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The Marquis of Paraná
Official half-length portrait of the Marquis, who is seated with official hat in hand and wearing white gloves and a gold embroidered tunic with medals of various orders, over which is worn a red sash of office.
Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão, Marquis of Paraná

In office
20 January 1843 – 2 February 1844
Preceded by None
Succeeded by Manuel Alves Branco, 2nd Viscount of Caravelas
In office
6 September 1853 – 3 September 1856
Preceded by Joaquim José Rodrigues Torres
Succeeded by Luís Alves de Lima e Silva

Born 11 January 1801(1801-01-11)
Jacuí, Brazil
Died 3 September 1856 (aged 55)
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Political party Liberal Party (1830-1834)
Conservative Party (1834-1856)
Spouse(s) Maria Henriqueta Neto
Occupation Politician
Religion Roman Catholic

Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão, the Marquis of Paraná (Jacuí, 11 January 1801 – Rio de Janeiro, 3 September 1856), was a Brazilian statesman, diplomat, judge and monarchist during the period of the Empire of Brazil (1822–1889).

His career in Brazil's government included positions in the judiciary, election to the Chamber of Deputies, a seat in the Council of State, serving as Finance Minister, and heading the Empire's Council of Ministers. He was a co-founder[1] of the Brazilian Conservative Party, and is credited with ushering in several vital reforms. He is considered among the most influential politicians of his time, and one of the greatest statesmen in the history of Brazil.[2]

Contents

Early years

Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão was born on 11 January 1801, in the freguesia (civil parish) of São Carlos do Jacuí (in what was at that time the captaincy of Minas Gerais).[3] His parents were Antonio Neto Carneiro Leão and Joana Severina Augusta de Lemos.[3][4][5] On his father’s side, he was related to the powerful Carneiro Leão clan from Portugal[3] that settled in Brazil in the 17th century.[6] His father was a military officer who at his son's birth held the rank of corporal.[3] Antonio Neto belonged to the less prosperous branch of this influential family[3][5][6][7] and was widowed when Carneiro Leão was only five years old. He soon remarried, to the daughter of his late wife’s sister.[3] Little is known of Carneiro Leão's early years. He lived during his infancy and adolescence in Ouro Preto, then capital of Minas Gerais.[3] His father exercised great efforts to provide him with a high-quality education, much better than what could normally be expected in a family of limited financial means.[3][5][7] At age 16 Carneiro Leão was enlisted as a lieutenant and standard-bearer of the 2nd Militia Cavalry Regiment's 1st Company in Ouro Preto.[8]

His father was promoted to captain in 1819, improving the family income and making it possible for Carneiro Leão to enroll in the Law School of the University of Coimbra in Portugal during 1820.[9] Carneiro Leão received a bachelor's degree in Law in 1824, and after another year of study, on 18 June 1825 earned a Master's diploma.[10] He was an excellent student[11] and associated with fellow-Brazilian colleagues, including Paulino Soares (who would later become one of his greatest allies)[12] and Aureliano de Sousa Oliveira Coutinho (who later proved to be a fierce political opponent).[10] As a young student he supported the constitutionalists against the absolutists in the Liberal Revolution of 1820, although it is unknown to what, if any, degree he actively participated.[13] He was employed in a law firm for a few months[14] before returning to Brazil on 9 August 1825.[5][11]

Entry into politics

From judge to liberal deputy

Three-quarters length portrait of Maria in formal gown with dark lace and wearing a long pearl necklace with a closed fan held in her left hand
Maria Henriqueta at age 47, 1856.

Carneiro Leão was married on 20 May 1826, to his first cousin Maria Henriqueta Neto (born 1809), the daughter of his father's brother João Neto Carneiro Leme.[5][15] Unlike his brother, João Neto was a rich and influential man who owned a rice processing plant and was also involved in diamonds and the slave trade.[5][16] The couple had four children: Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão Filho, Henrique Hermeto (later Baron of Paraná), Maria Emília and Maria Henriqueta.[5]

On 14 October 1826, he was named as judge for a three-year term with jurisdiction over the villages of São Sebastião, Bela da Princesa and Ubatuba, which were situated in the then province of São Paulo.[5][17] To São Sebastião, he brought his wife and gifts from his father-in-law: eight slaves, expensive furniture and a set of silver tableware.[5][18] Nothing of note seems to have occurred during his tenure as magistrate, with the exception of a quarrel with the village's military commander (the lieutenant-colonel Lopo da Cunha d’Eça e Costa). Carneiro Leão and Cunha disagreed on the limits of their respective jurisdictions, in what was in reality a personal dispute over who held power over the region.[5][19] Carneiro Leão ended up being promoted, adding at the same time the post of Navy auditor in Rio de Janeiro. He left São Sebastião on 25 August 1828. In 1829, he was appointed as an appellate court judge[5][20] and occupied this office until retiring in 1848.[20] He was prevented from becoming minister of the Superior Court of Justice in 1848, as it was forbidden to hold both that position and retain a seat on the Council of State, of which he was a member by that time.[20]

Carneiro Leão campaigned in 1829 to become a member of the Chamber of Deputies as a representative for Minas Gerais. He was elected to a seat in the legislature for the term beginning in April 1830. The law allowed him to work as both judge and legislator at the same time, receiving wages from both offices.[21] He made a discrete start in the Chamber of Deputies, primarily focusing on bureaucratic activities such as participation in parliamentary committees.[22] Although a member of the Liberal Party (which in 1831 would become the Moderate Party)[23][24] opposing Emperor Dom Pedro I, Carneiro Leão displayed no indication of the energetic leadership and strong personality for which he would later become famous.[25] However this would radically change in the 1830s, upon Brazil's fall into anarchy during the regency period.[26]

