Free Thai Movement: Wikis


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The Free Thai Movement (Thai: ขบวนการเสรีไทย, Khabuankarn Seri Thai) was an underground resistance movement against Japan during World War II. The movement was an important source of military intelligence for the Allies in this region.



Japanese forces invaded Thailand early on the morning of December 8, 1941 - shortly after the attack on the United States at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Heavy fighting broke out, as the Thai military resisted. However, the Prime Minister, Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram, ordered a ceasefire at noon, and thereafter entered into an armistice that allowed Japan to use Thai military installations in their invasion of Malaya and Burma. On December 21, a formal military alliance with Japan was concluded.[1]

On January 25, 1942, the Phibun government declared war on Great Britain and the United States. Members of the government who disagreed were removed from office. Among these were Direk Chaiyanam, the foreign minister who advocated resistance against the Japanese, and Pridi Phanomyong, who was appointed to the apparently powerless post of regent for the young King Ananda Mahidol, then studying in Switzerland.[1]

The Thai ambassador in London dutifully delivered Phibun's declaration of war to the British government, but Mom Rajawongse Seni Pramoj, the Thai ambassador to Washington, refused to do so. Instead, he considered organising a resistance movement in the United States.[1]

Following a late morning interview with Secretary Cordell Hull on December 8, Seni returned to his legation to confer with his staff. He stated that he hoped for an Allied victory in the war. Aware that other Washington-based diplomats of occupied countries had chosen to stay and cooperate with the United States Government, and possibly influenced by the relative safety of his wife and three children in America, Seni decided to do the same.

The Thai ambassador and his staff unanimously voted to cast their lot with the Allies. That afternoon, he returned to the State Department to offer the embassy's services to the Allies. He blamed pro-Japanese elements for the early Thai surrender and spoke to Hull of unfreezing Thai assets in the United States for prosecution of the war. He suggested that the Thais might “organise and preserve a government of true patriotic, liberty-loving Thais while his government is in the clutches of Japan.”

The State Department decided to act as if Seni continued to represent Thailand. This enabled him to draw on the frozen Thai assets. Asked by the State Department (at the suggestion of John P. Davies to draw up a list of “reliable and influential Thai nationals known to be definitely patriotic and anti-Japanese”, Seni named Pridi, politicians Khuang Aphaiwong and Wilat Osathanon, and diplomats Phraya Sisena and Direk Chaiyanam “reliables”. Others Seni suggested included his brother, Mom Rajawongse Kukrit Pramoj, and his brother-in-law, Phra Phinit.

Seni advanced plans to mobilise Thai volunteers in support of the Allies. Besides the legation staff and their families, most of the other Thai US residents were students enrolled at colleges and universities, such as Harvard, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and Cornell. Many chose to stay after Thai declaration of war in January, refusing repatriation. Most, like Seni, saw their country as a victim of Japanese aggression.

Despite the reciprocal British declaration of war, a parallel resistance movement was formed by Thais in Britain. Besides the legation staff, some of whom sympathised with the students but were afraid to speak out, the natural leaders of the English Thai community were three high-ranking members of the royal family: Prince Chula Chakrabongse, a dashing and popular Eurasian grandson of King Chulalongkorn; Queen Ramphaiphanni, widow of the late King Prajadhipok; and the Queen’s brother, Prince Suphasawatwongsanit Sawatdiwat, a former Thai army officer who had accompanied the royal couple into self-imposed exile. Prince Chula declined involvement in Free Thai activities, opting instead for service in the British Home Guard. However, Queen Ramphaiphanni and her brother declared their Free Thai sympathies and used their connections to assist anti-Japanese students.

Prince Suphasawat had responded to the Japanese invasion of his homeland by writing to Prime Minister Churchill, volunteering his services. On January 1, 1942, he was asked to assist the geographical section of the General Staff in developing maps of Thailand, a project which, through an all-out effort, he completed in just six weeks. He also produced an insightful 59 page analysis of Thai politics for the British Ministry of Information. The Prince hoped that by proving his value he could gain a military commission.

