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Ioannis Kapodistrias • Pericles • El Greco • Alexander the Great • Eleftherios Venizelos
Total population
approx. 14,000,000–16,000,000 [1]
Regions with significant populations
 Greece 10,166,929 (2001 census) [2]
 United States 1,350,600a (2008 est.) [3]
 Cyprus 635,914 (2001 census) [4]
 Australia 365,120b (2006 census) [5]
 United Kingdom 400,000 (estimate) [6]
 Germany 294,891 (2007 est.) [7]
 Canada 242,685c (2006 census) [8]
 France 210,000 (2009 est.) [9]
 Albania 200,000 [10]
 Russia 97,827 (2002) [11]
 Chile 90,000–120,000 [12]
 Ukraine 91,500 (2001 census) [13]
 South Africa 55,000 (2008 estimate) [14]
 Brazil 50,000d [15]
 Italy 30,000 (2008 estimate) [16]
 Argentina 30,000 (2008 estimate) [17]
 Belgium 15,742 (2007) [18]
 Sweden 12,000–15,000 [19]
 Kazakhstan 13,000 (est) [20]
 Switzerland 11,000 estimated [21]
 Uzbekistan 9,500 estimate [22]
 Romania 6,500 2002 census [23]
 Turkey 2,500 [24]
Elsewhere see Greek diaspora



Greek Orthodox

a An estimated 3,000,000 claim Greek descent.[25]
b Only includes people of 1st and 2nd generation "Greek" background. Estimates of total "Greek" population in Australia ranges from 700,000 - 800,000.[1]
c Those whose stated ethnic origins included "Greek" among others. The number of those whose stated ethnic origin is solely "Greek" is 145,250. An additional 3,395 Cypriots of undeclared ethnicity live in Canada.
d "Including descendants".

The Greeks (Greek: Έλληνες, [ˈe̞line̞s]), also known as Hellenes, are a nation and ethnic group native to Greece, Cyprus and neighbouring regions. They also form a significant diaspora, with Greek communities established around the world.[26]

Greek colonies and communities have been historically established in most corners of the Mediterranean but Greeks have always been centred around the Aegean Sea, where the Greek language has been spoken since antiquity.[27] Until the early twentieth century, Greeks were uniformly distributed between the Greek peninsula, the western coast of Asia Minor, Pontus, Egypt, Cyprus and Constantinople; many of these regions coincided to a large extent with the borders of the Byzantine Empire of the late 11th century and the Eastern Mediterranean areas of the ancient Greek colonization.[28]

In the aftermath of the Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922), a large-scale population exchange between Greece and Turkey transferred and confined ethnic Greeks almost entirely into the borders of the modern Greek state and Cyprus. Other ethnic Greek populations can be found from southern Italy to the Caucasus and in diaspora communities in a number of other countries. Today, the vast majority of Greeks are members of the Eastern Orthodox Church.[29]



The Greeks speak the Greek language, which forms its own unique branch within the Indo-European family of languages, the Hellenic.[27] They are part of a group of pre-modern ethnicities, described by Anthony D. Smith as an "archetypal diaspora people".[30][31]

The modern Greek state was created in 1832, when the Greeks liberated a part of their historic homelands from the Ottoman Empire.[32] The large Greek diaspora and merchant class were instrumental in transmitting the ideas of western romantic nationalism and philhellenism,[33] which together with the conception of Hellenism, formulated during the last centuries of the Byzantine Empire, formed the basis of the Diafotismos and the current conception of Hellenism.[34][35][36]


The distribution of the ancient Greek tribes between 1000 and 800 BC, in H.G. Wells' The Outline of History (1920).

The Proto-Greeks probably arrived at the area now referred to as Greece, in the southern tip of the Balkan peninsula, at the end of the 3rd millennium BC.[37][38][a] The sequence of migrations into the Greek mainland during the 2nd millennium BC has to be reconstructed on the basis of the ancient Greek dialects, as they presented themselves centuries later and is subject to some uncertainties. There were at least two migrations, the first of the Ionians and Aeolians which resulted in Mycenaean Greece by the 16th century BC,[27][39] and the second, the Dorian invasion, around the 11th century BC, displacing the Arcadocypriot dialects which descended from the Mycenaean period. Both migrations occur at incisive periods, the Mycenaean at the transition to the Late Bronze Age and the Doric at the Bronze Age collapse.

Across these assumed migrations, however, the transition from pre-Greek to Greek culture appears to have been rather gradual. Some archaeologists have pointed to evidence that there was a significant amount of continuity of prehistoric economic, architectural, and social structures, suggesting that the transition between the Neolithic civilisation of c.5000 BC and the Greek civilisations of later periods may have proceeded without major rifts in social texture.[40]

There were some suggestions of three waves of migration indicating a Proto-Ionian one, either contemporary or even earlier than the Mycenaean. This possibility appears to have been first suggested by Ernst Curtius in the 1880s. In current scholarship, the standard assumption is to group the Ionic together with the Arcadocypriot group as the successors of a single Middle Bronze Age migration in dual opposition to the "western" group of Doric.


A Kouros, from the Archaic period. Archaeological Museum of Thebes, Greece.

The Mycenaeans were ultimately the first Greek-speaking people attested through historical sources, written records in the Linear B script,[41] and through their literary echoes in the works of Homer, a few centuries later.

The Mycenaeans quickly penetrated the Aegean Sea and by the 15th century BC had reached Rhodes, Crete, Cyprus, where Teucer is said to have founded the first colony, and the shores of Asia Minor.[27][42] Around 1200 BC the Dorians, another Greek-speaking people, followed from Epirus.[43] The Dorian invasion was followed by a poorly attested period of migrations, appropriately called the Greek Dark Ages, but by 800 BC the landscape of Archaic and Classical Greece was discernible.[27]

In the Homeric epics, the Greeks of prehistory are viewed as the forefathers of the early classical civilization of Homer's own time,[44] while the Mycenaean pantheon included many of the divinities (e.g. Zeus, Poseidon and Hades) attested in later Greek religion.[45][46]


The classical period of Greek civilization covers a time spanning from the early 5th century BC to the death of Alexander the Great, in 323 BC. It is so named because it set the standards by which Greek civilization would be judged in later eras.[47] The ethnogenesis of the Greek nation is marked, according to some scholars, by the first Olympic Games in 776 BC, when the idea of a common Hellenism among the Greek-speaking tribes was first translated into a shared cultural experience and Hellenism was primarily a matter of common culture.[26]

While the Greeks of the classical era understood themselves to belong to a common Greek genos their first loyalty was to their city and they saw nothing incongruous about warring, often brutally, with other Greek city-states. The Peloponnesian War, the large scale Greek civil war between Athens and Sparta and their allies, is a case in point.[48]

Most of the feuding Greek city-states were, in some scholars' opinions, united under the banner of Philip's and Alexander the Great's pan-Hellenic ideals, though others might generally opt, rather, for an explanation of "Macedonian conquest for the sake of conquest" or at least conquest for the sake of riches, glory and power and view the aforementioned "ideal" as useful propaganda directed towards the city-states.[49]

In any case, Alexander's toppling of the Achaemenid Empire, after his victories at the battles of the Granicus, Issus and Gaugamela, and advance as far as modern day Pakistan and Tajikistan,[50] provided an important outlet for Greek culture, via the creation of colonies and trade routes along the way.[51] While the Alexandrian empire did not survive its creator's death intact, the cultural implications of the spread of Hellenism across much of the Middle East and Asia were to prove long lived as Greek became the lingua franca, a position it retained even in Roman times.[52] Many Greeks migrated to Alexandria, Antioch, Seleucia and many other new Hellenistic cities founded in Alexander's wake.[53] Two thousand years later, there are still communities in Pakistan and Afghanistan, like the Kalash, who claim to be descended from Greek settlers.[54]


The major Hellenistic realms; the Ptolemaic Kingdom (dark blue) and the Seleucid Empire (yellow).

The Hellenistic civilization was the next period of Greek civilization, the beginnings of which are usually placed at Alexander's death.[55] This Hellenistic age, so called because it witnessed the partial Hellenization of many non-Greek cultures and a combination of Greek, Middle Eastern and South Asian elements,[56] lasted until the conquest of Egypt by Rome in 30 BC.[55]

This age saw the Greeks move towards larger cities and a reduction in the importance of the city-state. These larger cities were parts of the still larger Kingdoms of the Diadochi.[57][58] Greeks, however, remained aware of their past, chiefly through the study of the works of Homer and the classical authors.[59] An important factor in maintaining Greek identity was contact with barbarian (non-Greek) peoples which was deepened in the new cosmopolitan environment of the multi-ethnic Hellenistic kingdoms. This led to a strong desire among Greeks to organize the transmission of the Hellenic paideia to the next generation.[59]

In the religious sphere, this was a period of profound change. The spiritual revolution that took place saw a waning of the old Greek religion, whose decline beginning in the 3rd century BC continued with the introduction of new religious movements from the East.[26] The cults of deities like Isis and Mithra were introduced into the Greek world.[58][60]

In the Indo-Greek and Greco-Bactrian kingdoms, Greco-Buddhism was spreading and Greek missionaries would play an important role in propagating it to China.[61] Further east, the Greeks of Alexandria Eschate became known to the Chinese people as the Dayuan.[62]


