French phonology: Wikis


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French language

This article mainly discusses the phonological system of standard French based on the Parisian dialect. French is notable for its uvular r, nasal vowels, and two processes affecting word-final sounds: liaison, a certain type of sandhi, wherein word-final consonants are not pronounced unless followed by a word beginning with a vowel; and elision, wherein a final vowel is elided before vowel initial words.



Where symbols for consonants occur in pairs, the left represents a voiceless consonant and the right represents a voiced consonant.

IPA chart French consonants
Labial Dental/
Palatal Velar Uvular
plain lab.
Nasal      m      n      ɲ      ŋ1
Plosive p   b t   d k   ɡ
Fricative f   v s   z ʃ   ʒ      ʁ2
Approximant3      j4      ɥ      w
Lateral      l      (ʎ)4

Phonetic notes:

  1. The velar nasal /ŋ/ is not a native phoneme of French, but occurs in loan words in final position such as parking or camping.[1] People who have difficulty with this sound replace it with a prenasalized [ŋɡ] sequence instead of a single consonant [ŋ]. This sequence also appears almost systematically where there is a possible liaison with the initial vowel of a word pronounced just after it.
  2. The French rhotic has a wide range of realizations. [ʀ], [ʁ] (both the fricative and the approximant), [r], [ɾ], and [χ] will all be recognized as "r",[2] but most of them will be considered dialectal.
  3. The approximants [j], [ɥ] and [w] correspond to [i], [y] and [u] respectively. While there are a few minimal pairs (such as loua [lu.a] 's/he rented' and loi [lwa] 'law'), there are many cases where there is free variation.[2]
  4. /ʎ/ has merged with /j/ in a number of dialects (including the standard). This accounts for the appearance of [j] in the syllable coda and minimal pairs like ail [aj] ('garlic') vs haï [ai] ('hated').[3]
Example words[2]
IPA Example Gloss IPA Example Gloss
/m/ [mjɛl] miel 'honey' /n/ [nu] nous 'we'
/ɲ/ [aɲo] agneau 'lamb' /ŋ/ [paʁkiŋ] parking 'parking lot'
/p/ [po] peau 'skin' /b/ [bo] beau 'beautiful'
/t/ [tu] tout 'all' /d/ [du] doux 'sweet'
/k/ [kø] queue 'tail' /ɡ/ [ɡɛ̃] gain 'gain'
/f/ [fu] fou 'crazy' /v/ [vu] vous 'you'
/s/ [su] sous 'under' /z/ [zɛ̃] zain 'whole-colored'
/ʃ/ [ʃu] chou 'cabbage' /ʒ/ [ʒu] joue 'cheek'
/l/ [lu] loup 'wolf' /ʁ/ [ʁu] roue 'wheel'


Although double consonant letters appear in the orthographic form of many French words, geminate consonants are relatively rare in the pronunciation of such words. The following cases can be identified.[4]

The pronunciation [ʁʁ] is found in the future and conditional forms of the verbs courir ('to run') and mourir ('to die'). The conditional form il mourrait [ilmuʁʁɛ] ('he would die'), for example, contrasts with the imperfect form il mourait [ilmuʁɛ] ('he was dying'). Other verbs that have a double <rr> orthographically in the future and conditional are pronounced with a simple [ʁ]: il pourra ('he will be able to'), il verra ('he will see').

When the prefix in- combines with a base that begins with n, the resulting word can optionally be pronounced with a geminate [nn], and similarly for the variants of the same prefix im-, il-, ir-:

  • inné [in(n)e] ('innate')
  • immortel [im(m)ɔʁtɛl] ('immortal')
  • illisible [il(l)izibl] ('illegible')
  • irresponsable [iʁ(ʁ)ɛspɔ̃sabl] ('irresponsible')

Other cases of optional gemination can be found in words like syllabe ('syllable'), grammaire ('grammar'), and illusion ('illusion'). The pronunciation of such words, in many cases due to orthographic influence (see Spelling pronunciation), is subject to speaker variation, and gives rise to widely varying stylistic effects.[5] In particular, the gemination of consonants other than the liquids and nasals /m n l r/ is "generally considered affected or pedantic".[6] Examples of stylistically marked pronunciations include addition [addisjɔ̃] ('addition') and intelligence [ɛ̃tɛlliʒɑ̃s] ('intelligence').

