History of the Philippines (1898–1946): Wikis


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History of Philippines
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Early History(pre-900)
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Arrival of the Negritos
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Country of Mai
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Spanish period (1521–1898)
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Philippine Revolution (1896-1898)
First Philippine Republic
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Philippine–American War
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This article covers the history of the Philippines from 1898 to 1946. It spans the Spanish-American War which resulted in the United States acquiring sovereignty over the Philippines from Spain via the Treaty of Paris which ended that war, the Philippines as a U.S. territory and later as a U.S. Commonwealth, occupation of the Philippines by Japanese forces during the Second World War, to eventual recognition of Philippine independence by the U.S. in 1946.


Historical perspective

The Katipunan revolution which had begun in 1896 had formally ended with the Pact of Biak-na-Bato, a truce between the Spanish government and the principal revolutionary leaders which had been signed in November 1897. Emilio Aguinaldo, who held the office of President in the revolutionary government, and other revolutionary leaders were given amnesty and a monetary indemnity by the Spanish government in return for which the rebel government had agreed to go into voluntary exile in Hong Kong.[1][2][3]

Spanish-American War period (1898)

In April 1898, following on a joint congressional resolution, U.S. President William McKinley signed an ultimatum demanding that the government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. This resulted on April 20 in a declaration of war against the United States by Spain, followed on April 25 by a declaration of war by the U.S. against Spain.

Admiral Dewey and the Asiatic Squadron

On February 25, 1898, following the sinking of the USS Maine in Havana Harbor on February 15, Theodore Roosevelt sent the following cable to Commodore George Dewey, commanding the U.S. Navy's Asiatic Squadron:

Washington, February 25,’98.

Dewey, Hong Kong:

Order the squadron, except the Monocacy, to Hong Kong. Keep full of coal. In the event of declaration of war Spain, your duty will be to see that the Spanish squadron does not leave the Asiatic coast, and then offensive operations in Philippine Islands. Keep Olympia until further orders.


The gunboat USS Monocacy was at the time on assignment to carry the U.S. Minister to China on visits to the open ports on the Yangtze River.

On April 24 word was received that the U.S. and Spain were at war, and the squadron was ordered by the British (a non-belligerent) to leave Hong Kong. It first moved 30 miles north to Mirs Bay on the Chinese coast and the departed from there for the Philippines on April 27, reaching Manila Bay on the evening of April 30.

Battle of Manila Bay

The first battle of the Spanish-American war took place in the Philippines. On May 1, 1898. In a matter of hours, Commadore Dewey's Asiatic Squadron defeated the Spanish squadron under Admiral Patricio Montojo y Pasarón.[6][7] The U.S. squadron took control of the arsenal and navy yard at Cavite and Dewey cabled Washington stating that, although he controlled Manila Bay, he needed 5000 men to seize Manila itself.[6]

U.S. preparation for land operations and resumption of the Philippine revolution

The completeness of Dewey's victory, so early in the war, prompted the administration of President William McKinley to send the troops necessary to capture Manila from the Spanish. The U.S. Army sent substantially more than Dewey asked for, the 10,844 man VIII Corps (PE), under the command of Major General Wesley Merritt.[6][8] Meanwhile, Dewey dispatched the cutter McCulloch to Hong Kong to transport Aguinaldo to the Philippines. Aguinaldo arrived on May 19 and, after a brief meeting with Dewey, resumed revolutionary activities against the Spanish.

Public jubilance marked the Aguinaldo's return. Several revolutionaries, as well as Filipino soldiers employed by the Spanish army, submitted themselves to Aguinaldo's command and the Philippine Revolution against Spain resumed. Soon, Imus and Bacoor in Cavite, Parañaque and Las Piñas in Morong, Macabebe and San Fernando in Pampanga, as well as Laguna, Batangas, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Tayabas (now Quezon), and the Camarines provinces, were liberated by the Filipinos and the port of Dalahican in Cavite was secured. The revolution was gaining ground.[9 ]

On May 24, 1898, Aguinaldo announced in Cavite, "... I return to assume command of all the forces for the attainment of our lofty aspirations, establishing a dictatorial government which will set forth decrees under my sole responsibility, ..."[10]

Philippine declaration of independence and establishment of Philippine governments

On 12 June, 1898, at Aguinaldo's ancestral home in Cavite, Philippine independence was proclaimed and The Act of Declaration of Philippine Independence was read. The act had been prepared and written by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista in Spanish, who also read it. The act opens with the following words:[11]

In the town of Cavite-Viejo, Province of Cavite, this 12th day of June 1898:

BEFORE ME, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, War Counsellor and Special Delegate designated to proclaim and solemnize this Declaration of Independence by the Dictatorial Government of the Philippines, pursuant to, and by virtue of, a Decree issued by the Engregious Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, ...

That same day, a decree signed by Aguinaldo was issued, establishing the Dictatorial Government.[12]

On 18 June, Aguinaldo issued a decree proclaiming a Dictatorial Government headed by himself.[13]

On June 23, another decree signed by Aguinaldo was issued, replacing the Dictatorial Government with a Revolutionary Government.[14]

Did the U.S. promise independence?

There is disagreement between sources regarding meetings which Aguinaldo had with U.S. Consul E. Spencer Pratt.

Aguinaldo writes that he met in Hong Kong on March 6 and April 16 with the captain of an Asiatic Squadron gunboat named USS Petrel (this would be Commander Edward P. Wood, but Aguinaldo does not name him[15]), and that Wood urged him to return to the Philippines to renew hostilities against the Spaniards with the object of gaining Philippine independence. According to Aguinaldo, Wood assured him of the assistance of the United States in the event of war between the United States and Spain and, when asked what the United States could concede to the Filipinos, replied: "The United States is a great and rich nation and needs no colonies." Aguinaldo writes further that when he suggested the advisability of stating in writing what would be agreed to by the United States, Wood replied that he would refer the matter to Admiral Dewey. Later, Aguinaldo writes, he traveled secretly to Singapore to meet with Isabelo Artacho, his countryman and fellow revolutionary, over a matter of money; arriving there on April 20. While he was staying anonymously at the house of Artacho, an Englishman several times visited the house asking for him by name and with the message that U.S. Consul Pratt would like to meet with him.[16]

Dean Conant Worcester was a contemporary of Aguinaldo's, the only person to serve on both the First and Second Philippine Commissions, and Secretary of Interior of the Philippines from 1901 to 1913. In his 1914 book The Philippines Past and Present, Worcester writes of the meetings between Aguinaldo and Pratt in Singapore. He identifies the Englishman as Howard W. Bray, who had been a member of the civil service in India and had lived for some years in the Philippines, and characterizes Bray as an opportunist — seeking to establish a relationship with Aguinaldo and use that relationship to his own advantage.[17]