Of the new eastern religions introduced into the Greek world the most successful was Christianity. While ethnic distinctions still existed in the Roman Empire, they became secondary to religious considerations and the renewed empire used Christianity as a tool to maintain its cohesion and promoted a robust Roman national identity.[63] Concurrently the secular, urban civilization of late antiquity survived in the Eastern Mediterranean along with Greco-Roman educational system, although it was from Christianity that the culture's essential values were drawn.[64]

"At least three quarters of the ancient Greek classics that survived did so through Byzantine manuscripts."
Michael H. Harris/[59]
"Much of what we know of antiquity – especially of Hellenic and Roman literature and of Roman law — would have been lost for ever but for the scholars and scribes and copyists of Constantinople."
J.J. Norwich[65]

The Eastern Roman Empire, which was later misnamed by western historians as the Byzantine Empire, a name that would have meant nothing to Greek speakers of the era,[66] became increasingly influenced by Greek culture following the 7th century when Emperor Heraclius (AD 575 - 641) decided to make Greek the Roman Empire's official language.[67][68] Certainly from then on, but likely earlier, the Roman and Greek cultures were virtually fused into a single Greco-Roman world. Although the Latin West recognized the Eastern Empire's claim to the Roman legacy for several centuries, after Pope Leo III crowned King of Franks Charlemagne as the "Roman Emperor" on December 25, 800, an act which eventually led to the formation of the Holy Roman Empire, the Latin West started to favour the Catholic Franks and began to refer to the Eastern Roman Empire largely as the Empire of the Greeks (Imperium Graecorum).[69] Greek-speakers at the time, however, referred to themselves as Romaioi (Romans) and were proudly conscious of their Greco-Roman Christian heritages.[66][70]

These Byzantine Greeks were largely responsible for the preservation of the literature of the classical era.[64][65][71] Byzantine grammarians were those principally responsible for carrying, in person and in writing, ancient Greek grammatical and literary studies to early Italian Renaissance to which the influx of Greek scholars gave a major boost.[72][73] The Aristotelian philosophical tradition was virtually unbroken in the Greek world for almost two thousand years, until the Fall of Constantinople in the 15th century.[74]

To the Slavic world, Roman era Greeks contributed by the dissemination of literacy and Christianity. The most notable example of the later was the work of the two Greek brothers Saints Cyril and Methodius from Thessaloniki, who are credited today with formalizing the first Slavic alphabet.[75]

A distinct Greek nationalism re-emerged in the 11th century in educated circles and became more forceful after the fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders of the Fourth Crusade in 1204 so that when the empire was revived in 1261, it became in many ways a Greek national state.[34] That new notion of nationhood engendered a deep interest in the classical past culminating in the ideas of the Neoplatonist philosopher Gemistus Pletho, who abandoned Christianity.[34] However, it was the combination of Orthodox Christianity with a specifically Greek identity that shaped the Greeks notion of themselves in the empire's twilight years.[34]


The cover of Hermes o Logios, a Greek literary publication of the early 19th and late 18th century.

Following the Fall of Constantinople in the May 29, 1453, many Greeks sought better employment and education opportunities by leaving for the West, particularly Italy, Central Europe, Germany and Russia.[72]

For those that remained under the Ottoman Empire's millet system, religion was the defining characteristic of national groups (milletler), so the exonym "Greeks" (Rumlar from the name Rhomaioi) was applied by the Ottomans to all members of the Orthodox Church, regardless of their language or ethnic origin.[35] The Greek speakers were the only ethnic group to actually call themselves Romioi,[76] (as opposed to being so named by others) and, at least those educated, considered their ethnicity (genos) to be Hellenic.[77]

The roots of Greek success in the Ottoman Empire can be traced to the Greek tradition of education and commerce.[78] It was the wealth of the extensive merchant class that provided the material basis for the intellectual revival that was the prominent feature of Greek life in the half century and more leading to the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence in 1821.[33] Not coincidentally, on the eve of 1821 the three most important centres of Greek learning, were situated in Chios, Smyrna and Aivali, all three major centres of Greek commerce.[33]


Greeks work some of the longest hours in the OECD.[79]

The relationship between ethnic Greek identity and Greek Orthodox religion continued after the creation of the Modern Greek state in 1830. According to the second article of the first Greek constitution of 1822, a Greek was defined as any Christian resident of the Kingdom of Greece, a clause removed by 1840.[80] A century later, when the Treaty of Lausanne was signed between Greece and Turkey in 1923, the two countries agreed to use religion as the determinant for ethnic identity for the purposes of population exchange, while the majority of the Greeks displaced (over a million of the total 1,5 million) had already been driven out by the time the agreement was signed.[N 1][81][82][83][84] The Greek genocide, contemporaneous with the failed Greek Asia Minor Campaign, was part of this process of turkification of the Ottoman Empire and the placement of its economy and trade, then largely in Greek hands under ethnic Turkish control.[85]

While most Greeks today are descended from Greek-speaking Romioi there are sizeable groups of ethnic Greeks who trace their descent to Aromanian-speaking Vlachs and Albanian-speaking Arvanites as well as Slavophones and Turkish-speaking Karamanlides.[86] None of the latter groups were ever considered less Greek than the Rhomioi, and they self-identify as Greeks.[87] Today, Greeks are to be found all around the world as and there are many talented Greek scholars, entrepreneurs and artists.[88]


The terms used to define Greekness have varied throughout history but were never limited or completely identified with membership to a Greek state.[89] By Western standards, the term Greeks has traditionally referred to any native speakers of the Greek language, whether Mycenaean, Byzantine or modern Greek.[35][90] Byzantine Greeks called themselves Romioi and considered themselves the political heirs of Rome, but at least by the 12th century a growing number of those educated, deemed themselves the heirs of ancient Greece as well, although for most of the Greek speakers, "Hellene" still meant pagan.[91] On the eve of the Fall of Constantinople the Last Emperor urged his soldiers to remember that they were the descendants of Greeks and Romans.[92]

Before the establishment of the Modern Greek state, the link between ancient and modern Greeks was emphasized by the scholars of Greek Enlightenment especially by Rigas Feraios. In his "Political Constitution", he addresses to the nation as "the people descendant of the Greeks".[93]

The Greeks today are a nation in the meaning of an ethnos, defined by possessing Greek culture and having a Greek mother tongue, rather than by citizenship, race, religion or by being subjects of any particular state.[94] In ancient and medieval times and to a lesser extent today the Greek term was genos, which also indicates a common ancestry.[95][96]


Throughout the centuries, Greeks and Greek speakers have been known by a number of names, including:

Modern and ancient

Family group on a funerary stele from Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Athens.

The most obvious link between modern and ancient Greeks is their language, which has a documented tradition from at least the 14th century BC to the present day, albeit with a break during the Greek Dark Ages.[97] Scholars compare its continuity of tradition to Chinese alone.[97][98] Since its inception, Hellenism was primarily a matter of common culture[26] and the national continuity of the Greek world is a lot more certain than its demographic.[99] Yet, Hellenism also embodied an ancestral dimension through aspects of Athenian literature that developed and influenced ideas of descent based on autochthony.[100] During the later years of the Eastern Roman Empire, areas such as Ionia and Constantinople experienced a Hellenic revival in language, philosophy and literature and on classical models of thought and scholarship.[99] Such revivals would manifest again in the 10th and 14th century providing a powerful impetus to the sense of cultural affinity with ancient Greece and its classical heritage.[99] The cultural changes undergone by the Greeks are, despite a surviving common sense of ethnicity, undeniable.[99] At the same time, the Greeks have retained their language and alphabet, certain values, a sense of religious and cultural difference and exclusion, (the word barbarian was used by 12th century historian Anna Komnene to describe non-Greek speakers),[101] a sense of Greek identity and common sense of ethnicity despite the global political and social changes of the past two millennia.[99]


Scenes of marriage and family life in Constantinople.

Today, Greeks are the majority ethnic group in the Hellenic Republic,[2] where they constitute 93% of the country's population,[102] and the Republic of Cyprus where they comprise 78% of the island's population (excluding Turkish settlers in the occupied part of the country).[103] Greek populations have not traditionally exhibited high rates of growth; nonetheless the population of Greece has shown regular increase since the country's first census in 1828.[104] A large percentage of the population growth since the state's foundation has resulted from annexation of new territories and the influx of 1.5 million Greek refugees following the 1923 population exchange between Greece and Turkey.[104] About 80% of the population of Greece is urban, with 28% concentrated in the city of Athens[105]

Greeks from Cyprus have a similar history of emigration, usually to the English speaking world as a result of the island's colonization by the British Empire. Waves of emigration followed the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, while the population decreased between mid-1974 and 1977 as a result of emigration, war losses and a temporary decline in fertility.[106] After the ethnic cleansing of a third of the Greek population of the island in 1974,[107][108][109][110][111] there was also an increase in the number of Greek Cypriots leaving, especially for the Middle East, which contributed to a decrease in population which tapered off in the 1990s.[106] Today more than two thirds of the Greek population in Cyprus is urban.[106]

There is a sizeable Greek minority of about 105,000 people, in Albania.[112] The Greek minority of Turkey which numbered upwards of 200,000 people after the 1923 exchange has now dwindled to a few thousand, following the 1955 Constantinople Pogrom and other state sponsored violence and discrimination.[113] This effectively ended, though not entirely, the three-thousand year old presence of Hellenism in Asia Minor.[114][115] There are smaller Greek minorities in the rest of the Balkan countries, the Levant and the Black Sea states, remnants of the Old Greek Diaspora (pre-19th century).[116]