Gemination of doubled 'm' and 'n' are typical of the Languedoc region, as opposed to other Southern accents.

A few cases of gemination do not correspond to double consonant letters in the orthography.[7] The deletion of word-internal schwas (see below), for example, can give rise to sequences of identical consonants, e.g. là-dedans [laddɑ̃] ('inside'), l'honnêteté [lɔnɛtte] ('honesty'). Gemination is obligatory in such contexts. The elided form of the object pronoun l' ('him/her/it') can optionally (in non-standard, popular speech) be realized as a geminate [ll] when it appears after a vowel:

  • Je l'ai vu [ʒœl(l)ɛvy] ('I saw it')
  • Il faut l'attraper [ilfol(l)atrape] ('it must be caught')

Finally, a word pronounced with emphatic stress can exhibit gemination of its first syllable-initial consonant:

  • formidable [ffɔrmidabl] ('terrible')
  • épouvantable [eppuvɑ̃tabl] ('horrible')


Many words in French can be analyzed as having a "latent" final consonant that is only pronounced in certain syntactic contexts when the next word begins with a vowel. For example, the word deux/dø/ ('two') is pronounced [dø] in isolation or before a consonant-initial word (deux jours /dø ʒuʁ/[døʒuːʁ] 'two days'), but in deux ans /dø.zɑ̃/ ('two years'), the linking or liaison consonant /z/ must be pronounced: [døzɑ̃].


Oral vowels of French. from Fougeron & Smith (1993:73).
Unrounded vowels are shown to the left of the dots and rounded vowels the right.
The speaker in question does not exhibit a contrast between /a/ and /ɑ/.

Standard French contrasts up to thirteen oral vowels and up to four nasal vowels. Note that the schwa (in the center of the diagram beside this paragraph) is not really a distinctive sound, but just a phoneme used in phonologic notations, for noting the e caduque which is most often realized in one of the other vowels, or not realized at all (see the sub-section Schwa below).

  Front Central Back
unrounded rounded
Close oral i y   u
Close-mid e ø ə o
Open-mid ɛ (ɛː) œ ɔ
nasal ɛ̃ (œ̃)   ɔ̃
Open   ɑ̃
oral a (ɑ)

Low vowels

The phonemic contrast between front /a/ and back /ɑ/ is only partially maintained in Standard French, leading some researchers to reject the idea of two distinct phonemes.[8] However, the distinction is still clearly maintained in other dialects, such as that of Quebec.[9]

While speakers in France do show significant variation in this area, a number of general tendencies can be observed. First of all, the distinction is best preserved in word-final stressed syllables, e.g. in the minimal pairs:

tache /taʃ/[ˈtaʃ] ('stain'), vs. tâche /tɑʃ/[ˈtɑːʃ] ('task')
rat /ʁa/[ˈʁa] ('rat'), vs. ras /ʁɑ/[ˈʁɑː] ('short').

There are certain environments that favor one low vowel over the other. For example, /ɑ/ is favored after /ʁw/ and before /z/:

trois [ˈtʁwɑː] ('three'),
gaz [ɡɑːz] ('gas').[10 ]

The difference in quality is often reinforced by a difference in length (however this difference is contrastive in final closed syllables). The exact distribution of the two vowels varies greatly from speaker to speaker.[11]

Back /ɑ/ is much rarer in unstressed syllables. It can still be encountered in some common words like:

château [ʃɑːto] ('castle').

Morphologically complex words derived from words containing stressed /ɑ/ may or may not retain this vowel; compare:

âgé /ɑ.ʒe/[ɑːˈʒe] ('aged', from âge /ɑʒ(ə)/[ˈɑːʒ])
rarissime /ʁa.ʁi.sim(ə)/aʁiˈsim] ('very rare', from rare /ʁɑʁ/ɑːʁ]).

Even in a final syllable, back /ɑ/ may become [a] if the word in question loses its stress within the extended phonological context:[10 ]

J'ai été au bois /ʒe ete o bwɑ/[ʒeeteoˈbwɑ] ('I went to the woods'),
J'ai été au bois de Vincennes /ʒe ete o bwɑ dvɛ̃.sɛn/[ʒeeteobwadvɛ̃ˈsɛn] ('I went to the Vincennes woods').