The accounts by both Aguinaldo and Worcester agree that Aguinaldo met with Pratt. Aguinaldo provides details of the meetings, saying that after checking with Dewey by telegraph, Pratt had assured him: "That the United States would at least recognize the Independence of the Philippines under the protection of the United States Navy. The Consul added that there was no necessity for entering into a formal written agreement because the word of the Admiral and of the United States Consul were in fact equivalent to the most solemn pledge that their verbal promises and assurance would be fulfilled to the letter and were not to be classed with Spanish promises or Spanish ideas of a man’s word of honour."[16]

Worcester does not have first-hand details about what did or did not transpire between Pratt and Aguinaldo, but adds the information that Aguinaldo knew little English, that Prat knew no Spanish, and that Bray acted as interpreter. Worcester observes: "An interpreter who is interested in the subject of the discussion may be a dangerous man. It is impossible to say what he told Aguinaldo. Certainly Pratt did not know; but whatever was said during these conversations it is within the limits of possibility that Pratt may have been made to say by the interpreter more than he intended, and that his statements of what would probably be granted by the United States Government and his expression of good wishes for the cause of Filipino independence may have been translated as assurances and as promises."[16][17]

Worcester reports that on April 28 Pratt wrote the Secretary of State, explaining how he had come to meet Aguinaldo, and stating just what he had done, saying:

"At this interview, after learning from General Aguinaldo the state of an object sought to be obtained by the present insurrectionary movement, which, though absent from the Philippines, he was still directing, I took it upon myself, whilst explaining that I had no authority to speak for the Government, to point out the danger of continuing independent action at this stage; and, having convinced him of the expediency of cooperating with our fleet, then at Hongkong, and obtained the assurance of his willingness to proceed thither and confer with Commodore Dewey to that end, should the latter so desire, I telegraphed the Commodore the same day as follows, through our consul-general at Hongkong:--

Worcester notes: "... that Pratt explained to Aguinaldo that he had no authority to speak for the government; that there was no mention in the cablegrams between Pratt and Dewey of independence or indeed of any conditions on which Aguinaldo was to coöperate, these details being left for future arrangement with Dewey; and that Pratt thought that he had prevented possible conflict of action and facilitated the work of occupying and administering the Philippines." and says that a subsequent communication written on July 28, 1898, Pratt made the following statement:--

"I declined even to discuss with General Aguinaldo the question of the future policy of the United States with regard to the Philippines, that I held out no hopes to him of any kind, committed the government in no way whatever, and, in the course of our confidences, never acted upon the assumption that the Government would cooperate with him--General Aguinaldo--for the furtherance of any plans of his own, nor that, in accepting his said cooperation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which he might put forward."[18]

Consul Pratt made the following report to the Secretary of State of the United States:[19]

Consulate-General of the United States,

Singapore, April 30, 1898.

Sir: Referring to my dispatch No. 212, of the 28th instant, I have the honor to report that in the second and last interview I had with Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo on the eve of his departure for Hongkong, I enjoined upon him the necessity, under Commodore Dewey's direction, of exerting absolute control over his forces in the Philippines, as no excesses on their part would be tolerated by the American Government, the President having declared that the present hostilities with Spain were to be carried on in strict accord with modern principles of civilized warfare.

To this General Aguinaldo fully assented, assuring me that he intended and was perfectly able, once on the field, to hold his followers, the insurgents, in check and lead them as our commander should direct.

The general further stated that he hoped the United States would assume protection of the Philippines for at least long enough to allow the inhabitants to establish a government of their own, in the organization of which he would desire American advice and assistance.

These questions I told him I had no authority to discuss.

I have, etc.,

_E. Spencer Pratt_, United States Consul-General.

June 16th Secretary Day cabled Consul Pratt: "Avoid unauthorized negotiations with the Philippine insurgents," and the Secretary wrote the consul on the same day:[19]

The Department observes that you informed General Aguinaldo that you had no authority to speak for the United States; and, in the absence of the fuller report which you promise, it is assumed that you did not attempt to commit this Government to any alliance with the Philippine insurgents. To obtain the unconditional personal assistance of General

Aguinaldo in the expedition to Manila was proper, if in so doing he was not induced to form hopes which it might not he practicable to gratify. This Government has known the Philippine insurgents only as discontented and rebellious subjects of Spain, and is not acquainted with their purposes. While their contest with that power has been a matter of public notoriety, they have neither asked nor received from this Government any recognition. The United States, in entering upon the occupation of the islands, as the result of its military operations in that quarter, will do so in the exercise of the rights which the state of war confers, and will expect from the inhabitants, without regard to their former attitude toward the Spanish Government, that obedience which will be lawfully due from them.

If, in the course of your conferences with General Aguinaldo, you acted upon the assumption that this Government would co-operate with him for the furtherance of any plan of his own, or that, in accepting his co-operation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which he may put forward, your action was unauthorized and can not be approved.

Respectfully yours,

_William E. Day_.

Filipino scholar Maximo Kalaw wrote in 1927: "Just exactly what transpired at the meeting between Aguinaldo and Pratt has been a matter of debate. The Englishman Bray acted as interpreter. A few of the principal facts, however, seem quite clear. Aguinaldo was not made to understand that, in consideration of Filipino cooperation, the United States would extend its sovereignty over the Islands, and thus in place of the old Spanish master a new one would step in. The truth was that nobody at the time ever thought that the end of the war would result in the retention of the Philippines by the United States.", and continued in a footnote: "For Aguinaldo's version of this interview, see Reseña Verídica Revolucion Filipína, Chapter III;[4]"(cited here as[16]). It has been claimed, probably with some truth, that Aguinaldo's Reseña Verídica was not written by himself, but by some of his cabinet members, most likely Bunecamino. The principal facts, however, must have been furnished by Aguinaldo himself. It was written, it must be confessed, at the time (about September 1899) when the question of whether Dewey and Pratt had promised Aguinaldo independence, was being asked in America."[20]

Tensions between U.S. and revolutionary forces

This and some subsequent sections of this article extensively cite portions of Worcester's 1914 book which rely heavily on "insurgent documents" — documents of Aguignaldo's government which, after being captured by U.S. forces, were translated into English from the original Tagalog and Spanish and were compiled and annotated by U.S. Army Captain John R. M. Taylor. In his letter of transmittal for the compilation, Taylor wrote that the documents in the compilation