The total number of Greeks living outside Greece and Cyprus today is a contentious issue. Where Census figures are available it shows around 3 million Greeks outside of Greece and Cyprus. Estimates provided by the SAE - World Council of Hellenes Abroad put the figure at around 7 million worldwide.[117] According to George Prevelakis of Sorbonne University, the number is closer to just below 5 million.[118] Integration, intermarriage and loss of the Greek language influence the self-identification of the Omogeneia. Important centres of the New Greek Diaspora today are London, New York, Melbourne and Toronto.[116] Recently, a law was passed by the Hellenic Parliament that enables Diaspora Greeks to vote in the elections of the Greek state.[119]


Greek colonization in antiquity

In ancient times, the trading and colonising activities of the Greek tribes and city states spread the Greek culture, religion and language around the Mediterranean and Black Sea basins, especially in Sicily and southern Italy, Spain, the south of France and the Black sea coasts.[120] Under Alexander the Great's empire and successor states, Greek and Hellenizing ruling classes were established in the Middle East, India and in Egypt.[120] The Hellenistic period is characterized by a new wave of Greek colonization which established Greek cities and kingdoms in Asia and Africa.[121] Under the Roman Empire, easier movement of people spread Greeks across the Empire and in the eastern territories Greek became the lingua franca rather than Latin.[67]


Greek Diaspora (20th century).

During and after the Greek War of Independence, Greeks of the Diaspora were important in establishing the fledgling state, raising funds and awareness abroad.[122] Greek merchant families already had contacts in other countries and during the disturbances many set up home around the Mediterranean (notably Marseilles in France, Livorno in Italy, Alexandria in Egypt), Russia (Odessa and Saint Petersburg), and Britain (London and Liverpool) from where they traded, typically in textiles and grain.[123] Businesses frequently comprised the whole extended family, and with them they brought schools teaching Greek and the Greek Orthodox church.[123]

As markets changed and they became more established, some families grew their operations to become shippers, financed through the local Greek community, notably with the aid of the Ralli or Vagliano Brothers.[124] With economic success the Diaspora expanded further across the Levant, North Africa, India and the USA.[124][125]

In the twentieth century, many Greeks left their traditional homelands for economic reasons resulting in large migrations from Greece and Cyprus to the United States, Great Britain, Australia, Canada, Germany, and South Africa, especially after the Second World War (1939–45), the Greek Civil War (1946–49), and the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus in 1974.[126]


Greek culture has evolved over thousands of years, with its beginning in the Mycenaean civilization, continuing through the Classical period, the Roman and Eastern Roman periods and was profoundly affected by Christianity, which it in turn influenced and shaped.[127][128] Ottoman Greeks had to endure through several centuries of adversity which culminated in a genocide in the 20th century but which nevertheless included cultural exchanges and enriched both cultures.[129][130][131][132][133] The Diafotismos is credited with revitalizing Greek culture and giving birth to the synthesis of ancient and medieval elements that characterize it today.[34][35]


Iliad, Book 8, lines 245–253, in a Greek manuscript of the late 5th or early 6th century, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan.

Most Greeks speak the Greek language, an Indo-European language which forms a branch itself, with its closest relations being Armenian (see Graeco-Armenian) and the Indo-Iranian languages (see Graeco-Aryan).[97] It has one of the longest documented histories of any language and Greek literature has a continuous history of over 2,500 years.[134] Several notable literary works, including the Homeric epics, Euclid's Elements and the New Testament, were originally written in Greek.

Greek demonstrates several linguistic features that are shared with other Balkan languages, such as Albanian, Bulgarian and Eastern Romance languages (see Balkan sprachbund), and has absorbed numerous foreign words, primarily of Western European and Turkish origin.[135] Because of the movements of Philhellenism and the Diafotismos in the 19th century, which emphasized the modern Greeks' ancient heritage, these foreign influences were excluded from official use via the creation of Katharevousa, a somewhat artificial form of Greek purged of all foreign influence and words, as the official language of the Greek state. In 1976, however, the Hellenic Parliament voted to make the spoken Dimotiki the official language, making Katharevousa obsolete.[136]

Modern Greek has, in addition to Standard Modern Greek or Dimotiki, a wide variety of dialects of varying levels of mutual intelligibility, including Cypriot, Pontic, Cappadocian, Griko and Tsakonian (the only surviving representative of ancient Doric Greek).[137] Yevanic is the language of the Romaniotes, and survives in small communities in Greece, New York and Israel. In addition to Greek, many Greeks in Greece and the Diaspora are bilingual in other languages or dialects such as English, Arvanitika, Aromanian, Macedonian Slavic, Russian and Turkish.[97][138]


Uncial script, from a 4th-century Bible manuscript.

The vast majority of Greeks are Eastern Orthodox Christians, belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church. During the first centuries after Jesus Christ, the New Testament was originally written in Koine Greek, which is mutually intelligible with modern Greek to a large extent, as most of the early Christians and Church Fathers were Greek-speaking.[127][128] While the Orthodox Church was always intensely hostile to the ancient Greek religion, it did help Greeks retain their sense of identity during the Ottoman rule through its use of Greek in the liturgy and its modest educational efforts.[139] There are small groups of ethnic Greeks adhering to other Christian denominations like Greek Catholics, Greek Evangelicals, Pentecostals, and groups adhering to other religions including Romaniot and Sephardic Jews and Greek Muslims. In particular there are Greek Muslim communities in Tripoli, Lebanon, (7,000 strong) and Al Hamidiyah in Syria, while there is a large community of indeterminate size in the Pontus region, who were spared of the population exchange because of their faith.[140] About 2,000 Greeks are members of Hellenic Polytheistic Reconstructionism congregations.[141][142][143]


El Greco's Assumption of the Virgin (1577–1579).

Greek art has a long and varied history. Greeks have made several contributions to the visual, literary and performing arts.[144] In the West, ancient Greek art was influential in shaping the Roman and later the modern Western artistic heritage. Following the Renaissance in Europe, the humanist aesthetic and the high technical standards of Greek art inspired generations of European artists.[144] Well into the 19th century, the classical tradition derived from Greece played an important part the art of the Western World.[145] In the East, Alexander the Great's conquests initiated several centuries of exchange between Greek, Central Asian and Indian cultures, resulting in Greco-Buddhist art, whose influence reached as far as Japan.[146]

Byzantine Greek art, which grew from classical art and adapted the pagan motifs in the service of Christianity, provided a stimulus to the art of many nations.[147] Its influences can be traced from Venice in the West to Kazakhstan in the East.[147][148]

In turn, Greek art was influenced by eastern civilizations in Classical Antiquity and the new religion of Orthodox Christianity during Roman times while modern Greek art is heavily influenced by Western art.[149] Notable Greek artists include Renaissance painter El Greco, soprano Maria Callas, and composers Iannis Xenakis and Vangelis. Greek Alexandrian Constantine P. Cavafy and Nobel laureates George Seferis and Odysseas Elitis are among the most important poets of the twentieth century.


The Greeks of the Classical era made several notable contributions to science and helped lay the foundations of several western scientific traditions, like philosophy, historiography and mathematics. The scholarly tradition of the Greek academies was maintained during Roman times with several academic institutions in Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria and other centres of Greek learning while Eastern Roman science was essentially a continuation of classical science.[150] Greeks have a long tradition of valuing and investing in paideia (education).[59] Paideia was one of the highest societal values in the Greek and Hellenistic world while the first European institution described as a university was founded in 5th century Constantinople and operated in various incarnations until the city's fall to the Ottomans in 1453.[151] The University of Constantinople was Christian Europe's first secular institution of higher learning since no theological subjects were taught,[152] and considering the original meaning of the world university as a corporation of students, the world’s first university as well.[151]

As of 2007, Greece had the eighth highest percentage of tertiary enrollment in the world (with the percentages for female students being higher than for male) while Greeks of the Diaspora are equally active in the field of education.[105] Hundreds of thousands of Greek students attend Western universities every year while the faculty lists of leading Western universities contain a striking number of Greek names.[153] Notable Greek scientists of modern times include Georgios Papanikolaou (inventor of the Pap test), Nicholas Negroponte, Constantin Carathéodory, Michael Dertouzos, John Argyris and Dimitri Nanopoulos.


Flag of the Eastern Roman Empire.