Mid vowels

Example words
Vowel Example
IPA Orthography Gloss
Oral vowels
/i/ [si] si 'if'
/e/ [se] ses 'his'/'her' (plural form)
/ɛ/ [sɛ] sait 'knows'
/ɛː/ [fɛːt] fête 'feast'
/ə/ [sə] ce 'this'/'that'
/œ/ [sœːʁ] sœur 'sister'
/ø/ [sø] ceux 'those'
/y/ [sy] su 'known'
/u/ [su] sous 'under'
/o/ [so] sot 'silly'
/ɔ/ [sɔːʁ] sort 'fate'
/a/ [sa] sa 'his'/'her',
/ɑ/ [pɑːt] pâte 'dough'
Nasal vowels
/ɑ̃/ [sɑ̃] sans 'without'
/ɔ̃/ [sɔ̃] son 'his'
/œ̃/ [bʁœ̃] brun 'brown'
/ɛ̃/ [bʁɛ̃] brin 'sprig'

While the mid vowels contrast in certain environments, there is limited distributional overlap so that they often appear in complementary distribution. Generally speaking, close-mid vowels are found in open syllables, while open-mid vowels are found in closed syllables. Minimal pairs can, however, still be found:[12]

  • open-mid /ɛ/ and close-mid /e/ contrast in final-position open syllables, e.g.:
    poignée [pwaˈɲe] ('handful'), vs. poignet [pwaˈɲɛ] ('wrist');
  • likewise, open-mid /ɔ/ and /œ/ contrast with close-mid /o/ and /ø/ mostly in closed monosyllables, such as:
    jeune [ˈʒœːn] ('young'), vs. jeûne [ˈʒøːn] ('fast', verb),
    roc [ˈrɔːk] ('rock'), vs. rauque [ˈroːk] ('hoarse'),
    Rhodes [ˈrɔːd] ('Rhodes'), vs. rôde [ˈroːd] ('[I] lurk'),
    Paul [ˈpɔːl] ('Paul', masculine), vs. Paule [ˈpoːl] ('Paule', feminine),
    bonne [ˈbɔːn] ('good', f.), vs. Beaune [ˈboːn] ('Beaune', the city).

Beyond this general rule, there are some complications. For instance, /o/ and /ø/ are found in closed syllables ending in [z], while only [ɔ] is found in closed monosyllables before [ʁ], [ɲ], and [ɡ].[13]

Nasal vowels

The phonetic qualities of the back nasal vowels are not very similar to those of the corresponding oral vowels, and the contrasting factor that distinguishes /ɑ̃/ and /ɔ̃/ is the extra lip rounding of the latter. Many speakers have merged /œ̃/ with /ɛ̃/.[14]


When phonetically realized, schwa (/ə/), also called "e caduc" ('decrepit e') and "e muet" ('mute e'), is a mid-central vowel with some rounding.[12] Many authors consider it to be phonetically identical to [œ].[15 ][16]

Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006) state more specifically that it merges with /ø/ before high vowels and glides:

netteté /nɛ.tə.te/[nɛtøte] ('clarity'),
atelier /a.tə.lje/[atølje] ('workshop'),

in phrase-final stressed position:

dis-le ! /di lə/[diˈlø] ('say it'),

and that it merges with [œ] elsewhere.[17] But, it exhibits special phonological behavior that warrants considering it a distinct phoneme.

The main characteristic of French schwa is its "instability" — i.e., the fact that under certain conditions it has no phonetic realization.

  • This is usually the case when it follows a single consonant in a medial syllable:
    rappeler /ʁa.pə.le/[ʁaːple] ('to recall'),
  • It is most frequently mute in word-final position:
    table /tabl(ə)/[ˈtaːbl] ('table').
  • Word-final schwas are optionally pronounced if preceded by two or more consonants and followed by a consonant-initial word:
    une porte fermée /yn(ə) pɔʁt(ə) fɛʁ.me/[ynpɔʁt(œ)fɛʁme] ('a closed door').
  • In the future and conditional forms of -er verbs, however, the schwa can be optionally deleted even after two consonants:
    tu garderais /ty ɡaʁ.də.ʁɛ][tyɡaʁd(œ)ʁɛ] ('you would guard'),
    nous brusquerons [les choses] /nu bʁys.kə.ʁɔ̃/[nubʁysk(œ)ʁɔ̃] ('we will precipitate [things]').
  • On the other hand, it is pronounced word-internally when it follows more pronounced consonants that cannot be combined into a complex onset with the initial consonants of the next syllable:
    gredin /ɡʁə.dɛ̃/[ɡʁœdɛ̃] ('bum'),
    sept petits /sɛt pəti/[ˈsɛtpœti] ('seven little ones').[18]