Prince Suphasawat wrote to Seni in January, expressing his desire to join in a united Free Thai front. From correspondence with Snoh Nimhamhaengan, a student in England, knew that many students there feared being branded pro-royalist by the Phibun government if they associated too closely with the Prince and Queen Ramphai. Seni sent a cautious reply. Prince Suphawasat himself understood the student's concern, as he made clear in the political analysis he produced for the British. The ruling People’s Party of Thailand had repeatedly used the term “royalist” to tar all who disagreed with their policies. Prince Suphasawat wrote that it had become “a bogey word of which everyone is afraid”, despite the absence of any significant support in Thailand for a return to the absolute monarchy.

Political reservations notwithstanding, two leaders of the pro-Allied students, Snoh Tambuyen and Puey Ungphakorn, called on Prince Suphasawat in March 1942 to express their desire to participate in the Allied war effort. Impressed by their determination, the Prince promised to help. He contacted Churchill’s office proposing that Thai volunteers could infiltrate into their homeland to organise anti-Japanese activities. Quite astutely, he pinpointed Pridi as the most probable leader of the underground movement in the Siam.

In late June, British foreign secretary Anthony Eden gave his seal of approval to plans to use Thai volunteers. Eden suggested they be organised into a military unit from which “individuals could at a later date be chosen when required for any particular purpose.”

British authorities told the men to enlist in the Pioneer Corps, a military labour unit open to enemy aliens, with the understanding that “special qualifications possessed by individuals should be made use of in other branches of the armed forces later on.” That was a critical inducement because the Thai students, mostly from the upper levels of society, considered the Pioneer Corps as low and almost dishonourable. Thirty-five Thai students passed the physical and were accepted on August 7; one more joined later. Prince Suphasawat, who continued to work actively behind the scenes, was awarded a major’s commission in the British Army. Sixteen Thais, including Queen Ramphaiphanni and three other women, volunteered for non-military tasks. The Queen also sponsored a send-off party for the military volunteers at a London Chinese restaurant.

When the members of the first Thai military group in the United States completed training in December, they were formally commissioned as Free Thai officers by Colonel Mom Luang Khap Khunchon, the military attaché, at a ceremony in the Thai legation. Among the new officers were three men with notable family connections: Prince Yuthisathian Sawatdiwat, a student of dentistry and brother to Queen Ramphaiphannee and Prince Suphasawat; Anond na Phomphet, brother-in-law of Pridi; and Karun Kengradomying, son of Luang Katsongkhram, a Royal Thai Air Force officer and prominent political power.

In Thailand itself, those who disagreed with Phibun's alliance with Japan looked to Phibun's chief political rival for leadership. Immediately after the Japanese army arrived in Thailand on December 8, 1941, Pridi discussed the possibility of resistance with associates who at his residence. They discussed the formation of a secret organisation to oppose the Japanese and to inform the Allies of the true sentiments of the Thai people. They considered retreating to northern Thailand, where they would establish an opposition government, rally the Phayap Army, and create an anti-Japanese base of operations. However, the idea was discarded as unrealistic, and as an alternative a resistance movement was adopted, one that would draw political and military strength from both inside and outside the kingdom.

The small group that made up the Free Thai's core organisation became known as the X-O Group. It included the populist assemblymen Tiang Sirikhanth and Thawin Udon, the able bureaucrats Tawee Boonyaket, Direk Jayanama, Sanguan Tularaksa, and Admiral Sangvara Suwannacheep, the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Thai Navy.

The movement gains momentum

By the beginning of 1945, preparations were actively being pursued for a rising against the Japanese occupiers. Thousands of Seri Thai volunteers were under arms, eager to drive out the invaders. Phibun had been forced to resign, and the new prime minister, Khuang Abhaiwongse, was himself a member of the Seri Thai. Thai Air Force officers were performing liaison duties with the Allied South East Asia Command in Kandy and Calcutta.

Plans for an anti-Japanese uprising relied on the success of a quick, surprise strike by a special police unit against the Japanese command structure. The residences of leading officers and the Japanese communications facilities were kept under surveillance. The police assault was to be coordinated with a general attack by the partly-mechanised Thai 1st Army against Japanese troops in Bangkok. Fortifications, in the guise of air raid shelters, had been dug at key street intersections, and additional troops had been brought into the city in small groups in civilian clothes. The task of ree Thai forces elsewhere would be to thwart Japanese efforts to reinforce their Bangkok garrison by cutting communications lines and seizing airfields.