The most widely used symbol is the flag of Greece, which features nine equal horizontal stripes of blue alternating with white representing the nine syllables of the Greek national motto Eleftheria i thanatos (freedom or death), which was the motto of the Greek War of Independence.[154] The blue square in the upper hoist-side corner bears a white cross, which represents Greek Orthodoxy. The Greek flag is widely used by the Greek Cypriots, although Cyprus has officially adopted a neutral flag so as to ease ethnic tensions with the Turkish Cypriot minority – see flag of Cyprus).[155]

The pre-1978 (and first) flag of Greece, which features a Greek cross (crux immissa quadrata) on a blue background, is widely used as an alternative to the official flag, and they are often flown together. The national emblem of Greece features a blue escutcheon with a white cross totally surrounded by two laurel branches. A common design involves the current flag of Greece and the pre-1978 flag of Greece with crossed flagpoles and the national emblem placed in front.[156]

Another highly recognizable and popular Greek symbol is the double-headed eagle, the imperial emblem of the Byzantine Empire and a common symbol in Eastern Europe.[157] It is not currently part of the modern Greek flag or coat of arms, although it is officially the insignia of the Greek Army and the flag of the Church of Greece. It had been incorporated in the Greek coat of arms between 1925 and 1926.[158]


The Greeks were one of the first people in Europe to use surnames and these were widely in use by the 9th century supplanting the ancient tradition of using the father’s name, however Greek surnames are most commonly patronymics.[159] Commonly, Greek male surnames end in -s, which is the common ending for Greek masculine proper nouns in the nominative case. Exceptionally, some end in -ou, indicating the genitive case of this proper noun for patronymic reasons.[160] Although surnames in mainland Greece are static today, dynamic and changing patronymic usage survives in middle names where the genitive of father's first name is commonly the middle name. In Cyprus by contrast surnames follow the ancient tradition of being given according to the father’s name (e.g. Ioannis Demetriou is Ioannis the son of Demetrios).[161][162][163] Finally, in addition to Greek-derived surnames many have Turkish, Albanian or Slavic origin.[164]

With respect to personal names, the two main influences are early Christianity and antiquity. The ancient names were never forgotten but have become more widely bestowed from the eighteenth century onwards.[165]


6th century map by Cosmas Indicopleustes.

The traditional Greek homelands have been the Greek peninsula and the Aegean, the Black Sea and Ionian coasts of Asia Minor, the islands of Cyprus and Sicily and the south of the Italian peninsula. In Plato's Phaidon, Socrates remarks that "we (Greeks) live like ants or frogs around a pond".[166] This image is attested by the map of the Old Greek Diaspora, which corresponded to the Greek world until the creation of the Greek state in 1832. The sea and trade were natural outlets for Greeks since the Greek peninsula is rocky and does not offer good prospects for agriculture.[26]

Notable Greek seafarers include people such as Pytheas of Marseilles, Scylax of Caryanda who sailed to Iberia and beyond, Nearchus, the 6th century merchant and later monk Cosmas Indicopleustes (Cosmas who sailed to India) and the explorer of the Northwestern passage Juan de Fuca.[167][168][169][170] In later times, the Romioi plied the sea-lanes of the Mediterranean and controlled trade until an embargo imposed by the Roman Emperor on trade with the Caliphate opened the door for the later Italian pre-eminence in trade.[171][172]

The Greek shipping tradition recovered during Ottoman rule when a substantial merchant middle class developed, which played an important part in the Greek War of Independence.[34] Today, Greek shipping continues to prosper to the extent that Greece has the largest merchant fleet in the world, while many more ships under Greek ownership fly flags of convenience.[105] The most notable shipping magnate of the 20th century was Aristotle Onassis, others being Yiannis Latsis, George Livanos, and Stavros Niarchos.[173][174] A famous Greek poet of the 20th century was the Chinese-born seaman Nikos Kavvadias.[175]


The history of the Greek people is closely associated with the history of Greece, Cyprus, Constantinople, Asia Minor and the Black Sea. During the Ottoman rule of Greece, a number of Greek enclaves around the Mediterranean were cut off from the core, notably in Southern Italy, the Caucasus, Syria and Egypt. By the early 20th century, over half of the overall Greek-speaking population was settled in Asia Minor (now Turkey), while later that century a huge wave of migration to the United States, Australia, Canada and elsewhere created the modern Greek diaspora.

Some key historical events have also been included for context, but this timeline is not intended to cover history not related to migrations. There is more information on the historical context of these migrations in History of Greece.

Time Events
3rd millennium BC Proto-Greek tribes form around the Southern Balkans/Aegean.
20th century BC Greek settlements established on the Balkans. Ionians and Aeolians spread over Greece.
17th century BC Decline of the Minoan civilization, possibly because of the eruption of Thera. Emergence of the Achaeans and formation of the Mycenaean civilization.
13th century BC First colonies established in Asia Minor.
11th century BC Dorians move into peninsular Greece. Achaeans flee to Aegean Islands, Asia Minor and Cyprus.
9th century BC Major colonization of Asia Minor and Cyprus by the Greek tribes.
8th century BC First major colonies established in Sicily and Southern Italy.
6th century BC Colonies established across the Mediterranean Sea and the Black Sea.
5th century BC Defeat of the Persians and emergence of the Delian League in Ionia, the Black Sea and Aegean perimeter culminates in Athenian Empire and the Classical Age of Greece; ends with Athens defeat by Sparta at the close of the Peloponesian War
4th century BC Rise of Theban power and defeat of the Spartans; Campaign of Alexander the Great; Greek colonies established in newly founded cities of Ptolemaic Egypt and Asia.
2nd century BC Conquest of Greece by the Roman Empire. Migrations of Greeks to Rome.
4th century AD Eastern Roman Empire. Migrations of Greeks throughout the Empire, mainly towards Constantinople.
7th century Slavic conquest of several parts of Greece, Greek migrations to Southern Italy, Roman Emperors capture main Slavic bodies and transfer them to Cappadocia, Bosphorus re-populated by Macedonian and Cypriot Greeks.
8th century Roman dissolution of surviving Slavic settlements in Greece and full recovery of the Greek peninsula.
9th century Retro-migrations of Greeks from all parts of the Empire (mainly from Southern Italy and Sicily) into parts of Greece that were depopulated by the Slavic Invasions (mainly western Peloponnesus and Thessaly).
13th century Roman Empire dissolves, Constantinople taken by the Fourth Crusade; becoming the capital of the Latin Empire. Liberated after a long struggle by the Empire of Nicaea, but fragments remain separated. Migrations between Asia Minor, Constantinople and mainland Greece take place.
15th century
19th century
Conquest of Constantinople by the Ottoman Empire. Greek diaspora into Europe begins. Ottoman settlements in Greece. Phanariot Greeks occupy high posts in Eastern European millets.
Time Events
1830s Creation of the Modern Greek State. Immigration to the New World begins. Large-scale migrations from Constantinople and Asia Minor to Greece take place.
1913 European Ottoman lands partitioned; Unorganized migrations of Greeks, Bulgarians and Turks towards their respective states.
1914–1923 Greek genocide; hundreds of thousands of Ottoman Greeks are estimated to have died during this period.[176]
1919 Treaty of Neuilly; Greece and Bulgaria exchange populations, with some exceptions.
1922 The Destruction of Smyrna (modern day Izmir) more than 40 thousand Greeks killed, End of significant Greek presence in Asia Minor.
1923 Treaty of Lausanne; Greece and Turkey agree to exchange populations with limited exceptions of the Greeks in Constantinople, Imbros, Tenedos and the Muslim minority of Western Thrace. 1.5 million of Asia Minor and Pontic Greeks settle in Greece, and some 450 thousands of Muslims settle in Turkey.
1940s Hundred of thousands Greeks died from starvation during the Axis Occupation of Greece
1947 Communist regime in Romania begins evictions of the Greek community, approx. 75,000 migrate.
1948 Greek Civil War. Tens of thousands of Greek communists and their families flee into Eastern Bloc nations. Thousands settle in Tashkent.
1950s Massive emigration of Greeks to West Germany, the United States, Australia, Canada, and other countries.
1955 Istanbul Pogrom against Greeks. Exodus of Greeks from the city accelerates; less than 2,000 remain today.
1958 Large Greek community in Alexandria flees Nasser's regime in Egypt.
1960s Republic of Cyprus created as an independent state under Greek, Turkish and British protection. Economic emigration continues.
1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus. Almost all Greeks living in Northern Cyprus flee to the south and the United Kingdom.
1980s Many civil war refugees were allowed to re-emigrate to Greece. Retro-migration of Greeks from Germany begins.
1990s Collapse of Soviet Union. Approx. 100,000 ethnic Greeks migrate from Georgia, Armenia, southern Russia, and Albania to Greece.
2000s Some statistics indicate the beginning of a trend of reverse migration of Greeks from the United States and Australia.

See also


a.^ Though there is a wide range of interpretations; Carl Blegen dates the arrival of the Greeks around 1900 BC, John Caskey believes that there were two waves of immigrants and Robert Drews places the event as late as 1600 BC.[177][178] A variety of more theories has also been supported,[179] but there is a general consensus that the coming of the Greek tribes occurred around 2100 BC.
  1. ^ While Greek authorities signed the agreement legalizing the population exchange this was done on the insistence of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and after a million Greeks had already been expelled from Asia Minor. Gilbar, Gad G. (1997). Population dilemmas in the Middle East: essays in political demography and economy. London: F. Cass. p. 8. ISBN 0-7146-4706-3. 


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  • Encyclopedia Britannica. United States: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc.. 2008. Online Edition. 
  • The Columbia Encyclopedia. United States: Columbia University Press.. 2008. Online Edition. 
  • Pocket World in Figures (Economist). London: Economist Books. 2006. ISBN 1-86197-825-1. 