In French versification, word-final schwa is always elided before another vowel, and at the ends of verses. It is pronounced before a following consonant-initial word.[19] For example une grande femme fut ici [yn(ə) ɡʁɑ̃d(ə) fam(ə) fytisi], would be pronounced [ynœɡʁɑ̃dœfamœfytisi], with the /ə/ at the end of each word being pronounced (here only [œ] because there are no glide or high vowels after them).

Schwa cannot normally be realized as a central vowel ([œ]) in closed syllables. In such contexts in inflectional and derivational morphology, schwa usually alternates with the front vowel /ɛ/. Compare, for example:

harceler /aʁ.sə.le/[aʁsœle] ('to harass'), with
[il] harcèle /aʁ.sɛl/[aʁsɛl] ('[he] harasses').[20]

A three-way alternation can be observed in a few cases:

appeler /a.pə.le/[ap(œ)le] ('to call'),
j'appelle a.pɛl/[ʒapɛl] ('I call'),
appellation /ɔ̃/[apelasjɔ̃] ('brand').[21]

Instances of orthographic ‹e› that do not exhibit the behavior described above may be better analyzed as corresponding to the stable, full vowel /œ/. The enclitic pronoun -le, for example, obligatorily keeps its vowel in contexts like donnez-le-moi /dɔ.ne lə mwa/[dɔnelœmwa] ('give it to me') where schwa deletion would normally apply, and it counts as a full syllable for the determination of stress. Cases of word-internal stable ‹e› are more subject to variation among speakers, but for example un rebelle /ɛ̃ ʁə.bɛl/[ɛ̃ʁœbɛl] ('a rebel') must be pronounced with a full vowel, in contrast to un rebond /ɛ̃ ʁə.bɔ̃/[ɛ̃ːʁœbɔ̃] or [ɛ̃ʁˈbɔ̃] ('a bounce').[22]


With the exception of the distinction made by some speakers between /ɛː/ and /ɛ/ in rare minimal pairs like maître [ˈmɛːtʁ] ('teacher') vs. mettre [ˈmɛtʁ] ('to put'), variation in vowel length is entirely allophonic. Vowels can be lengthened in closed, stressed syllables, under the following two conditions:

  • /o/, /ø/, /ɑ/, and the nasal vowels are lengthened before any consonant. E.g. pâte [pɑːt] ('pastry'), chante [ʃɑ̃ːt] ('sings').
  • All vowels are lengthened if followed by a voiced fricative (/v/, /z/, /ʒ/, /ʁ/), or by the cluster /vʁ/. E.g. mer/mère [mɛːʁ] ('sea/mother'), crise kʁiːz] ('crisis'), livre [ˈliːvʁ] ('book').[23]

When such syllables lose their stress, the lengthening effect may be absent. The vowel [o] of saute is long in Regarde comme elle saute! where it is final, but not in Qu'est-ce qu'elle saute bien!.[24 ] In this case, the vowel is unstressed because it is not phrase-final. An exception occurs however with the phoneme /ɛː/ because of its distinctive nature, provided it is word-final, as in C'est une fête importante, where fête is pronounced with long /ɛː/ despite being unstressed in that position.[24 ]

The following table presents the pronunciation of a representative sample of words in phrase-final (stressed) position:

phoneme vowel value in closed syllable vowel value in
open syllable
non-lengthening consonant lengthening consonant
/i/ habite [aˈbit] livre [ˈliːvʁ] habit [aˈbi]
/e/ été [eˈte]
/ɛ/ faites [ˈfɛt] faible [ˈfɛːbl] fait [ˈfɛ]
/ɛː/ fête [ˈfɛːt] rêve [ˈʁɛːv]
/œ/ jeune [ˈʒœn] œuvre [ˈœːvʁ]
/ə/ Fais-le ! [fɛˈlø]
/ø/ jeûne [ˈjøːn] joyeuse [ʒwaˈjøːz] joyeux [ʒwaˈjø]
/y/ débute [deˈbyt] juge [ˈʒyːʒ] début [deˈby]
/u/ bourse [ˈbuʁs] bouse [ˈbuːz] boue [ˈbu]
/o/ saute [ˈsoːt] rose [ˈʁoːz] saut [ˈso]
/ɔ/ sotte [ˈsɔt] mort [ˈmɔːʁ]
/a/ passe [ˈpas] topaze [tɔˈpaːz] pas [ˈpa]
/ɑ/ appâte [aˈpɑːt] rase [ˈʁɑːz] appât [aˈpɑ]
/ɑ̃/ pende [ˈpɑ̃ːd] genre [ˈʒɑ̃ːʁ pends [ˈpɑ̃]
/ɔ̃/ réponse [ʁeˈpɔ̃ːs] éponge [eˈpɔ̃ːʒ] réponds [ʁeˈpɔ̃]
/œ̃/ emprunte [ɑ̃ˈpʁœ̃ːt] humble [ˈœ̃ːbl] emprunt [ɑ̃ˈpʁœ̃]
/ɛ̃/ teinte [ˈtɛ̃ːt] teindre [ˈtɛ̃ːdʁ] teint [ˈtɛ̃]


The final vowel (most often /ə/) of a number of monosyllabic function words is elided in syntactic combinations with a following word that begins with a vowel. For example, compare the pronunciation of the unstressed subject pronoun, in je dors /ʒə dɔʁ/ [ʒəˈdɔʁ] ('I am sleeping', also sometimes elided in popular speech as j'dors dɔʁ/ [ˈʒdɔʁ]), and in j'arrive a.ʁiv/ [ʒaˈʁiv] ('I am arriving').

Glides and diphthongs

The glides [j], [w], and [ɥ] appear in syllable onsets, immediately followed by a full vowel. In many cases they alternate systematically with their vowel counterparts [i], [u], and [y], for example in the following pairs of verb forms:

nie [ni]; nier [nje] ('deny')
loue [lu]; louer [lwe] ('rent')
tue [ty]; tuer [tɥe] ('kill')

The glides in these examples can be analyzed as the result of a glide formation process that turns an underlying high vowel into a glide when followed by another vowel: e.g. /nie/[nje].

This process is usually blocked after a complex onset of the form obstruent + liquid (that is, a stop or a fricative followed by /l/ or /ʁ/). For example, while the pair loue/louer shows an alternation between [u] and [w], the same suffix added to cloue [klu], a word with a complex onset, does not trigger the glide formation: clouer [klue] ('nail') Some sequences of glide + vowel can be found after obstruent-liquid onsets, however. The main examples are [ɥi], as in pluie [plɥi] ('rain'), [wa], and [wɛ̃].[25] Such data can be dealt with in different ways, for example by adding appropriate contextual conditions to the glide formation rule, or by assuming that the phonemic inventory of French includes underlying glides, or rising diphthongs like /ɥi/ and /wa/.[26][27]

Glide formation normally does not occur across morpheme boundaries in compounds like semi-aride ('semi-arid').[28] However, in colloquial registers, glide formation can be observed across morpheme or word boundaries: si elle [siɛl] ('if she') can be pronounced just like ciel [sjɛl] ('sky'), or tu as [tya] ('you have') like tua [tɥa] ('[he] killed').[29]

The glide [j] can also occur in syllable coda position, after a vowel, as in soleil [sɔlɛj] ('sun'). Here again, one can formulate a derivation from an underlying full vowel /i/, but this analysis is not always adequate, given the existence of possible minimal pairs like pays [pɛi] ('country') / paye [pɛj] ('paycheck') and abbaye [abɛi] ('abbey') / abeille [abɛj] ('bee').[30]


Word stress is not distinctive in French. This means that two words cannot be distinguished on the basis of stress placement alone. In fact, grammatical stress can only fall on the final full syllable of a French word (that is, the final syllable with a vowel other than schwa). Monosyllables with schwa as their only vowel (ce, de, que, etc.) are generally unstressed clitics, although they may receive stress in exceptional cases requiring separate treatment.[15 ]

The difference between stressed and unstressed syllables in French is less marked than in English. Vowels in unstressed syllables keep their full quality, giving rise to a syllable-timed rhythm (see Isochrony). Moreover, words lose their stress to varying degrees when pronounced in phrases and sentences. In general, only the last word in a phonological phrase retains its full grammatical stress (on its last syllable, unless this is a schwa).[31]