These telegrams were found by me while in charge of the division of military information, adjutant-general's office, Division of the Philippines, among a mass of papers captured from the so-called insurgent government. I do not suppose that they are by any means all the telegrams received by Aguinaldo between June, 1898 and March, 1899. They are merely papers which have survived the vicissitudes of warfare and the series must necessarily be incomplete, but they show, to me at least, that Aguinaldo relied much on the opinion and advice of other men; that there was serious opposition to his government even in Luzon; that it had been fully determined to attack the Americans in Manila upon a favorable opportunity, and that in the event of the success of this attack the so-called insurgent government would not have continued even to call itself a republic. A republic does not award titles of nobility.[21][22]

The first contingent of American troops under General Thomas Anderson, arrived on 30 June, the second under General Frank V. Greene on July 17, and the third under General Arthur MacArthur on July 30.[23] General Anderson wrote Aguinaldo requesting his cooperation in military operations against the Spanish forces.[24] Aguinaldo responded, thanking General Anderson for his amicable sentiments, but saying nothing about military cooperation; General Anderson did not renew the request.[24] In a July 9, 1898 letter, General Anderson informed the Adjutant-General (AG) of the United States Army that Aguinaldo "has declared himself Dictator and President, and is trying to take Manila without our assistance.", opining that that would not be probable but, if done, would allow him to antagonize any U.S. attempt to establish a provisional government.[24]

On July 15, 1898, Aguinaldo issued three organic decrees assuming civil authority of the Philippines.[25]

On July 18, General Anderson wrote that he suspected Aguinaldo to be secretly negotiating with the Spanish authorities.[26] In a 21 July letter to the Adjunt General, General Anderson wrote the Adjudant General that he had ignored Aguinaldo's assumption of civil authority, and had let him know verbally that he could, and would, not recognize it.[26] In another July 21 letter, General Anderson said: "Since I wrote last, Aguinaldo has put in operation an elaborate system of military government, under his assumed authority as Dictator, and has prohibited any supplies being given us, except by his order."[27]

On July 24, Aguinaldo wrote a letter to General Anderson in effect warning him not to disembark American troops in places conquered by the Filipinos from the Spaniards without first communicating in writing the places to be occupied and the object of the occupation. Murat Halstead, official historian of the Philippine Expedition writes that General Merritt remarked shortly after his arrival on 25 June, "As General Aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival, nor offer his services as a subordinate military leader, and as my instructions from the President fully contemplated the occupation of the islands by the American land forces, and stated that 'the powers of the military occupant are absolute and supreme and immediately operate upon the political condition of the inhabitants,' I did not consider it wise to hold any direct communication with the insurgent leader until I should be in possession of the city of Manila, especially as I would not until then be in a position to issue a proclamation and enforce my authority, in the event that his pretensions should clash with my designs."[28]

U.S. commanders suspected that Aguinaldo and his forces were informing the Spanish of American movements. Major J. R. M. Taylor later wrote, after translating and analyzing insurgent documents, "The officers of the United States Army who believed that the insurgents were informing the Spaniards of the American movements were right. Sastrón has printed a letter from Pío del Pilar, dated July 30, to the Spanish officer commanding at Santa Ana, in which Pilar said that Aguinaldo had told him that the Americans would attack the Spanish lines on August 2 and advised that the Spaniards should not give way, but hold their positions. Pilar added, however, that if the Spaniards should fall back on the walled city and surrender Santa Ana to himself, he would hold it with his own men. Aguinaldo's information was correct, and on August 2 eight American soldiers were killed or wounded by the Spanish fire."[29]

Peace protocol between the U.S. and Spain

On August 12, 1898, the New York Times reported that a peace protocol had been signed in Washington at 4:23 that afternoon between the U.S. and Spain, suspending hostilities and defining the terms on which peace negotiations are to be carried on between the two. Due to time zone differences, this was in the very early morning of 13 August in Manila.[30] The text of the protocol was not made public until November 5, but Article 3 read: "The United States will occupy and hold the City, Bay, and Harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the Philippines."[31]

Capture of Manila

On the evening of August 12, on orders of General Merritt, General Anderson notified Aguinaldo to forbid the Insurgents under his command from entering Manila. On 13 August, unaware of the peace protocol signing, U.S. forces assaulted and captured the Spanish positions in Manila. Insurgents made an independent attack of their own, as planned, which promptly led to trouble with the Americans. At 8 A.M. Aguinaldo received a telegram from General Anderson sternly warning him not to let his troops enter Manila without the consent of the American commander on the south side of the Pasig River. No attention was paid to General Anderson's request that the Insurgent troops should not enter Manila without permission. They crowded forward with and after the American forces and found American and Spanish troops confronting each other but not firing. A flag of truce was waving from the Spanish, nevertheless the insurgents fired on the Spanish forces, provoking a return fire which killed and wounded American soldiers.[32] General Anderson's losses in the taking of the city was nineteen men killed and one hundred and three wounded.[33]

General Anderson, sent Aguinaldo a telegram, received by the latter at 6:35 P.M., as follows

Dated Ermita Headquarters 2nd Division 13 to Gen. Aguinaldo. Commanding Filipino Forces.--Manila, taken. Serious trouble threatened between our forces. Try and prevent it. Your troops should not force themselves in the city until we have received the full surrender then we will negotiate with you.

_Anderson_, commanding.

Aguinaldo demanded joint occupation of Manila. On August 13 Admiral Dewey and General Merritt informed their superiors of this and asked how far they might proceed in enforcing obedience in the matter.[34]

General Merritt received news of the August 12 peace protocol on August 16, three days after the surrender of Manila.[35] Admiral dewey and General Merritt were informed by a telegram dated August 17 that the President of the United States had directed:

That there must be no joint occupation with the Insurgents. The United States in the possession of Manila city, Manila bay and harbor must preserve the peace and protect persons and property within the territory occupied by their military and naval forces. The insurgents and all others must recognize the military occupation and authority of the United States and the cessation of hostilities proclaimed by the President. Use whatever means in your judgment are necessary to

this end.[34]

Insurgent forces were looting the portions of the city which they occupied, and as is abundantly shown by their own records were not confining their attacks to Spaniards, but were assaulting their own people and raiding the property of foreigners as well, and U.S. commanders pressed Aguinaldo to withdraw his forces from Manila. Negotiations proceeded slowly and, on August 31, General Elwell Otis (General Merritt being unavailable) wrote, in a long letter to Aguinaldo: "... I am compelled by my instructions to direct that your armed forces evacuate the entire city of Manila, including its suburbs and defences, and that I shall be obliged to take action with that end in view within a very short space of time should you decline to comply with my Government's demands; and I hereby serve notice on you that unless your troops are withdrawn beyond the line of the city's defences before Thursday, the 15th instant, I shall be obliged to resort to forcible action, and that my Government will hold you responsible for any unfortunate consequences which may ensue."[36] After some further negotiation and exchanges of letters Aguinaldo wrote on September 16: "On the evening of the 15th the armed insurgent organizations withdrew from the city and all of its suburbs, ..."[37]