Further reading

Mycenaean Greeks
  • Castleden, Rodney (2005). Mycenaeans. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-36336-5. 
  • Chadwick, John (1976). The Mycenaean World. Cambridge UP. ISBN 0-521-29037-6. 
  • Mountjoy, P.A. (1986). Mycenaean Decorated Pottery: A Guide to Identification. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 73. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Forlag. ISBN 91-86098-32-2. 
  • Mylonas, George E. (1966). Mycenae and the Mycenaean Age. Princeton UP. ISBN 0-691-03523-7. 
  • Tandy, David W. (2001). Prehistory and history: ethnicity, class and political economy. Montréal: Black Rose Books. ISBN 1-55164-188-7. 
Classical Greeks
  • Burkert, Walter (1985). Greek religion: archaic and classical. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-15624-0. 
  • Cartledge, Paul (2002). The Greeks: a portrait of self and others. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-280388-3. 
  • Freeman, Charles (2004). Egypt, Greece, and Rome: civilizations of the ancient Mediterranean. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-926364-7. 
  • Finkelberg, Margalit (2005). Greeks and pre-Greeks: Aegean prehistory and Greek heroic tradition. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-85216-1. 
  • Hall, Jonathan M. (2000). Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-78999-0. 
  • Hall, Jonathan M. (2002). Hellenicity: between ethnicity and culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-31329-8. 
  • MacKendrick, Paul Lachlan (1981). The Greek stones speak: the story of archaeology in Greek lands. New York: Norton. ISBN 0-393-30111-7. 
  • Malkin, Irad (2001). Ancient perceptions of Greek ethnicity. Washington, D.C: Center for Hellenic Studies, Trustees for Harvard University. ISBN 0-674-00662-3. 
  • Malkin, Irad (1998). The returns of Odysseus: colonization and ethnicity. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-21185-5. 
  • Walbank, F. W. (1985). Selected papers: studies in Greek and Roman history and historiography. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-30752-X. 
Hellenistic Greeks
  • Boardman, John; Jasper Griffin, Oswyn Murray (2001). The Oxford History of Greece and the Hellenistic World. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0192801376. 
  • Chamoux, François (2003). Hellenistic civilization. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-22242-1. 
  • Grant, Michael (1990). The Hellenistic Greeks: from Alexander to Cleopatra. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 0-297-82057-5. 
  • Per Bilde (1997). Conventional Values of the Hellenistic Greeks (Studies in Hellenistic Civilization ; Vol. VIII) (Pt. 8). Aarhus Univ Pr. ISBN 87-7288-555-6. 
Roman Greeks
  • Ahrweiler, Hélène (1975). L'idéologie politique de l'Empire byzantin. Presses universitaires de France. 
  • Harris, Jonathan (2007). Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium (Hambledon Continuum). Hambledon & London. ISBN 1-84725-179-X. 
  • Kazhdan, Alexander P. (1991). The Oxford dictionary of Byzantium. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504652-8. 
  • Laiou, Angeliki E.; Ahrweiler, Hélène (1998). Studies on the internal diaspora of the Byzantine Empire. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. ISBN 0-88402-247-1. 
  • Runciman, Steven (1966). Byzantine Civilisation. Edward Arnold (Publishers) Ltd.. ISBN 1-56619-574-8. 
  • Toynbee, Arnold J. (1972). Constantine Porphyrogenitus and His World. Oxford University Press. ISBN 019215253X. 
Ottoman Greeks
  • Davis, Jack E.; Fariba Zarinebaf; Bennet, John (2005). A historical and economic geography of Ottoman Greece: the southwestern Morea in the 18th century. Princeton, N.J: American School of Classical Studies at Athens. ISBN 0-87661-534-5. 
  • Davis, Jack E.; Davies, Siriol (2007). Between Venice and Istanbul: colonial landscapes in early modern Greece. Princeton, N.J: American School of Classical Studies at Athens. ISBN 0-87661-540-X. 
  • Issawi, Charles Philip; Gondicas, Dimitri (1999). Ottoman Greeks in the age of nationalism: politics, economy, and society in the nineteenth century. Princeton, N.J: Darwin Press. ISBN 0-87850-096-0. 
  • Jackson, Marvin R.; Lampe, John R. (1982). Balkan economic history, 1550-1950: from imperial borderlands to developing nations. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 0-253-30368-0. 
Modern Greeks
  • Katerina Zacharia (2008). Hellenisms: culture, identity, and ethnicity from antiquity to modernity. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate. ISBN 0-7546-6525-9. 
  • Clogg, Richard (2002). A concise history of Greece. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-00479-9. 
  • Herzfeld, Michael (1982). Ours once more: folklore, ideology, and the making of modern Greece. Austin: University of Texas Press. ISBN 0-292-76018-3. 
  • Holden, David (1972). Greece without columns; the making of the modern Greeks. London: Faber and Faber. ISBN 0-397-00779-5. 
  • Karakasidou, Anastasia N. (1997). Fields of wheat, hills of blood: passages to nationhood in Greek Macedonia, 1870-1990. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-42494-4. 
  • Toynbee, Arnold Joseph (1981). The Greeks and their heritages. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-215256-4. 
  • Trudgill, Peter (2001). Sociolinguistic variation and change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0-7486-1515-6. 
  • Yannakakis, Eleni; Mackridge, Peter (1997). Ourselves and others: the development of a Greek Macedonian identity since 1912. Oxford: Berg. ISBN 1-85973-133-3. 

External links





Up to date as of January 14, 2010

From Wikiquote

The Greeks are an ethnic group who have populated Greece from the 17th century BC to the present day. Today they are primarily found in the Greek peninsula of southeastern Europe,Cyprus and the large Diaspora in the West.



Classical sources

  • So far has Athens left the rest of mankind behind in thought and expression that her pupils have become the teachers of the world, and she has made the name of Hellas distinctive no longer of race but of intellect, and the title of Hellene a badge of education rather than of common descent. Isocrates, "Panegyricus", 50
  • O Solon, Solon, Hellenes aei paides este, geron de Hellen ouk estin.
    • Translation: O Solon, Solon, you Hellenes are never anything but children, and there is not an old man among you.
    • Plato, Timaeus, 22b.
  • Equo ne credite, Teucri.
    quidquid id est, timeo Danaos et dona ferentes.
    • Translation: O Trojans, do not trust the horse.
      Be it what it may, I fear the Grecians even when they offer gifts.
    • Virgil, Aeneid, Book II, line 48.


  • There have been only two great peoples: the Greeks and the Jews. Perhaps the Greeks were even greater than the Jews, but now I can see no sign of that old greatness in the modern Greeks. Maybe, when the present process is finished we too will degenerate, but I see no sign of degeneration at present.