Emphatic stress

Emphatic stress is used to call attention to a specific element in a given context, for example to express a contrast or to reinforce the emotive content of a word. In French, this stress falls on the first consonant-initial syllable of the word in question. The characteristics associated with emphatic stress include: increased amplitude and pitch of the vowel, and gemination of the onset consonant, as mentioned above.[32]

  • C'est parfaitement vrai. [sɛpaʁfɛtmɑ̃ˈvʁɛ] ('it's perfectly true.' No emphatic stress)
  • C'est parfaitement vrai. [sɛ(p)ˈpaʁfɛtmɑ̃vʁɛ] (emphatic stress on parfaitement)

For words that begin with a vowel, emphatic stress falls either on the first non-initial syllable that begins with a consonant, or on the initial syllable with the insertion of a glottal stop or a liaison consonant.

  • C'est épouvantable. [sɛte(p)ˈpuvɑ̃tabl] ('it's terrible.' Emphatic stress on second syllable of épouvantable)
  • C'est épouvantable [sɛ(t)ˈtepuvɑ̃tabl] (initial syllable with liaison consonant [t])
  • C'est épouvantable [sɛtˈʔepuvɑ̃tabl] (initial syllable with glottal stop insertion)


  1. ^ Wells (1989:44)
  2. ^ a b c Fougeron & Smith (1993:75)
  3. ^ Schane (1968:?)
  4. ^ Tranel (1987:149–150)
  5. ^ Yaguello (1991), cited in Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006:51)
  6. ^ Tranel (1987:150)
  7. ^ Tranel (1987:151–153)
  8. ^ "Some phoneticians claim that there are two distinct a’s in French, but evidence from speaker to speaker and sometimes within the speech of a single speaker is too contradictory to give empirical support to this claim." Casagrande (1984:20)
  9. ^ [1]
  10. ^ a b Tranel (1987:64)
  11. ^ "For example, some have the front [a] in casse 'breaks', and the back [ɑ] in tasse 'cup', but for others the reverse is true. There are also, of course, those who use the same vowel, either [a] or [ɑ], in both words." Tranel (1987:48)
  12. ^ a b Fougeron & Smith (1993:73)
  13. ^ Léon (1992:?)
  14. ^ Fougeron & Smith (1993:74)
  15. ^ a b Anderson (1982:537)
  16. ^ Tranel (1987:88)
  17. ^ Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006:59)
  18. ^ Tranel (1987:88–105)
  19. ^ Casagrande (1984:228–29)
  20. ^ Anderson (1982:544–46)
  21. ^ Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006:63). This form can also be pronounced [apɛ(l)lasjɔ̃] (TLFi, s.v. appellation).
  22. ^ Tranel (1987:98–99)
  23. ^ Walker (1984:25–27), Tranel & 1987 (p. 49–51)
  24. ^ a b Walker (2001:46)
  25. ^ The latter two correspond to orthographic <oi>, as in trois [tʁwa] ('three'), which contrasts with disyllabic troua [tʁua] ('[he] punctured').
  26. ^ Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006:37–39)
  27. ^ Chitoran (2002:206)
  28. ^ Chitoran & Hualde (2007:45)
  29. ^ Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006:39)
  30. ^ Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006:39). The words pays and abbaye are more frequently pronounced [pei] and [abei].
  31. ^ Tranel (1987:194–200)
  32. ^ Tranel (1987:200–201)

See also


  • Anderson, Stephen R. (1982), "The Analysis of French Shwa: Or, How to Get Something for Nothing", Language 58 (3): 534–573  
  • Casagrande, Jean (1984). The Sound System of French. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. ISBN 0-87840-085-0.  
  • Chitoran, Ioana; Hualde, José Ignacio (2007), "From hiatus to diphthong: the evolution of vowel sequences in Romance", Phonology 24: 37–75, doi:10.1017/S095267570700111X  
  • Chitoran, Ioana (2002), "A perception-production study of Romanian diphthongs and glide-vowel sequences", Journal of the International Phonetic Association 32 (2): 203–222, doi:10.1017/S0025100302001044  
  • Fagyal, Zsuzsanna; Douglas Kibbee, Fred Jenkins (2006). French: A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-52896-8.  
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External links


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