In later congressional testimony in the U.S., Dewey described an arrangement he had made with the Spanish commander for the surrender of Manila: "That the Spaniards were ready to surrender, but before doing so I must engage one of the outlying forts. I selected one at Malate, away from the city. They said I must engage that and fire for a while, and then I was to make a signal by the international code, 'Do you surrender?' Then they were to hoist a white flag at a certain bastion; and I may say now that I was the first one to discover the white flag. We had 50 people looking for that white flag, but I happened to be the first one who saw it. I fired for a while, and then made the signal according to the programme. We could not see the white flag—it was rather a thick day—but finally I discovered it on the south bastion; I don't know how long it had been flying there when I first saw it."[38]

U.S. and insurgents clash

In a clash at Cavite between United States soldiers and insurgents on August 25, George Hudson, a member of the Utah regiment, was killed, Corporal William Anderson, of the same battery, was mortally wounded, and four troopers of the Fourth Cavalry were slightly wounded.[39][40] This provoked general Anderson to send Aguinaldo a letter saying, "In order to avoid the very serious misfortune of an encounter between our troops, I demand your immediate withdrawal with your guard from Cavite. One of my men has been killed and three wounded by your people. This is positive and does not admit of explanation or delay."[40] Internal insurgent communications reported that the Americans were drunk at the time. Halstead writes that Aguinaldo expressed his regret and promised to punish the offenders.[39] In internal insurgent communications, Mabini initially proposed to investigate and punish any offenders identified. Aguinaldo modified this, ordering, "... say that he was not killed by your soldiers, but by them themselves (the Americans) since they were drunk according to your telegram"[41] An Insurgent officer in Cavite at the time reported on his record of services that he: "took part in the movement against the Americans on the afternoon of the 24th of August, under the orders of the commander of the troops and the adjutant of the post."[42]

Philippine elections, Malolos Congress, Constitutional government

Elections were held by the Revolutionary Government between June and September 10, resulting in Emilio Aguinaldo being seated as President in the seating of a legislature known as the Malolos Congress. In a session between September 15, 1898 and November 13, 1899, the Malolos Constitution was adopted, creating the First Philippine Republic.

Spanish-American War ends

Article V of the peace protocol signed on August 12 had mandated negotiations to conclude a treaty of peace to begin in Paris not later than October 1, 1898.[43 ] President McKinley sent a five man commission, initially instructed to demand no more than Luzon, Guam, and Puerto Rico; which would have provided a limited U.S. empire of pinpoint colonies to support a global fleet and provide communication links.[44] In Paris, the commission was besieged with advice, particularly from American generals and European diplomats, to demand the entire Philippine archipelago.[44] The unanimous recommendation was that "it would certainly be cheaper and more humane to take the entire Philippines than to keep only part of it."[45] On 28 October, 1898, McKinley wired the commission that "cessation of Luzon alone, leaving the rest of the islands subject to Spanish rule, or to be the subject of future contention, cannot be justified on political, commercial, or humanitarian grounds.The cessation must be the whole archipeligo or none.The latter is wholly inadmissible, and the former must therefore be required."[46] The Spanish negotiators were furious over the "immodist demands of a conqueror", but their wounded pride was assauged by an offer of twenty million dollars for "Spanish improvements" to the islands. The Spaniards capitulated, and on December 10, 1898, the U.S. and Spain signed the Treaty of Paris, formally ending the Spanish-American war. In Article III, Spain ceded the Philippine archipelago to the United States, as follows: "Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within the following line: [... geographic description elided ...]. The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000) within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty.[47]

In the U.S., there was a movement for Philippine independence; some said that the U.S. had no right to a land where many of the people wanted self-government. Andrew Carnegie, an industrialist and steel magnate, offered to buy the Philippines for twenty million United States dollars and give it to the Filipinos so that they could be free of United States government.[48]

U.S. military government

Following the capture of Manila on August 14, 1898, the U.S. had established a military government in the Philippines under General Merritt as Military Governor. During military rule (1898-1901), the U.S. Military commander governed the Philippines under the authority of the U.S. President as Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Armed Forces. General Otis succeeded General Merritt as Military Governor, governing from 1898 to 1900. General Otis was succeeded by General MacArthur,who governed from 1900 to 1902.[49]

Under the military government, an American-style school system was introduced, initially with soldiers as teachers; civil courts were organized, including a Supreme court;local governments were established in towns and provinces. The first local election was conducted by General Harold W. Lawton on May 7, 1899, in Baliwag, Bulacan.[49]

First Philippine Commission

On January 20, 1899, President McKinley appointed the First Philippine Commission (the Schurman Commission), a five-person group headed by Dr. Jacob Schurman, president of Cornell University, to investigate conditions in the islands and make recommendations. In the report that they issued to the president the following year, the commissioners acknowledged Filipino aspirations for independence; they declared, however, that the Philippines was not ready for it.[50]

On November 2, 1900, Dr. Schurman signed the following statement:—

"Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn, the commission believe that the government of the Philippines would speedily lapse into anarchy, which would excuse, if it did not necessitate, the intervention of other powers and the eventual division of the islands among them. Only through American occupation, therefore, is the idea of a free, self-governing, and united Philippine commonwealth at all conceivable. And the indispensable need from the Filipino point of view of maintaining American sovereignty over the archipelago is recognized by all intelligent Filipinos and even by those insurgents who desire an American protectorate. The latter, it is true, would take the revenues and leave us the responsibilities. Nevertheless, they recognize the indubitable fact that the Filipinos cannot stand alone. Thus the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of national honour in forbidding our abandonment of the archipelago. We cannot from any point of view escape the responsibilities of government which our sovereignty entails; and the commission is strongly persuaded that the performance of our national duty will prove the greatest blessing to the peoples of the Philippine Islands."
Report Philippine Commission, Vol. I, p. 183.

Specific recommendations included the establishment of civilian government as rapidly as possible (the American chief executive in the islands at that time was the military governor), including establishment of a bicameral legislature, autonomous governments on the provincial and municipal levels, and a system of free public elementary schools.[51]

Benevolent Assimilation

1898 US Political Cartoon. U.S. President William McKinley is shown holding the Philippines, depicted as a savage child, as the world looks on. The implied options for McKinley are to keep the Philippines, or give it back to Spain, which the cartoon compares to throwing a child off a cliff.