Academic sources

  • p.79 There, however, the medieval or early modern state assimilated most of them, although a significant number of distinctive ancient cultures persisted through such processes of integration — Irish, Catalan. Norwegian and others (in Eastern Europe, the Greeks perhaps form an analogy).’
  • p.182 Kohn does, however, attempt to link his ideological types with their social settings, albeit somewhat crudely; and to show some of the pre-modern group sentinients among Greeks,J ews and others, that went into the formulations of
    • Gopal Balakrishnan (1996). Mapping the nation. London: Verso. ISBN 1-85984-060-4.  
  • The cultural tradition of which the Greek language is the focal point has the longest unbroken history of any in Europe. The Greek state, however, was newly born out of the conflict of 1821-8 and was without precedent in the history of the Greeks. The newly defined nation therefore had, as a matter of urgency, to create its own past, that is, to select and endorse those elements of earlier Greek history which retrospectively could claim to have made the present existence and future aspirations of the nation inevitable. Since the state itself was in many ways the creation of European Romanticism, it was only natural that the means to hand for defining and justifying its existence should derive from the same source.
    • Beaton, Roderick; Teich, Mikuláš; Porter, Roy (1988). Romanticism in national context. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 99. ISBN 0-521-33913-8.  
  • By the twentieth century there has been a series of successive collapses of both the Greek and Jewish Diasporas. The expansion of the Greek kingdom until World War I brought Epirus, Thessaly, Macedonia and most of Thrace within its expanding borders. The disastrous military adventure of 1922 emptied Asia Minor of its 3,000-year old Greek and Orthodox Diaspora. Turkish pressure has reduced the Greek population in its European areas. Egyptian nationalism sent most of the Alexandrian Greeks back to the homeland during the l950s, while Communist pressures adversely affected Balkan Greeks and the decline of die Soviet Union and its successor staes brought some 300.000 Russian Greeks to the Mediterranean.
  • Both Greeks and Jews were the only people who were able to leave their homeland or birth city (natio) and maintain the identity through subsequent generations and both did so through the strength of their respective cultures (The phenomenon of empire as reflected in the experience of Carthage and Rome is of a different order. It is noteworthy that their respective Diasporas disappeared when the mother city lost its political control. ) Both people received a boost during the Hellenistic period: The Jews when they fell in love with Greek logic and the Greeks when they adopted Christianity, a variant of the Jewish religion. The national identity that emerged in the ancient times from the mix of language and religion was a unique kind of supranationalism that became a model for new peoples who entered Western civilization in the Medieval and modern periods.
    • Bowman, Robert, Skoggard, Ian A.; Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R. (2005). Encyclopedia of diasporas: immigrant and refugee cultures around the world. Berlin: Springer. ISBN 0-306-48321-1.  
  • Some economically brilliant groups of this kind have behind them a long tradition of dispersal, urbanization and minority status: this is clearly the case of the Jews, Greeks Armenians or Parsees.
  • The Hellenes initially thought not so much in terms of secession from the Ottoman Empire, as of inverting the hierarchy within it and taking it over, thereby reviving Byzantium. The first Creek rising took place not in Greece, hut in what is now Romania, where the Greeks were a minority and moreover one doing rather well out of the Ottoman system. The use of what is now southern Greece as a territorial basis only came later.
  • Greek and Armenian nationalism arose among populations which were generally more prosperous and better able to understand the wealth- generating economies of modern Europe than their Ottoman Muslim overlords.
    • Ernest Gellner (2006). Nations and Nationalism (New Perspectives on the Past). Blackwell Publishing Limited. pp. 101-103. ISBN 1-4051-3442-9.  
  • A Christianity split into a diversity of ecclesiastical streams, the dualism implicit within its political agenda – nation-forming on the one side, universalism on the other was further accentuated. The classical eastern orthodox form stressing the power of the emperor was in principle universalist enough in its vision of Constantinople as the New Rome, but in practice Byzantium became a rather thoroughly Greek empire, .ihen1mung non-Greeks in Egypt, Syria or the west. This combined with its considerable degree of Caesaropapism led to the generation of a type of church-state relationship characteristic of eastern autocephalous churches of a highly nationalist type.
    • Hastings, Adrian (1997). The construction of nationhood: ethnicity, religion, and nationalism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 202. ISBN 0-521-62544-0.  
  • p.76-77 Nevertheless it is evident — if only from the Greek example just cited — that proto-nationalism, where it existed, made the task of nationalism easier, however great the differences between the two, insofar as existing symbols and sentiments of proto-nacional community could he mobilized behind a modern cause or a modern state. But this is far from saying that the two were the same, or even that one must logically or inevitably lead into the other. For it is evident that proto-nationalism alone is clearly not enough to form nationalities, nations, let alone states.
  • p.133 However, mass expulsion and even genocide began to make their appearance on the southern margins of Europe during and after World War I, as the Turks set about the mass extirpation of the Armenians in 1915 and, after the Greco Turkish war of 1911, expelled between 1.3 and 1.5 millions of Greeks from Asia Minor, where they had lived since the days of Homer.1 Subsequently Adolph Hitler, who was in this respect a logical Wilsonian nationalist, arranged to transfer Germans not living on the territory of the fatherland, such as those of Italian South Tyrol, to Germany itself, as he also arranged for the permanent elimination of the Jews.
    • Hobsbawm, E. J. (1992). Nations and nationalism since 1780 programme, myth, reality. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-43961-2.  
  • However Fallrnerayer greatly overstated his case. Much of northern and western Greece and the Peloponnesus was extensively settled by Slavs and did escape Byzantine control, but eastern and parts of central Greece the Aegean coast and the major Greek islands and coastal cities were never overrun by Slavs and many of these places received numerous Greek refugees. Starting in the lace seventh century moreover the Slav-settled areas of Greece were gradually re-Hellenized by the Byzantine Empire, the Greek Orthodox Church and Greek-speaking merchants and colonists, aided by the establishment of effective new Byzantine military administrations known as themata (Browning 1975: 39-42). Thus even though the Peloponnesus itself was under Slav control for more than two hundred years, there was no question of any permanent Slavonization of Greek territory. Little by little the Byzantine authorities in Greece and the other coastal regions managed to regain lost ground. Nevertheless, the greater part of the Balkan Peninsula, the whole interior, became completely a Slav country and from now onwards is referred to in Byzantine sources as the region of “Sclavinia” (Ostrogorsky 1968: 94).
    • Jeffries, Ian; Bideleux, Robert (2007). A history of Eastern Europe: crisis and change. New York: Routledge. pp. 49-50. ISBN 0-415-36626-7.  
  • p.122 Along with Moisiodax, Rigas Velensrinbs (he too a VLich), Nikolaos Zervoulis, Dimitrios Darvaris, Nikolaos Piccolos, and Arhanacios Vogoridis had all assimilated into Hellenism at the time. During much of the eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth centuries, Hellenism served in the Balkans as an ecumenical cultural ideal, very much like the role it played in the eastern Mediterranean of the Hellenistic period and of late antiquity. Although not supported by military might as was the case in Alexander’s time, it attained enormous prestige. Indeed, Greek culture along with Orthodoxy and the Ottoman administration served as the three unifying forces in the Balkans. Hellenism expanded throughout the region because Greeks had dominated the four areas— religion, economy, administration, and intellectual life—that constituted the shared substratum of Balkan life (Tsourkas 1967: 212). Ethnic Greeks occupied positions of enormous prestige and influence in the Ottoman administration and served for decades as governors of Walachia and Moldavia. Greek had become the language of commerce and Hellenism the secular culture of the Balkans (Camariano-Cioran 1974: 15, 311). The economic and political power of the Greeks enabled them to have more contacts with Westerners than their neighbours, which explains in part their earlier attempts at modernization.
    • Jusdanis, Gregory (2001). The Necessary Nation. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. pp. 122. ISBN 0-691-08902-7.  
  • p.209 It is also important that the process of nation- building he distinguished from related social phenomena. For instance if we accept as do most theorists of nationalism, that nations ate modern constructs, it becomes imperative to differentiate nation-building from expansionist ethnicism, The latter phenomenon for instance. describes the pattern to he found after 987 in Capetian France among the Zulus of the nineteenth century and among lateral-aristocratic ethnies like the Greeks (Smith 19**6. 141—2; Smith 1991: 57, Francis 1976: 28—31). The spread of ethnic consciousness within these pre-modern populations sprang from the efforts of clerics, monarchs, warrior bands or wandering performers, whose activities lacked the intensity, coordination or precision that is associated with nation-building (Armstrong 1982).
    • Leoussi, Athena S. (2001). Encyclopaedia of nationalism. New Brunswick, N.J., U.S.A: Transaction Publishers. ISBN 0-7658-0002-0.  
  • The Greek question has a longer history in Turkey. Greeks have lived in Anatolia for millennia, especially along the Aegean coast. For a while, under Alexander, they dominated the land. And for all intents and purposes, the Byzantine Empire (the Eastern Roman Empire at the time) was Greek. When Mehmct 11 conquered Constantinople, he appointed a Greek monk to the orthodox Patriarch and allowed him to govern both the religious and secular affairs of the Greek community. The first Ottoman census, of 1477, counted half of Constantinople’s population as Greek, and four-hundred years later, even after the Greek War of Independence, it was still 21 percent Greek.
    • Lowenthal, David (1998). The heritage crusade and the spoils of history. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 245. ISBN 0-521-63562-4.  
  • As Elie Kedourie has remarked “Greek [nationalism] may be considered the first to appear outside Western Christendom, among a community ruled by non-Christians and itself hitherto violently hostile to all Western nations.”
    • Peckham, Robert D. (2001). National Histories, Natural States: Nationalism and the Politics of Place in Greece. London: I. B. Tauris. pp. 3-5. ISBN 1-86064-641-7.  
  • In antiquity, the power of Greek cities was manifested by their ability to found far—off, independent colonies, where the cities and colonies were connected more by language, culture, and history than by law or a hierarchical relationship. This is what the French geographer Georges Prévélakis calls a “galactic” organization, as opposed to a “dendritic” organization based on the relation between a centre and its periphery. The spread of Roman power—first by the republic, then the empire—over the entire Mediterranean did not cause Hellenism to disappear as a cultural unity. After the empire split in two in 395, Hellenism actually blossomed in the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire, where it became the principal cultural component, especially in the religious domain: The Great Schism of 1054 divided Roman Catholics from the Greek Orthodox. Even political power became Hellenized. The seizure of Constantinople by the Ottomans in 1453 ended the Byzantine Empire, but Hellenism survived in the Ottoman Empire. Along with the Jews and the Armenian Apostolic Church, the Orthodox Church was allowed to establish an autonomous religious community, called milliet, that was responsible for the allocation and collection of taxes and for such matters as marriage, divorce, and inheritance. With the development of the Mediterranean trading system in the sixteenth century, Greek communities appeared outside the empire, including western Europe (Livorno and Venice) and Russia. Contact with Enlightenment philosophy and the ideas of 1789 fed the aspiration for a Greek state. This was created in 1830, founded on the ambition of restoring Greater Greece by recovering the Ottoman territories of Asia Minor. That hope collapsed in 1922-23 with the end of the Greco-Turkish war and the territorial agreement between the two countries.