Pridi had to take consider that the Japanese were building up their forces in Thailand, which was likely to become a battlefront in the near future. Previously most Japanese soldiers stationed in Thailand had been support troops, but in December 1944 the local command had been upgraded from garrison status to a field army. The Japanese were gathering supplies and constructing fortifications for a last ditch defensive effort at Nakhon Nayok, about one hundred kilometres northeast of Bangkok.

In recruiting men for underground work, Pridi turned to the sons of trusted supporters. Among them was Chulalongkorn University student Piya Chakkaphak, son of Luang Bannakonkovit. He underwent initial training at the OSS station at Chan Bunnak’s house, then participated in receiving a supply drop near Hua Hin. He was called to Thammasat University, where he and six others met with Pridi. He told them they were being honoured by being selected to undertake a mission for the nation. They would leave by British seaplane on March 24. Piya and five others, would train with the OSS as radio operators in Ceylon. Nineteen more volunteers eventually joined them in the OSS Camp Y at Trincomalee, where they were supervised by Phon Intharathat, a Free Thai officer.

However, it was difficult to send volunteers outside the country, and the underground needed officers to lead the guerrilla in the field. Pridi and his allies devised a plan for an officer-training program, taking advantage of a desire by the feared Japanese Kempeitai to have a similar Thai military police unit. In January 1945, Pridi assigned Admiral Sangvara Suwannacheep to head the organization. In March, Sangvara recruited about three hundred Chulalongkorn University students, including his own son. The university had suspended regular classes due to Allied the bombing raids, but before thaa had conducted military training courses. Sangvara, who spoke some Japanese and often met with Kempeitai officers, presented the training program to his counterparts as preparation to resist an expected Allied invasion. Japanese officials, including the local commander, General Akeo Nakamura, participated in opening of the program in April.

Pridi pleaded for American help to avert trouble with the British in the Shan States, which was occupied by the Thai Phayap Army. OSS Major John Wester, a the time the sole American agent in Bangkok, also had to deal with complaints that Allied bombs routinely missed Japanese facilities and instead inflicted death, injury, and property loss on Thai civilians. During a March 5 raid on the Bangkok Noi train station in Thonburi, many sbombs landed on the east bank of the Chao Phraya River. Errant bombing and strafing had killed seventy-eight people. Pridi's own residence damaged, and the house of his aide-de-camp was destroyed. Hospitals, Buddhist temples, and buildings at Thammasat University were hit. Two Europeans of the Thammasat internment camp sustained injuries, causing the authorities to move many of the internees to a safer location at Vajiravhud College.

The next bombing controversy came on March 22, when Allied planes struck a train carrying Thai troops on the rail line near Paknampo. The Free Thais had requested the line be left intact to facilitate the movment of troops to the northeast for a final showdown with the Japanese.

One of the first OSS-trained Free Thai officers to reach the outlying provinces was Sunthon Khantalaksa. On March 2, 1945, an RAF Catalina carrying Sunthon landed in a rough sea off the forested islands of Ko Surin Tai and Ko Surin Nua, damaging its hull. Supply offloading took an hour due to the difficult conditions, but finally the plane departed, leaving the Free Thai officer behind.

Sunthon pretended to be the nephew of Chan Sombunkhun, the governor of Ranong province and a close ally of Pridi. He moved into the governor's official residence and set up his radio. It took him a month to rig a workable antenna, but he was finally able to transmit intelligence information to India. In July he organised the transfer of equipment to Free Thai officer Chua Hoonchamlong at Chumphon and the transfer of a load of firearms sent in by seaplane. Sunthon sometimes played badminton with unsuspecting Japanese soldiers stationed in Ranong.

Three additional OSS Thai officers, Prayun Attachinda, Amnuai Phunphiphat, and Charoen Wattanapanit, entered Thailand on RAF seaplanes on the morning of March 23. Two Catalinas landed near Sattakut Island in the Gulf of Thailand, unloaded a ton of supplies, and picked up seven young men sent out by Pridi for training in India. Five days later, a fourth Free Thai officer, Charok Losuwan, and thirteen supply chutes were dropped from a B-24 in a remote area between Phrae and Lampang.

On April 4, OSS Majors Richard Greenlee and Howard Palmer, who had reached Bangkok on April 1, were met by Colonel Samroeng Netrayon, attached to the Thai general staff and the officer charged with carrying liaison with the German and Japanese military attachés. He was agitated about a recent Allied air attack on a railroad station that the Thais had specifically requested be exempted from bombing because of troop movements toward the Korat area. Samroeng saied four hundred civilians and fifty Thai military personnel had been killed, and threatened to stop providing military information unless such actions ceased. The Americans radioed Kandy, warning that “indiscriminate bombing and strafing” were destroying good will toward the United States.