U.S. President McKinley's December 21, 1898 proclamation of Benevolent Assimilation was announced in the Philippines on January 4, 1899. Referring to the Treaty of Paris, it said that as a result of the victories of American arms, the future control, disposition, and government of the Philippine Islands are ceded to the United States. It enjoined the military commander (General Otis) to make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that in succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, the authority of the United States is to be exerted for the securing of the persons and property of the people of the islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights and relations. It specified that it will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights.[52] On January 6, 1899, General Otis was quoted in the New York Times as expressing himself as convinced that the U.S. government intends to seek the establishment of a liberal government, in which the people will be as fully represented as the maintenance of law and order will permit, susceptible of development, on lines of increased representation, and the bestowal of increased powers, into a government as free and independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces in the world.[53]

Philippine–American War (1899–1913)

Tensions escalate

The Spanish had yielded Iloilo to the insurgents for the purpose of troubling the Americans. On January 1, news had come to Washington from Manila that American forces which had been sent to Iloilo under the command of General Marcus Miller had been confronted by 6,000 armed Filipinos, who refused them permission to land.[54][55] A Filipino official styling himself Presidente Lopez of the Federal Government of the Visayas informed Miller that "foreign troops" would not be landed "without express orders from the central government of Luzon"[55] Unknown to Otis, the War Department had also sent an enciphered copy of the proclamation to General Marcus Miller in Iloilo for informational purposes. Miller assumed that it was for distribution and, unaware that a politically bowdlerized version had been sent to Aguinaldo, published it in both Spanish and Tagalog translations which eventually made their way to Aguinaldo.[56] Even before Aguinaldo received the unaltered version and observed the changes in the copy he had received from Otis, he was upset that Otis had altered his own title to "Military Governor of the Philippines" from "in the Philippines." Aguinaldo did not miss the significance of the alteration, which Otis had made without authorization from Washington.[57]

Three days later, Aguinaldo responded with his Otro Manifesto del Sr. Presidente del Gobierno Revolucionario, which was close to a formal declaration of war:

My nation cannot remain indifferent in view of such violent and aggressive seizure of a portion of its territory by a nation which has arrogated to itself the title; champion of oppressed nations. Thus it is that my government is disposed to open hostilities if the American troops attempt to take forcible possession.

I denounce these acts before the world in order that the conscience of mankind may pronounce its infallible verdict as to who are the oppressors of nations and the oppressors of mankind. Upon their heads be all the blood which may be shed![58]

Meanwhile, Felipe Agoncillo, who had been commissioned by the Philippine Revolutionary Government as Minister Plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties with foreign governments, and who had unsuccessfully sought to be seated at the negotiations between the U.S. and Spain in Paris, was now in Washington. On January 6, he filed a request for an interview with the President to discuss affairs in the Philippines. The next day the government officials were surprised to learn that messages to General Otis to deal mildly with the rebels and not to force a conflict had become known to Agoncillo, and cabled by him to Aguinaldo. At the same time, Aguinaldo's protested General Otis signing himself "Military Governor of the Philippines."[54]

On January 8, Agoncillo gave out this statement:[54]

In my opinion the Filipino people, whom I represent, will never consent to become a colony dependency of the United States. The soldiers of the Filipino army have pledged their lives that they will not lay down their arms until General Aguinaldo tells them to do so, and they will keep that pledge, I feel confident.

The Filipino committees in London, Paris and Madrid about this time telegraphed to President McKinley as follows:

We protest against the disembarkation of American troops at Iloilo. The treaty of peace still unratified, the American claim to sovereignty is premature. Pray reconsider the resolution regarding Iloilo. Filipinos wish for the friendship of America and abhor militarism and deceit.

On January 8, Aguinaldo received the following message:

To the President of the Revolutionary Government, Malolos, from Sandico, Manila. 8 Jan., 1899, 9.40 p.m..: In consequence of the order of General Rios to his officers, as soon as the Filipino attack begins the Americans should be driven into the Intramuros district and the walled city should be set on fire. Pipi.[59]

The New York Times reported on January 8, that two Americans who had been guarding a waterboat in Iloilo had been attacked, one fatally, and that insurgents were threatening to destroy the business section of the city by fire; and on January 10 that a peaceful solution to the Iloilo issues may result but that Aguinaldo had issued a proclamation threatening to drive the Americans from the islands.[60][61]

By January 10, insurgents were ready to assume the offensive, but desired, if possible, to provoke the Americans into firing the first shot. They made no secret of their desire for conflict, but increased their hostile demonstrations and pushed their lines forward into forbidden territory. Their attitude is well illustrated by the following extract from a telegram sent by Colonel Cailles to Aguinaldo on January 10, 1899:[62]

Most urgent. An American interpreter has come to tell me to withdraw our forces in Maytubig fifty paces. I shall not draw back a step, and in place of withdrawing, I shall advance a little farther. He brings a letter from his general, in which he speaks to me as a friend. I said that from the day I knew that Maquinley (McKinley) opposed our independence I did not want any dealings with any American. War, war, is what we want. The Americans after this speech went off pale.

Aguinaldo approved the hostile attitude of Cailles, for there is a reply in his handwriting which reads:[62]

I approve and applaud what you have done with the Americans, and zeal and valour always, also my beloved officers and soldiers there. I believe that they are playing us until the arrival of their reinforcements, but I shall send an ultimatum and remain always on the alert.--E. A. Jan. 10, 1899.

On 31 January 1899, The Minister of Interior of the revolutionary First Philippine Republic, Teodoro Sandico, signed a decree saying that President Agunialdo had directed that all idle lands be planted to provide food for the people, in view of impending war with the Americans.[63]

Outbreak of general hostilities

Worcester writes that General Otis' account of the opening of active hostilities was as follows:

"On the night of February 2 they sent in a strong detachment to draw

the fire of our outposts, which took up a position immediately in front and within a few yards of the same. The outpost was strengthened by a few of our men, who silently bore their taunts and abuse the entire night. This was reported to me by General MacArthur, whom I directed to communicate with the officer in command of the insurgent troops concerned. His prepared letter was shown me and approved, and the reply received was all that could be desired. However, the agreement was ignored by the insurgents and on the evening of February 4 another demonstration was made on one of our small outposts, which occupied a retired position at least 150 yards within the line which had been mutually agreed upon, an insurgent approaching the picket and refusing to halt or answer when challenged. The result was that our picket discharged his piece, when the insurgent troops near Santa Mesa opened a spirited fire on our troops there stationed.