    • William Rodarmor; Stephane Dufoix (2008). Diasporas. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 39. ISBN 0-520-25359-0.  
  • p.150 This is the case even in such a culturally long-lived example as the Greeks, where
  • p.191 Greeks, Armenians, Jews, Persians, Chinese and Japanese could be cited as examples of ethnic continuity, since, despite massive cultural changes over the centuries, certain key identifying components—name, language, customs, religious community and territorial association—were broadly maintained and reproduced for millennia.
  • p.192 All this points to the importance of social memory; as the example of the relationship between modern and ancient Greeks shows, ethnies are constituted, not by lines of physical descent, but by the sense of continuity, shared memory and collective destiny, i.e. by lines of cultural affinity embodied in myths, memories, symbols and values retained by a given cultural unit of population.
    • Smith, Anthony Robert (1998). Nationalism and modernism: a critical survey of recent theories of nations and nationalism. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-06341-8.  
  • It is irrelevant in that ethnies arc constituted, not by lines of physical descent, but by the sense of continuity, shared memory and collective destiny, i.e. by lines of cultural affinity embodied in distinctive myths, memories, symbols and values retained by a given cultural unit of population. In that sense much has been retained, and revived, from the extant heritage of ancient Greece. For, even at the time of Slavic migrations, in Ionia and especially in Constantinople, there was a growing emphasis on the Greek language, on Greek philosophy and literature, and on classical models of thought and scholarship. Such a ‘Greek revival’ was to surface again in the tenth and fourteenth centuries, as well as subsequently, providing a powerful impetus to the sense of cultural affinity with ancient Greece and its classical heritage. This is not to deny for one moment either the enormous cultural changes undergone by the Greeks despite a surviving sense of common ethnicity or the cultural influence of surrounding peoples and civilizations over two thousand years. At the same time in terms of script and language, certain values, a particular environment and its nostalgia, continuous social interactions and a sense of religious and cultural difference, even exclusion, a sense of Greek identity and common sentiments of ethnicity can be said to have persisted
    • Smith, Anthony Robert (1991). National identity. Harmondsworth [Eng.]: Penguin. ISBN 0-14-012565-5.  
  • Though Latin long held sway in Court and bureaucratic circles, the cultural cement of the empire’s core populations was Greek and its education was in the Greek classics and tongue. Imperial tradition, Christian Orthodoxy and Greek culture became even more the bases of Byzantium and her Hellenic community, after she had lost most of her western and Asiatic possessions in the seventh century — to Visigoths and then Arabs m Spain and North Africa, to the Lombards in much of Italy, to the Slavs in the Balkans and to Muslim armies in Egypt and the Near East. Political circumstances, and the resilience of Greek culture and Greek education, made her predominantly Greek in speech and character. After the sack of Constantinople in 1204 and the establishment of a Latin empire under Venetian auspices, the rivalry of the Greek empires based on Nicaea, Epirus and Trebizond to realize the patriotic Hellenic dream of recapturing the former capital further stimulated Greek ethnic sentiment against Latin usurpation. W1cn in the face of Turkith threats, the fifteenth-century Byzantine emperor, Michael Palaeologus, tried to place the Orthodox Church under the Papacy and hence Western protection; an inflamed Greek sentiment vigorously opposed his policy. The city’s populace in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, their Hellenic sentiments fanned by monks, priests and the Orthodox party against the Latin policies of the government, actually preferred the Turkish turban to the Latin mitre and attacked the urban wealthy classes. But the Turkish conquest and the demise of Byzantium did not spell the end of the Orthodox Greek community and its ethnic sentiment. tinder its Church and Patriarch, and organized as a recognized milliet of the Ottoman empire, the Greek community flourished in exile, the upper classes of its Diaspora assuming privileged economic and bureaucratic positions in the empire. So Byzantine bureaucratic incorporation had paradoxical effects: as in Egypt, it helped to sunder the mass of the Greek community from the state and its Court and bureaucratic imperial myths and culture in favour of a more demotic Greek Orthodoxy; but, unlike Egypt, the demise of the state served to strengthen that Orthodoxy and reattach to it the old dynastic Messianic symbolism of a restored Byzantine empire in opposition to Turkish oppression.
    • Smith, Anthony Robert (1987). The ethnic origins of nations. Oxford: B. Blackwell. pp. 108. ISBN 0-631-16169-4.  
  • Ethnic Change, Dissolution and Survival
  • This shifted the centre of a truly Hellenic civilization to the east, to the Aegean, the Ionian littoral of Asia Minor and to Constantinople. It also meant that modem Greeks could hardly count as being of ancient Greek descent, even if this could never be ruled out.’ There is a sense in which the preceding discussion is both relevant to a sense of Greek identity, now and earlier, and irrelevant. It is relevant in so far as Greeks, now and earlier, felt that their ‘Greekness’ was a product of their descent from the ancient Greeks (or Byzantine Greeks), and that such filiations made them feel themselves to be members of one great ‘super-family’ of Greeks, shared sentiments of continuity and membership being essential to a lively sense of identity. It is irrelevant in that ethnies arc constituted, not by lines of physical descent, but by the sense of continuity, shared memory and collective destiny, i.e. by lines of cultural affinity embodied in distinctive myths, memories, symbols and values retained by a given cultural unit of population. In that sense much has been retained, and revived, from the extant heritage of ancient Greece. For, even at the time of Slavic migrations, in Ionia and especially in Constantinople, there was a growing emphasis on the Greek language, on Greek philosophy and literature, and on classical models of thought and scholarship. Such a ‘Greek revival’ was to surface again in the tenth and fourteenth centuries, as well as subsequently, providing a powerful impetus to the sense of cultural affinity with ancient Greece and its classical heritage.
  • This is not to deny for one moment either the enormous cultural changes undergone by the Greeks despite a surviving sense of common ethnicity or the cultural influence of surrounding peoples and civilizations over two thousand years. At the same time in terms of script and language, certain values, a particular environment and its nostalgia, continuous social interactions, and a sense of religious and cultural difference, even exclusion, a sense of Greek identity and common sentiments of ethnicity can be said to have persisted beneath the many social and political changes of the last two thousand years
    • Smith, Anthony Robert (1991). National identity. Reno: University of Nevada Press. pp. 28-31. ISBN 0-87417-204-7.  
  • Against this view, it is still possible to identify some cultural continuities. Kitromilides himself alludes to some of them, when he mentions “inherited forms of cultural expression, such as those associated with the Orthodox liturgical cycle and the images of emperors, the commemoration of Christian kings, the evocation of the Orthodox kingdom and its earthly seat, Constantinople, which is so powerfully communicated in texts such as the Akathist Hymn, sung every year during Lent and forming such an intimate component of Orthodox worship . . .“ (Kitromilides 1998, 31). There are other lines of Greek continuity. Despite the adoption of a new religion, Christianity, certain traditions, such as a dedication to competitive values, have remained fairly constant, as have the basic forms of the Greek language and the contours of the Greek homeland (though its centre of gravity was subject to change). And John Armstrong has pointed to the “precocious nationalism” that took hold of the Greek population of the Byzantine Empire under the last Palaeologan emperors and that was directed as much against the Catholic Latins as against the Muslim Turks—an expression of medieval Greek national sentiment as well as a harbinger of later Greek nationalism. But again, we may ask: was this Byzantine sentiment a case of purely confessional loyalty or of ethnoreligious nationalism? (See Armstrong 1982, I74—8I cf. Baynes and Moss 1969, 119—27, and Carras 1983.)
    • Smith, Anthony Robert (2000). The Nation in History: Historiographical Debates about Ethnicity and Nationalism (The Menahem Stern Jerusalem Lectures). Hanover, NH: Brandeis University Press. pp. 42-43. ISBN 1-58465-040-0.  
  • Greeks, Armenians and Jews
  • Yet even here all these peoples have remained rooted in their sacred homelands for centuries. Though oppressed and colonized by outsiders, they have never been expelled en masse, and so the theme of restoration to the homeland has played little part in the conceptions of these peoples. There are, however, two peoples, apart from the Jews, for whom restoration of the homeland and commonwealth have been central: the Greeks and the Armenians, and together with the Jews, they constitute the archetypal Diaspora peoples, or what John Armstrong has called ‘mobilized diasporas° Unlike diasporas composed of recent mi migrant workers—Indians, Chinese and others in Southeast Asia, East Africa and the Caribbean— mobilized diasporas are of considerable antiquity, are generally polyglot and multi-skilled trading communities and have ancient, portable religious traditions. Greeks, Jews, and Armenians claimed an ancient homeland and kingdom, looked back nostalgically to a golden age or ages of great kings, saints, sages and poets, yearned to return to ancient capitals with sacred sites and buildings, took with them wherever they went their ancient scriptures, sacred scripts and separate liturgies, founded in every city congregations with churches, clergy and religious schools, traded across the Middle East and Europe using the networks of enclaves of their co-religionists to compete with other ethnic trading networks, and used their wealth, education and economic skills to offset their political powerlessness)
  • But the parallels go further, Greeks, Jews, and Armenians after their subordination to others and emigration or expulsion from their original homelands became Diaspora ethno-religious communities cultivating the particular virtues and aptitudes of their traditions. These included a respect for scholarship and learning, derived from constant study of sacred texts (and in the Greek case some of their ancient secular texts seen through religious filters); and hence a generally high status accorded to religious scholars and clergy within each enclave. Allied to this was a marked aptitude for literary expression—poetic, philosophical, legal, liturgical, linguistic, and historical.
  • Greek Phanariot merchants and traders dominated the commerce of the Ottoman empire, utilizing their kinship networks and social and religious institutions to maximize not only their business and assets, but also their cultural capital. Diaspora Greeks became especially prominent from the eighteenth century in the development of printing and the press, and experienced a major intellectual revival in cities as far afield as Vienna, Venice, Odessa, Paris, and Amsterdam