Neverthess, the bombing continued. On April 7, American planes attacked the Bangkok airport at Don Muang, causing considerable damage to the Thai Air Force. Two planes that had just arrived with the Phayap Army commander and of his staff were among the RTAF aircraft destroyed.

This incident pushed Wester, who had been displaying symptoms of malaria, past his breaking point. His condition deteriorated daily, despite efforts of a Thai doctor.

On April 12, the OSS officers changed location, a move motivated both by the concern that they had been in the same place too long and a desire for larger quarters. They relocated to Maliwan Palace on the Chao Phraya River, most recently the official residence of the late regent Chao Phraya Pichayenyothin who had died in 1942.

The American officers now occupied comfortable second-floor quarters overlooking a large first-floor ballroom. Five Free Thai officers moved in to operate the communications equipment. On the pretext that a high-ranking official was occupying the palace, two police guards were stationed at the gate, while six civilian security men patrolled the compound. Food had to be catered: Chinese for breakfast and lunch, and Thai curries for dinner. Police activities would be cited as the reason for radio transmissions from the house if they were discovered by the Japanese.

The news of President Roosevelt’s death was followed by an incident on April 14. Wester suddenly turned violent. He was “screaming loud enough to be heard for a block”, had the strength of a “maniac”, and had to be subdued by everyone else in the room. Greenlee dispatched a request for a Catalina to transport him out of the country.

Pridi sent two doctors, and third doctor later reinforced them so they could alternate on eight-hour shifts. That afternoon, British and American B-24s conducted a two-hour air raid on Bangkok that further unhinged Wester. The bombs killing two hundred civilians, virtually destroyed the Samsen power plant, and badly damaged the city’s other power facility, leaving Bangkok without power and water. It was senseless, since the Japanese Army had its own facilities.

Greenlee requested a special seaplane pickup, scheduled for April 21. In the interim, Detachment 404 headquarters instructed him to take all necessary measures, including gagging to keep Wester quiet. The Thai doctors repeatedly injected sedatives, but with limited effect.

Radio problems created further worries for the party. With no electrical power they were forced to rely on batteries that had to be recharged by the Thai Army Signal Corps.

On April 21, the party boarded a seaplane. Accompanying them were four Thai air force officers sent by Pridi in the hopes that their advice on bomb targeting would be heeded. The senior officer, Wing Commander Thawee Junlasap, was an old hand at foreign liaison work. He had been part of a November 1941 Thai military mission to British Malaya and subsequently attached to the Japanese army during the Malayan Campaign, during which time he presumably shared intelligence on British dispositions gained on the earlier trip.

The party arrived in Madras some hours later, and Thawee continued on to Colombo, where he met Sanguan Tularak, an ally of Pridi. The sojourn in Ceylonese capital did not last long, however, as the Wing Commander was taken by Colonel John Coughlin of the OSS to meet Lord Mountbatten at Kandy. There Thawee received his OSS codename, "Dicky Stone". Wing Commander Thawee spent his time at Kandy studying aerial photographs of Thailand and assisting the bombing planners at South East Asia Command in selecting accurate Japanese military targets as opposed to Thai civilian ones. Thawee also received lessons in espionage and sabotage, and was forced to attend an intensive week-long OSS training course in Maryland. A posting to Calcutta saw Thawee acting as a liaison officer at Mountbatten's American deputy, General Raymond B. Wheeler's headquarters. The Thai again acted as a consultant to various USAAF bombing-run plans. He returned to Thailand a while later via seaplane. Thawee was to collect intelligence regarding Japanese troop dispositions, and to aid in the establishment of secret airfields for which the Allies could fly in agents and supplies to reinforce the Seri Thai.

At the end of April Prince Suphasawat was inserted into Bangkok. To the relief of many, the Prince and Pridi hit it off well. They engaged in a long personal conversation on Suphasawat's first night. Pridi had by then already known that the Prince's foremost concern was the fate of the royalist political prisoners. Accordingly, he had already engineered their release the previous fall. Thus the two got off on the right foot with each other and had little difficulty concluding that they shared the goal of a democratic Thailand in the postwar era. With a relationship established, Suphasawat went off on his first assignment. He travelled to Sukhothai to meet Arun Sorathet, a veteran SOE-trained officer who had operated in the Shan States, and the young Prince Karawik, who had parachuted into the area on May 9.