"The insurgents had thus succeeded in drawing the fire of a small outpost, which they had evidently labored with all their ingenuity to accomplish, in order to justify in some way their premeditated attack. It is not believed that the chief insurgent leaders wished to open hostilities at this time, as they were not completely prepared to assume the initiative. They desired two or three days more to perfect their arrangements, but the zeal of their army brought on the crisis which anticipated their premeditated action. They could not have delayed long, however, for it was their object to force an issue before American troops, then en route, could arrive in Manila."

Thus began the Insurgent attack, so long and so carefully planned for. We learn from the Insurgent records that the shot of the American sentry missed its mark. There was no reason why it should have provoked a hot return fire, but it did.

The result of the ensuing combat was not at all what the Insurgents had anticipated. The Americans did not drive very well. It was but a short time before they themselves were routed and driven from their positions.

Aguinaldo of course promptly advanced the claim that his troops had been wantonly attacked. The plain fact is that the Insurgent patrol in question deliberately drew the fire of the American sentry, and this was just as much an act of war as was the firing of the shot. Whether the patrol was acting under proper orders from higher authority is not definitely known.[64]

Other sources name the two specific U.S. soldiers involved in the first exchange of fire as Privates William Grayson and Orville Miller of the Nebraska Volunteers.[65][66]

Subsequent to the conclusion of the war, after analyzing captured insurgent papers, Major Major J. R. M. Taylor wrote, in part,

An attack on tde United Stntcs forces was planned which should annihilate the little army in Manila, and delegations were appointed to secure the interference of foreign powers. The protecting cloak of pretense of friendliness to the United States was to be kept up until the last. While commissioners were appointed to negotiate with General Otis, secret societies were organized in Manila pledged to obey orders of the most barbarous character to kill and burn. The attack from without and the attack from within was to be on a set day and hour. The strained situation could not last. The spark was applied, either inadvertently or by design, on the 4th of February by an insurgent, willfully transgressing upon what, by their own admission, was within the agreed limits of the holding of the American troops. Hostilities resulted and the war was an accomplished fact.[67]


On February 4, Aguinaldo issued the following proclamation:[68]

I order and command:

1. That peace and friendly relations with the Americans be broken and that the latter be treated as enemies, within the limits prescribed by the laws of war.

2. That the Americans captured be held as prisoners of war.

3. That this proclamation be communicated to the consuls and that congress order and accord a suspension of the constitutional guarantee, resulting from the declaration of war.

On February 8, New York Times reported Aguinaldo's proclamation, with minor wording variations.[69]

On June 2, 1899, the Malolos Congress of the First Philippine Republic enacted and ratified a Declaration of War on the United States, which was publicly proclaimed on that same day by Pedro Paterno, President of the Assembly.[70]

As before when fighting the Spanish, the Filipino rebels did not do well in the field. Aguinaldo and his provisional government escaped the capture of Malolos on March 31, 1899 and were driven into northern Luzon. Peace feelers from members of Aguinaldo's cabinet failed in May when the American commander, General Ewell Otis, demanded an unconditional surrender. In 1901, Aguinaldo was captured and swore allegiance to the United States. A large American military force was used to occupy parts of the country, and would be regularly engaged in hostilities against Filipino rebels for another decade. The hostilities of the Philippine-American war began on February 4, 1899 and continued for two years. The United States used 126,000 soldiers to subdue the Philippines. The war took the lives of 4,234 Americans and about 16,000 Filipinos. As usually happens in guerrilla campaigns, the civilian population suffers the worst. As many as 200,000 civilians may have died from famine and disease.

Second Philippine Commission

The Second Philippine Commission (the Taft Commission), appointed by McKinley on March 16, 1900, and headed by William Howard Taft, was granted legislative as well as limited executive powers.[71] On September 1, the Taft Commission began to exercise legislative functions.[72] Between September 1900 and August 1902, it issued 499 laws, established a judicial system, including a Supreme Court, drew up a legal code to replace antiquated Spanish ordinances and organized a civil service.[73] The 1901 municipal code provided for popularly elected presidents, vice presidents, and councilors to serve on municipal boards. The municipal board members were responsible for collecting taxes, maintaining municipal properties, and undertaking necessary construction projects; they also elected provincial governors.[51]

Establishment of civil government

On March 2, 1901 the U.S. Congress passed the Spooner Amendment to the Army Appropriation Act. this amendment provided legislative authority for the President to proceed with the establishment of a civil government in the Philippines. Up until this time, the President been administering the Philippines by virtue of his war powers. On July 1, 1901, civil government was inaugurated with William H. Taft as the Civil Governor. later, on February 3, 1903, the U.S. Congress changed the title of Civil Governor to Governor-General.[74]

A highly centralized public school system was installed in 1901, using English as the medium of instruction. This created a heavy shortage of teachers, and the Philippine Commission authorized the Secretary of Public Instruction to bring to the Philippines 600 teachers from the U.S.A. — the so-called Thomasites. Free primary instruction that trained the people for the duties of citizenship and avocation was enforced by the Taft Commission per instructions of President McKinley.[75] Also, the Catholic Church was disestablished, and a considerable amount of church land was purchased and redistributed.

Official end to the war

The Philippine Organic Act of July 1902 approved, ratified, and confirmed McKinley's Executive Order establishing the Philippine Commission and stipulated that a legislature would be established composed of a lower house, the Philippine Assembly, which would be popularly elected, and an upper house consisting of the Philippine Commission. The act also provided for extending the United States Bill of Rights to Filipinos.[51][76]

On July 2, the Secretary of War telegraphed that the insurrection against the sovereign authority of the U.S. having come to an end, and provincial civil governments having been established, the office of Military governor was terminated. On July 4, Theodore Roosevelt, who had succeeded to the U.S. Presidency after the assassination of President McKinley on September 5, 1901 proclaimed a full and complete pardon and amnesty to all persons in the Philippine archipelago who had participated in the conflict.[77]

Post-1902 hostilities

Some Filipino nationalist historians like Renato Constantino have suggested that the war unofficially continued for nearly a decade, since bands of guerrillas, quasi-religious armed groups and other resistance groups continued to roam the countryside, still clashing with American Army or Philippine Constabulary patrols. American troops and the Philippine Constabulary continued hostilities against such resistance groups until 1913.[78] Some historians consider these unofficial extensions to be part of the war.[79]

U.S. Territory (1901–1935)

William Howard Taft addressing the audience at the Philippine Assembly in the Manila Grand Opera House.

