UN Report Condemns US
for Middle East Failures". guardian.co.uk. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2007/jun/13/usa.israel. Retrieved
- McCarthy, Rony; Williams, Ian
(June 13, 2007). "UN was Pummelled into
submission, Says Outgoing Middle East Special Envoy".
guardian.co.uk. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2007/jun/13/usa.israel1. Retrieved
- "Middle East Quartet Should
End Palestinian Authority Aid Boycott and Press Israel to Release
Confiscated Taxes". Oxfam
GB. February 21, 2007. http://www.oxfam.org.uk/applications/blogs/pressoffice/2007/02/middle_east_quartet_should_end.html. Retrieved
- "Overview: Stagnation or
Revival? Israeli Disengagement and Palestinian Economic
Prospects" (PDF). World Bank. December 1, 2004. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WBG-Overview-e.pdf. Retrieved
- "Overview of Pegase".
European Commission Technical Assistance Office for the West Bank
& Gaza Strip. http://www.delwbg.ec.europa.eu/en/funding/pegas_documents.htm. Retrieved
- (PDF) Palestine Human
Development Report. Ramallah-Gaza: Birzeit University -
Development Studies Program. 2004. ISBN
- "Palestinian Adm. Areas".
Committee. http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/23/38/1882818.gif. Retrieved
- "Palestinian Economic
Prospects: Aid, Access and Reform" (PDF). World Bank.
September 22, 2008. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/AHLCSept15,08.pdf. Retrieved
- "Palestinians to Get Interim
Aid". Middle East (BBC News). May 10, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/4756407.stm. Retrieved
- "Palestinians Win "$7bn Aid
Vow"". Middle East (BBC News). December 17, 2007. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7147338.stm. Retrieved
- Pleming, Sue; Sharp, Alastair
(March 3, 2009). "Donors Pledge £3.2 billion
for Gaza". International Herald
Tribune. http://www.iht.com/articles/reuters/2009/03/03/africa/OUKWD-UK-PALESTINIANS-GAZA.php. Retrieved
- "Powers Agree Palestinian Aid
Plan". Middle East (BBC News). June 18, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/5091460.stm. Retrieved
- "Quartet Statement –
London". Jerusalem Media and Communication Center. March 1,
2005. http://www.jmcc.org/new/05/mar/quartet.htm. Retrieved
- Rocard, Michel (1999).
"International Donor Community". Strengthening Palestinian
Public Institutions. Council on Foreign Relations. ISBN
- Roy, Sara (summer 1995). "Alienation or Accommodation". Journal of
Palestinian Studies 24 (4): 73–82. doi:10.1525/jps.1995.24.4.00p0007d. http://www.jstor.org/pss/2537759. Retrieved
- Rubin, Barry (January 1998). "Israel, the Palestinian
Authority, and the Arab States". Mideast Security and
Policy Studies 36. http://www.biu.ac.il/Besa/books/36pub.html#D. Retrieved
- Sayigh, Yezid (September 1
2007). "Inducing a Failed State in
Palestine". Survival (Routledge) 49
(3): 7–39. doi:10.1080/00396330701564786. http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content?content=10.1080/00396330701564786. Retrieved
- "Statement by Rodrigo de Rato
Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund at the London
Meeting on Supporting the Palestinian National Authority".
UNISPAL. March 1, 2005. http://domino.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/c25aba03f1e079db85256cf40073bfe6/15a30114f357d67b85256fb8006467cc!OpenDocument. Retrieved
- "The Palestinian Economy and
the Prospects for its Recovery" (PDF). World Bank. December
2005. http://domino.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/fd807e46661e3689852570d00069e918/5b6ef4b9fa7df950852570d5006a684c/$FILE/Report%20December%202005.pdf. Retrieved
- "The Palestinian War-Torn
Economy: Aid, Development and State Formation" (PDF). UNCTAD.
2006. http://www.unctad.org/en/docs/gdsapp20061_en.pdf. Retrieved
- Turner, Mandy (December 1 2006).
"Building Democracy in
Palestine: Liberal Peace Theory and the Election of Hamas".
Democratization 13 (5): 739–755. doi:10.1080/13510340601010628. http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content~content=a767888513~db=all~jumptype=rss.
- "Twenty-Seven Months -
Intifada, Closures and Palestinian Economic Crisis - An
Assessment" (PDF). World Bank. May 2003. http://lnweb18.worldbank.org/mna/mena.nsf/Attachments/27+Months+of+Intifada,+Closures/$File/27+months+Intifada,+Closures...An+Assessment.pdf. Retrieved
- "Two Years after London -
Restarting Palestinian Economic Recovery" (PDF). World Bank.
September 24, 2007. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/AHLCMainReportfinalSept18&cover.pdf. Retrieved
- "US Blocks Palestinian
Aid". Middle East. BBC News. May 5, 2006.
- "West Bank and Gaza: An
Evaluation of Bank Assistance" (PDF). OECD. March 7,
2002. http://lnweb18.worldbank.org/oed/oeddoclib.nsf/DocUNIDViewForJavaSearch/DB1BC6952F401E0785256B8A0067B726/$file/west_bank_and_gaza.pdf. Retrieved