On May 26 the British sent their first provincial liaison mission headed by a British officer. Major Cristopher Sydney "Soapy" Hudson DSO, parachuted near Khon Kaen together with a grandson of King Chulalongkorn, Prince Waranonthawat, who served as an RAF Flight Lieutenant under the name of Nicky Varanand. In addition to providing a Thai presence, the Prince would carry out liaison with the Thai air force and evaluate the airfields in the area.

Thai airmen flew British officers to the Na An airfield near Loei, then to Phu Khieo. They conferred with local officials and were joined at Phu Khieo by three escaped British POWs who had been sheltered by the Thai and six Thai volunteers designated for training with Force 136. On May 31, the party flew back to Na An, where a C-47 picked them up the next morning. Its pilot ordered the plane’s cargo parachuted to reduce weight before making the first successful, planned landing by an Allied aircraft on Thai soil since the beginning of the war. Captain Snoh Ninhamhaeng, who had been spearheading Force 136 efforts in the area, accompanied the British party back to India.

Hudson returned to Kandy brimming with optimism, convinced that headquarters did not appreciate “the extent, enthusiasm or potentialities of the Free Siamese Movement.” He pointed out that the resistance enjoyed the full backing of provincial governors with “power to call up men and requisition labour and food throughout their provinces”.

While OSS Detachment 404 had been struggling to expand its Thailand operations in the face of Lieutenant General Sultan’s obstructionism, the British had been preparing Operation Roger, the planned invasion of Phuket Island. Force 136 planned to place ten radio-equipped operatives at six locations in peninsular Thailand. Prasoet Prathumanon, who had been operating a small training facility near Hua Hin, supported this effort from inside Thailand. Sawat Sisuk parachuted in to join him on May 9 after a stint in India. The two worked to establish camps in the Pranburi and Prachuap areas, near the southern railway line.

The British sent in six additional officers to lead the other peninsular operations at the end of April in a two-stage insertion. Wattana Chitwari and three British officers landed by seaplane off Ko Tarutao, then received two additional planes the following night. At the same time, twenty Thai soldiers were brought out for training in India. When SEAC cancelled Operation Roger, the men inserted took up intelligence-gathering duties and later set up small guerrilla training bases.

Although their supply deliveries to Thailand fell short of Pridi’s expectations, the British nonetheless held the early lead in the realm by default. With the OSS hobbled by Sultan, Force 136 delivered three times more material to Thailand than Detachment 404 between the beginning of April and mid-June 1945. Approximately half of 75000 pounds of British supplies went to Operation Candle near Sakon Nakhon.

On June 18 the Americans executed a long-planned drop of medical supplies into Bangkok, a scheme cooked up by Sanguan Tularaksa and Howard Palmer in early 1945. Nine P-38 fighters swept over the city escorting three B-24s at midday. The bombers dropped propaganda leaflets and parachuted twenty-five containers of medical supplies from 400 feet above the grounds in front of the Grand Palace. Resistance fighters and Thai army personnel under Thawee Junlasap stationed in the area grabbed the containers before the Japanese could intervene.

Although several attacks were made by the Seri Thai on isolated Japanese units, Pridi gave in to Mountbatten's wishes that the Seri Thai delay the rising in order to coordinate with a planned Allied invasion. However, the atomic bombings by the United States of Hiroshima and Nagasaki led to the surrender of Japan and the rising thus did not take place.

Nevertheless, the Seri Thai are remember as having preserved Thailand's honour by demonstrating that despite Phibun's actions, the Thais were not willing partners of Japanese imperialism. The British government demanded three million tons of rice from Thailand as reparations, but Thailand would have been treated much more harshly by the war's victors without the actions of the Seri Thai, and the efforts of Betty McKenzie, a citizen of the USA. Mrs. McKenzie worked for the State Department, in the Southeast Asia Department, target area Thailand, broadcasting news and commentaries to combat the Japanese propaganda. During their weekly meeting with the Southeast Asia department, State Department directors would tell the broadcasters which news areas to emphasize, but would also always urge them to say "America will help any people who will fight for their own freedom." A few months after the war ended, news came to the Southeast Asia Department that Thailand was being ceded to Britain. Mrs. McKenzie asked her department head to fight the treaty, but he refused, so she mounted a letter-writing campaign, to the President and Vice-President, Cabinet members, Senators and Congressmen, newspaper publishers and journalists, and asked all her friends and friends of friends to do the same. Hundreds of letters were sent within a few weeks. One paragraph of the letter to President Truman:

We have made many allowances for the sake of Allied unity. However, I cannot feel that our desire for such unity should take us to the point of sacrificing basic American principles, as set forth in your Navy Day address. It is time that we live up to our much-proclaimed role of leader toward a better world, and insist that the British live up to their commitments of "no territorial aggrandizement" and "respect for the rights of man."

Many of the letters were acknowledged, and several news stories and editorials were published. In time, the Southeast Asia Department received a wire on December 19, 1945, saying "Acting Secretary of State Acheson told his press converence today, that the United States had earnestly represented to Great Britain and Siam the hope that they would not conclude an agreement as long as American discussions with Britain are going forward. ... Acheson said that we had asked for delay several times when it appeared that final action seemed imminent."

On January 28, 1946, Mrs. McKenzie received a letter from John Carter Vincent, the Director of the Office of Far Eastern Affairs of the State Department, which indicated the successful completion of her effort. The text of the letter follows:

Dear Mrs. McKenzie:

I have received by reference from the Secretary of State and the President your letters of December 5 and 6, 1945 regarding the situation in Siam. I regret that this reply has been so long delayed.

As you are now doubtless aware, Great Britain and Siam signed an Agreement on January 1, 1946 terminating the state of war which existed between the two countries. On January 5 diplomatic relations between Siam and Great Britain and between Siam and the United States were resumed.

Mrs. McKenzie with Pridi

Concerning the terms of the British-Siamese Agreement, this Government had been in close contact with the British Government for a number of months with the result that certain of the original British terms were considerably modified to prevent any possible interpretation which might seem to place Great Britain in a position inimical to Siam's freedom and independence. It is believed that the final Agreement in no way infringes upon the complete sovereignty and independence of Siam.

Pridi Phanomyong, on his way to visit President Truman, stopped in Los Angeles to thank Mrs. McKenzie for her efforts. A dinner was held in her honour at the Beverly Hills Hotel.

Several of the key figures in the wartime Free Thai underground – including Thawin Udom, Thawi Thawethikul, Chan Bunnak, and Tiang Sirikhanth – were subsequently eliminated in extra-legal fashion by the Thai police, run by Phibun’s ruthless associate Phao Sriyanond. Fortunately, most of the OSS and SOE Thai officers had returned to their studies in the USA and Britain shortly after the end of the war, so they avoided direct embroilment in the political violence of the late 1940s. Among the best and brightest of their generation, many went on to distinguished careers in bureaucratic service or in private business, often in both.

The most well known Free Thai veterans are Puey Ungphakorn from the British side and Siddhi Savetsila from the American. Puey gained renown for his economic expertise, heading the Bank of Thailand from 1959 to 1971. He subsequently served as rector of Thammasat university before being falsely accused of inciting student protesters during a violent right-wing coup in 1976. He found refuge in England, where he died in 1999. Air Chief Marshal Siddhi, meanwhile, rose through the national security bureaucracy to become foreign minister in the 1980s, under Prem. He still serves as a privy counselor.

List of famous Free Thai members


Further reading

  • Thailand's Secret War: OSS, SOE and the Free Thai Underground During World War II. E. Bruce Reynolds. Cambridge Military Histories series. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521836018. Colonel David Smiley is pictured page 377 with his Force 136 team.
  • The Thai Resistance Movement During The Second World War, John B. Haseman, Northern Illinois Center for Southeast Asian Studies, np, 1978.
  • Free Thai, compiled by Wimon Wiriyawit, White Lotus Co., Ltd, Bangkok, 1997.
  • Into Siam, Underground Kingdom, Nicol Smith and Blake Clark, Bobbs Merrill Company, New York, 1945.
  • Colonel David Smiley, "Irregular Regular", Michael Russell - Norwich - 1994 (ISBN 978-0859552028). Translated in French by Thierry Le Breton, Au coeur de l'action clandestine des commandos au MI6, L’Esprit du Livre Editions, France, 2008 (ISBN 978-2915960273). With numerous photographs.

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