The 1902 Philippine Organic Act had disestablished the Catholic Church as the state religion. The United States government, in an effort to resolve the status of the friars, negotiated with the Vatican. The church agreed to sell the friars' estates and promised gradual substitution of Filipino and other non-Spanish priests for the friars. It refused, however, to withdraw the religious orders from the islands immediately, partly to avoid offending Spain. In 1904 the administration bought for US$7.2 million the major part of the friars' holdings, amounting to some 166,000 hectares (410,000 acres), of which one-half was in the vicinity of Manila. The land was eventually resold to Filipinos, some of them tenants but the majority of them estate owners.[51]

Two years after completion and publication of a census, a general election was conducted for the choice of delegates to a popular assembly. An elected Philippine Assembly was convened in 1907 as the lower house of a bicameral legislature, with the Philippine Commission as the upper house.

Every year from 1907 the Philippine Assembly and later the Philippine Legislature passed resolutions expressing the Filipino desire for independence.

Philippine nationalists led by Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmena enthusiastically endorsed the draft Jones Bill of 1912, which provided for Philippine independence after eight years, but later changed their views, opting for a bill which focused less on time than on the conditions of independence. The nationalists demanded complete and absolute independence to be guaranteed by the United States, since they feared that too-rapid independence from American rule without such guarantees might cause the Philippines to fall into Japanese hands. The Jones bill was rewritten and passed Congress in 1916 with a later date of independence. [80] For that reason during the First World War the Filipinos temporarily stopped their independence campaign and supported the United States against Germany. After the war they resumed their independence drive with great vigor.[81]

In 1916, the Philippine Autonomy Act, popularly known as the Jones Law, was passed by the U.S. Congress. The law, which served as the new organic act (or constitution) for the Philippines, stated in its preamble that the eventual independence of the Philippines would be American policy, subject to the establishment of a stable government. The law maintained the Governor General of the Philippines, appointed by the President of the United States, but established a bicameral Philippine Legislature to replace the elected Philippine Assembly (lower house); it replaced the appointive Philippine Commission (upper house) with an elected senate.[82]

On March 17, 1919, the Philippine Legislature passed a "Declaration of Purposes", which stated the inflexible desire of the Filipino people to be free and sovereign. A Commission of Independence was created to study ways and means of attaining liberation ideal. This commission recommended the sending of an independence mission to the United States.[83]

The "Declaration of Purposes" referred to the Jones Law as a veritable pact, or covenant, between the American and Filipino peoples whereby the United States promised to recognize the independence of the Philippines as soon as a stable government should be established. U.S. Governor-General of the Philippines Francis Burton Harrison had concurred in the report of the Philippine legislature as to a stable government. The Philippine legislature funded an independence mission to the U.S. in 1919. The mission departed Manila on February 28 and met in the U.S. with and presented their case to Secretary of War Newton D. Baker.[84] U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, in his 1921 farewell message to Congress, certified that the Filipino people had performed the condition imposed on them as a prerequisite to independence, declaring that, this having been done, the duty of the U.S. is to grant Philippine independence.[85 ] The Republican Party then controlled Congress and the recommendation of the outgoing Democratic president was not heeded.[84]

After the first independence mission, public funding of such missions was ruled illegal. Subsequent independence missions in 1922, 1923, 1930, 1931 1932, and two missions in 1933 were funded by voluntary contributions. Numerous independence bills were submitted to the U.S. Congress, which passed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill on December 30, 1932. U.S. President Herbert Hoover vetoed the bill on January 13, 1933. Congress overrode the veto on January 17, and the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act became U.S. law. The law promised Philippine independence after 10 years, but reserved several military and naval bases for the United States, as well as imposing tariffs and quotas on Philippine exports. The law also required the Philippine Senate to ratify the law. Quezon urged the Philippine Senate to reject the bill, which it did. Quezon himself led the twelfth independence mission to Washington to secure a better independence act. The result was the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934 which was very similar to the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act except in minor details. The Tydings-McDuffie Act was ratified by the Philippine Senate. The law provided for the granting of Philippine independence by 1946.[86]

The Tydings-McDuffie Act provided for the drafting and guidelines of a Constitution, for a 10-year "transitional period" as the Commonwealth of the Philippines before the granting of Philippine independence. On May 5, 1934, the Philippines legislature passed an act setting the election ofconvention delegates. Governor General Frank Murphy designated July 10 as the election date, and the convention heldits inaugural session on July 30. The completed draft constitution was approved by the convention on February 8, 1935, approved by U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt on March 23, and ratified by popular vote on May 14. The first election under the constitution was held on September 17, and on November 15, 1935 the Commonwealth government was inaugurated.[87]

Commonwealth era (1935–1946)

The period 1935–1946 would ideally be devoted to the final adjustments required for a peaceful transition to full independence, a great latitude in autonomy being granted in the meantime.

On May 14, 1935, an election to fill the newly created office of President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines was won by Manuel L. Quezon (Nacionalista Party) and a Filipino government was formed on the basis of principles superficially similar to the US Constitution. (See: Philippine National Assembly). The Commonwealth as established in 1935 featured a very strong executive, a unicameral National Assembly, and a Supreme Court composed entirely of Filipinos for the first time since 1901. The new government embarked on an ambitious agenda of establishing the basis for national defense, greater control over the economy, reforms in education, improvement of transport, the colonization of the island of Mindanao, and the promotion of local capital and industrialization. The Commonwealth however, was also faced with agrarian unrest, an uncertain diplomatic and military situation in South East Asia, and uncertainty about the level of United States commitment to the future Republic of the Philippines.

In 1939–40, the Philippine Constitution was amended to restore a bicameral Congress, and permit the reelection of President Quezon, previously restricted to a single, six-year term.

During the Commonwealth years, Philippines sent one elected Resident Commissioner to the United States House of Representatives, as Puerto Rico currently does today.

Japanese occupation and World War II (1941–1945)

A few hours after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, the Japanese launched air raids in several cities and US military installations in the Philippines on December 8, and on December 10, the first Japanese troops landed in Northern Luzon. Filipino pilot Captain Jesus A. Villamor, leading a flight of three P-26 "Peashooter" fighters of the 6th Pursuit Squadron, distinguished himself by attacking two enemy formations of 27 planes each and downing a much-superior a Japanese Zero, for which he was awarded the U.S. Distinguished Service Cross. The two other planes in that flight, flown by Lieutenants César Basa and Geronimo Aclan were shot down.[88]

General Douglas MacArthur, commander of the United States Armed Forces in the Far East (USAFFE), was forced to retreat to Bataan. Manila was occupied by the Japanese on January 2, 1942. The fall of Bataan was on April 9, 1942 with Corregidor Island, at the mouth of Manila Bay, surrendering on May 6.[89]

The Commonwealth government by then had exiled itself to Washington, DC, upon the invitation of President Roosevelt; however many politicians stayed behind and collaborated with the occupying Japanese. The Philippine Army continued to fight the Japanese in a guerrilla war and were considered auxiliary units of the United States Army. Several Philippine military awards, such as the Philippine Defense Medal, Independence Medal, and Liberation Medal, were awarded to both the United States and Philippine Armed Forces.