  • In each case, the concept of chosenness played a central role. For Greeks and Armenians, the myth of ethnic election was both direct and transmitted. It was an act of God who had singled out a special community of His faithful to live according to His holy laws and receive His special blessings, the blessings being conditional on the holding of correct beliefs and the performance of sacred obligations. As with the Jews, the overriding purpose was to become a holy people beloved of God, a people of priests worthy of the status and location which God had bestowed on the community. But, unlike the Jews, Armenians and Greeks saw their election as a reward for receiving the true faith rejected by the Jews. They were therefore required to supplant the Jews as the chosen people, and become the heirs of a people who had fallen from grace. In this sense, the chosen status of Greeks and Armenians was a legacy from the Jewish people, and only much later did the Orthodox community of true believers become imbued with Greek culture and a sense of Greek-speaking community, and to the outside world Orthodoxy became synonymous with Greek culture and origins.
    • Smith, Anthony Robert (1999). Myths and memories of the nation. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. pp. 212-215. ISBN 0-19-829534-0.  
  • However, such myths developed earlier in the Byzantine periphery. In the heart of the Empire, it was really only in its final phase from 1261, under the Palaeologan emperors, after the chastening experience of the Sack of Constantinople by the Latins in 1204, and the subsequent period of ‘penance’ in the Nicene Empire, that we can begin to speak of a definite Greek ethnic component fuelled by strong anti-Latin sentiment, alongside the Universal Church and its mission to outsiders (see Raynes and Moss 1969: 33—6). In fact, a strong Greek ethnic sentiment had developed already at Nicaca. In John Armstrong’s words: At Nicaea after the Crusader conquest of Constantinople, the literati demanded that the emperor in-exile entitle himself king of the Hellenes”. Two centuries later the last emperor was mourned as Constantine the Hellene (Armstrong 1981: 179). For Armstrong, this was partly the result of a long-term homogenizing socialization process required for a powerful, integrated, and hierarchical central bureaucracy. But it was also due to Greek adherence to classical learning and literature, and to Byzantine unwillingness to accept the parity of Latin as a language of empire (Armstrong 1982.: 178—8 I, 116—17).
  • But perhaps the most significant factor in the turn to a Greek ethnicism, which resisted both the Turkish turban and the Latin mitre in the years before the fall of Constantinople, was the opposition of the urban populace, led by the Orthodox party, monks, and priests, to the wealthy urban classes and the Byzantine court. After the Ottoman conquest in 1453, recognition by the Turks of the Greek millet under its Patriarch and Church helped to ensure the persistence of a separate ethnic identity, which, even if it did not produce a ‘precocious nationalism’ among the Greeks, provided the later Greek enlighteners and nationalists with a cultural constituency fed by political dreams and apocalyptic prophecies of the recapture of Constantinople and the restoration of Greek Byzantium and its Orthodox emperor in all his glory.
    • Smith, Anthony Robert (2003). Chosen peoples: [sacred sources of national identity]. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. pp. 98. ISBN 0-19-210017-3.  
  • p.203 First, Greece: for modem Greeks, as I intimated, the future could mirror ‘the past’ past’ in more than one way, since there was a clear split in that past. One school argued for the Byzantine roots and glory of Greece. They pointed to the massive influx of Slavic immigrants in the sixth and succeeding centuries throughout the Balkans and Greece, and claimed that this had weakened the links with a decayed Hellenic (or Hellenistic— Roman) culture. What was Byzantine was essentially Orthodox Christianity only the Greek language and liturgy retained any connection with a pre-Christian past. In the Orthodox millet of the Ottoman empire, Christianity had kept a Byzantine Greek ethnic alive, as in a chrysalis, ready to be transformed under the impact of Western ideas and commercialization in the late eighteenth century.8’ For the Byzantine-Orthodox clergy and their flocks, for the notables in the Mores and Phanariots in Constantinople, this grandiose dream of a restored Byzantine empire under Greek control located the re-nascent Greek people and charted their future in the Aegean and Ionia. It also pointed the way to a restored agrarian society of peasants, notables and clergy, essentially smallholders, but led by educated Orthodox elites under the Patriarch.
  • Another school opposed this dream with its summons to military adventure in Anatolia, and took its blueprint from a Western reading of classical antiquity. While conceding the demographic break with the ancient Greek world, the westernized intelligentsia claimed a continuing spiritual affinity between modem Western, secular ideals and those of classical Athens. Locating the modern Greeks through their cultural heritage of classical antiquity along an cast—west axis that stretched from Paris and London to Athens and Constantinople, the ‘Hellenic’ map differed profoundly from the ‘Byzantine’ one; for the Latter had a north—south axis from Moscow to Constantinople and Egypt, which aligned a re-nascent Byzantine Greece with Orthodox Russia as the protector of Eastern Christianity. There was a similar contrast in ethnic moralities. While the Byzantine conception of Greek revival envisaged a renewal of the Orthodox Christian virtues and ecclesiastical controls, the secular Hellenic vision advocated a ‘return’ to the qualities of rational enquiry, self-control and reflective choice which seemed to sum up the ethical message of ancient Greece.
  • These differences in moral vision and map-making bred, In turn, conflicting institutional needs and social policies, within the constraints of an under-developed economy and society in terms of Western standards. Though both were ‘backward-looking’, the hierarchical and theocratic Byzantine ideal with its cultural affinity to Orthodox Tsarism, lent itself to a rural and patriarchal society whose political institutions would be subordinated to the religious controls of the clergy and their supporters among the notables; their suspicions of the West would be compensated by the eastward drive inherent in the Megali Idea and its dream of a restored Byzantine empire in Anatolia and the Aegean. Whereas the Hellenic vision,
    • Smith, Anthony Robert (1987). The ethnic origins of nations. Oxford: B. Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-16169-4.  
  • A society in whose culture the Ancient Greeks played such an important part was bound to have a view about the Modern Greeks. The inhabitants of that famous land, whose language was still recognizably the same as that of Demosthenes, could not be regarded as just another remote tribe of natives or savages. Western Europe could not escape being concerned with the nature of the relationship between the Ancient and the Modem Greeks. The question has teased, perplexed, and confused generations of Greeks and Europeans and it still stirs passions to an extent difficult for the rational to condone.
  • Whether the present inhabitants of Greece are descended from the Ancient Greeks is a profoundly unsatisfactory question. No method of subdividing the question makes much sense. On the one hand, one can attempt to trace the numerous incursions of immigrants to Greece and try to assess the extent to which the ‘blood’ of the Ancients has been diluted by outside races, Romans, barbarians, Franks, Turks, Venetians, Albanians, etc. On the other hand, one can point to the remarkable survival of ideas and customs and, in particular, to the astonishing strength of the linguistic tradition.
  • But neither approach seems to lead to the kind of answer which those who ask the question are seeking. What they seem to want to know is—Are the Modern Greeks the same as the Ancient Greeks? Are their racial and national characteristics the same? Do the Modern Greeks behave in the same kind of way as the Ancient Athenians, Spartans, and Corinthians behaved? If one looks among the Modem Greeks will one find the equivalents of Pericles and Sophocles and Plato? By their nature such questions are vague and contain within them a host of assumptions—about human nature, genetics and race, the influence of environment on behaviour, and the reliability of our knowledge of ancient history—all of which are questionable and some of which are simply unfounded.
  • During the hundreds of years since the glorious age of Greece, various views have been held about the Modern Greeks. Europeans of the Middle Ages and Renaissance times may have assumed that the Modern Greeks were the descendants of the Ancients hut they were far from regarding this as implying any continuity of character, let alone imposing any obligation. To be Greek was to be a drunkard, a lecher, and, especially, a cheat, It never seems to have occurred to the men who issued the calls to join in the defence of Byzantium, for example, to suggest that they were aiding the descendants of Pericles. Nor as Christians did the Western Europeans (of whatever sect) feel any instinctive sympathy for the schismatic Christians of the Orthodox Church.
    • William St. Clair (1972). That Greece Might Still be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence. Open Book Publishers. pp. 15-16. ISBN 1906924007.  
  • A strong sense of a common ethnic identity emerged among Greek speakers of the independent city-states of the Aegean area in the Bronze Age and characterized the city-states of the classical period and their colonies in the Mediterranean and Black Sea regions. It endured over two millennia as these lands were ruled by the Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine, Frankish, Venetian, and Ottoman empires, and as the area became ethnically heterogeneous.
  • Despite income differences in the population and a small upper stratum of established families in the larger cities, the class system has been marked by mobility since the establishment of the modern state. Former bases of wealth and power disappeared with the departure of the Ottomans and the dismantling of agricultural estates. A fluid class system fits the strongly egalitarian emphasis of the culture. The degree to which minority groups receive the rights and opportunities of Greeks is a topic of public discussion. Social status is not coterminous with economic class but results from a combination of wealth, education, occupation, and what is referred to as honor or love of honor (philotimo). While sometimes understood only as a source of posturing and argumentation, this concept refers to one's sense of social responsibility, esteem within the community, and attention to proper behavior and public decorum.
  • Parents also stress the value of education,..Higher education is strongly valued…In the 1990s, 140,000 students annually vied for 20,000 university seats and 20,000 technical college seats. Many ultimately seek an education abroad.
  • The legacy of the Greeks is under assault today thus deserves defence and celebration for the simple reason that much of what we are is the result of that brilliant examination of human life first begun by the Greeks: as Jacob Burckhardt says, "We see with the eyes of the Greeks and use their phrases when we speak." We must listen to the Greeks not because they will give us answers, but because they first identified the questions and problems, and they knew too where the answers must come from: the minds of free human beings who have control over their own lives. And this, finally, is the greatest good we have received from the Greeks: the gift of freedom.
    • Bruce Thornton, US classicist, "Defending the Greeks", Private Papers, 2005


  • We will not say thereafter that the Greeks fight like heroes, but heroes fight like the Greeks!

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  1. Plural form of Greek.

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Found only in the New Testament, where a distinction is observed between "Greek" and "Grecian" (q.v.). The former is...

The word "Grecians" in Acts 11:20 should be "Greeks," denoting the heathen Greeks of that city, as rendered in the Revised Version according to the reading of the best manuscripts ("Hellenes").

This entry includes text from Easton's Bible Dictionary, 1897.

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