As the Japanese forces advanced, Manila was declared an open city to prevent it from destruction, meanwhile, the government was moved to Corregidor. In March 1942, U.S. General Douglas MacArthur and President Quezon fled the country. The cruelty of the Japanese military occupation of the Philippines is legendary. Guerrilla units harassed the Japanese when they could, and on Luzon native resistance was strong enough that the Japanese never did get control of a large part of the island. Finally, in October 1944, McArthur had gathered enough additional troops and supplies to begin the retaking of the Philippines, landing with Sergio Osmena who had assumed the Presidency after Quezon's death. The battles entailed long fierce fighting; some of the Japanese continued to fight until the official surrender of the Empire of Japan on September 2, 1945.[90]

After their landing, Filipino and American forces also undertook measures to suppress the Huk movement, which was originally founded to fight the Japanese Occupation. The Filipino and American forces removed local Huk governments and imprisoned many high-ranking members of the Philippine Communist Party. While these incidents happened, there was still fighting against the Japanese forces and, despite the American and Philippine measures against the Huk, they still supported American and Filipino soldiers in the fight against the Japanese.

Over a million Filipinos had been killed in the war, and many towns and cities, including Manila, were left in ruins. The final Japanese soldier to surrender was Hiroo Onoda, in 1974.

Independence (1946)

Philippine independence finally came on July 4, 1946, with the signing of the Treaty of Manila between the governments of the United States and the Philippines. The treaty provided for the recognition of the independence of the Republic of the Philippines and the relinquishment of American sovereignty over the Philippine Islands.[91] From 1946 to 1961, Independence Day was observed on July 4, but President Diosdado Macapagal, upon the advice of historians, reverted to the June 12 date, which up to that time had been observed as Flag Day.

World War II veteran benefits

During World War II, over 200,000 Filipinos fought in defense of the United States against the Japanese in the Pacific theater of military operations, where more than half died. As a commonwealth of the United States before and during the war, Filipinos were legally American nationals. With American nationality, Filipinos were promised all the benefits afforded to those serving in the armed forces of the United States.[92] In 1946, Congress passed the Rescission Act (38 U.S.C. § 107) which stripped Filipinos of the benefits they were promised.[92] Of the 66 countries allied with the United States during the war, only Filipinos were denied military benefits.

Since the passage of the Rescission Act, many Filipino veterans have traveled to the United States to lobby Congress for the benefits promised to them for their service and sacrifice. Over 30,000 of such veterans live in the United States today, with most being United States citizens. Sociologists introduced the phrase "Second Class Veterans" to describe the plight of these Filipino Americans. Beginning in 1993, numerous bills titled Filipino Veterans Fairness Act were introduced in Congress to return the benefits taken away from these veterans, only to die in committee. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, signed into law on February 17, 2009, included provisions to pay benefits to the 15,000 remaining veterans.[93]

See also


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  2. ^ Aguinaldo 1899 Ch.2
  3. ^ Kalaw 1927, pp. 92-94 Ch.5
  4. ^ Thayer 1919 Ch.VII
  5. ^ Roosevelt, then Assistant Secretary of the Navy, sent the telegram on his own initiative after being temporarily left in charge of the office one afternoon. He also redistributed a number of other ships, ordered armaments for auxiliary vessels neither authorized nor under construction, put through heavy new orders for ammunition, and transmitted a message to Congress requesting a law to authorize recruiting any number of men to active naval duty. Secretary John Davis Long could have revoked Roosevelt's order and other actions but decided not to do so, writing in his diary that Roosevelt had caused more of an explosion than had happened to the Maine. (Wolff 2006, pp. 45-46).
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  88. ^ Zaide 1994, p. 325 Ch.25
  89. ^ Zaide 1994, pp. 329-331 Ch.25
  90. ^ Zaide 1994, pp. 323-335 Ch.25
  91. ^ (pdf) TREATY OF GENERAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES. SIGNED AT MANILA, ON 4 JULY 1946, United Nations, http://untreaty.un.org/unts/1_60000/1/6/00000254.pdf, retrieved 2007-12-10  
  92. ^ a b The Filipino Veterans Movement, pbs.org, http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/macarthur/sfeature/bataan_filipino.html, retrieved 2007-11-14  
  93. ^ Josh Levs (February 23, 2009), U.S. to pay 'forgotten' Filipino World War II veterans, CNN, http://www.cnn.com/2009/US/02/23/forgotten.veterans/index.html  .


  • Agoncillo, Teodoro A. (1990), "11. The Revolution Second Phase", History of the Filipino People (Eighth ed.), University of the Philippines, pp. 187–198, ISBN 9-71-871106-6  
  • Constantino, Renato (1975), The Philippines: A Past Revisited, ISBN 971-8958-00-2  
  • Zaide, Sonia M. (1994), The Philippines: A Unique Nation, All-Nations Publishing Co., ISBN 971-642-071-4  

Further reading

  • Abinales, Patrico N.; Amoroso, Donna J. (2005), State and Society in the Philippines, Philippines: Anvil Publishing, U.S.: Rowman and Littlefield, ISBN 0-7425-1024-7  
  • Agoncillo, Teodoro A. (1974), Introduction to Filipino History, Garotech publishing, ISBN 9-71-871105-8  
  • Alcantra, Teresita A. (2002), Arcella, Lydia, ed., Views on Philippine Revolution, I, Quezon City: University of the Philippines, ISBN 971-92410-1-2  
  • Alcantra, Teresita A. (2002), Arcella, Lydia, ed., Views on Philippine Revolution, II, Quezon City: University of the Philippines, ISBN 971-92410-1-2  
  • Arcilla, José S. (1994), An introduction to Philippine history (Fourth, enlarged ed.), Atoneo De Mamila University Press, ISBN 971-550-261-X  
  • Constantino, Renato; Constantino, Letiza R. (1975), The Philippines: A Past Revisited, 1, ISBN 971-895800-2  
  • Gates, John M., "The Official Historian and the Well-Placed Critic: James A. LeRoy's Assessment of John R. M. Taylor's "The Philippine Insurrection against the United States"", The Public Historian 7 (3 – Summer, 1985): 57–67  
  • Zuleta, Francisco M.; Nebres, Abriel M. (2007), Philippine History and Government Through the Years, National Bookstore, ISBN 971-08-6344-4  

External links

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