Into the Moderate Party

On 7 April 1831, Emperor Pedro I abdicated and departed for Europe, leaving behind his son Dom Pedro II, a child of five, as emperor. This development was unexpected and deplored by both the Liberal Party and the Brazilian people.[27] A regency having little effective authority was created, resulting in nine years of chaos during which the country was plagued by rebellions and coup attempts initiated by unruly political factions.[28] The Liberal Party which assumed power on 7 April had heretofore been only a loose coalition representing "disparate interests, united only by their opposition to Pedro I."[29] Although they were called liberals, various groups within the coalition championed one or another liberal ideal, while others opposed these points, preferring to promote other aspects of liberalism.[30]

A dual view of Rio de Janeiro with the upper part showing the Imperial Palace and Palace square in Rio de Janeiro circa 1830, and a panoramic view of the city's waterfront pictured below.
Six rebellions headed by the "Exalted" and "Restorationists" occurred between 1831 and 1832 in Rio de Janeiro, the country's capital.[31]

The party soon split into two factions: the republicans (also known as "Exalted"[32] or "Tatters"[33]) which was a small but aggressive group, and the "moderate" liberals.[29] The moderate liberals consisted of a coalition of the Nativists, whose main leader was the priest Diogo Antônio Feijó,[29] and the Coimbra bloc, so-called because many of its supporters had graduated from Coimbra University.[34] There were also other smaller groups not related to the moderates, of which the most important was the restorationists (or Caramurus[33]), who called for the return of Pedro I as regent for his son.[35]

The Coimbra bloc's main leaders were Pedro de Araújo Lima (later Marquis of Olinda) and Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos, the faction's ideologue who was renowned for his "intellectual brilliance, energy and leadership abilities."[34] Vasconcelos acted not only as a leader but also as a mentor to the younger generation of his faction, who included Carneiro Leão, Paulino de Sousa (Carneiro Leão's colleague in the Coimbra university years), Joaquim José Rodrigues Torres (later Viscount of Itaboraí and married to a sister of Paulino de Sousa's wife), Luís Alves de Lima e Silva (later Duke of Caxias and married to a distant cousin of Carneiro Leão) and the mulatto Justiniano José da Rocha, considered "the greatest conservative journalist" of the period.[36]

Beyond the need to fight the restorationist threat,[37] the only other common interest uniting the Nativists and the Coimbra bloc into the Moderate Party was their support of federalism.[38] The Brazilian constitution was overly centralized and this was the main reason behind their opposition to the former emperor,[39] who was openly against any constitutional amendment.[40] The Moderate Party believed that by granting more autonomy to the provinces it could placate discontent and extinguish any separatist threat.[29][41]

Defender of the Constitution

Carneiro Leão was one of the moderate deputies who supported decentralization.[42] But progress on this and other matters was delayed while he was forced to deal with two major crises. The first occurred on 19 July 1831 when a group of "Exalted" and insubordinate military officers presented the Chamber of Deputies with a list of 89 Brazilians whom they demanded be deported, of which some named were senators.[43] If the government had acceded to their demands, it would have become further demoralized and weakened. Carneiro Leão averted that threat by giving four speeches during the same day in which he urged the government to refuse this illegal demand.[44] He stated that "neither a senator nor the most humble citizen belonging to the lowest class may be deported without having been prosecuted and convicted."[45] And he concluded: "The constitution establishes rights and obligations, and the citizens to keep the former must satisfy the latter; as these are fulfilled, no one can deprive them of the former. Even when the citizen is an evildoer, his rights must be respected, as these do not belong to him but to all."[46] With only a single exception, all the deputies agreed with Carneiro Leão,[47] and the incident was settled with the dissolution of several battalions.[48]

An old print showing the Chamber of Deputies building, a two-story structure which is neoclassical in style with pilasters at the corners and at the central pediment, and balconies under the windows of the main floor
Chamber of Deputies of the Empire of Brazil.

The second crisis arose on 30 July 1832. A constitutional amendment effecting greater decentralization was voted and approved in the Chambers of Deputies, but still faced major opposition in the Senate.[49] The priest Antônio Feijó (along with Aureliano Coutinho, Carneiro Leão's former colleague at Coimbra University) planned a coup d’état in which he would assume dictatorial powers and concurrently the constitutional amendment would be passed without the approval of the General Assembly (Parliament).[50] Some Nativist deputies (in concert with Feijó) put a proposal before the Chamber that parliament be turned into a constituent assembly and that a new constitution be adopted, using as part of their argument that the senate was filled with restorationist senators.[51]

The deputies decided to debate the matter and Carneiro Leão delivered "the most important speech in his entire political career."[52] He called his fellow deputies to uphold the constitution and only make changes using legal means: "We do not have the need to hurt the legal order and [constitutional] principles: we can make fair laws, […] and in the respected constitution we have safe and legal ways of giving the nation what it wants." He then begged, "let us not violate it [the constitution], as it is our only tablet of salvation."[53] He managed to successfully rally the deputies to his cause, and in defeating the Nativists' proposal, the coup attempt was crushed.[54]

His defense of the constitution owed much to his character. Carneiro Leão was a natural leader, energetic, intelligent, perspicacious, and reasonable. He was more a man of action than of ideas.[55] He could also be arrogant, rude (even aggressive), and authoritarian.[56] It has been observed that he had "strong views, a stronger will, and an acid tongue."[57] Pedro II would later remark that his "style of speaking was inelegant, and he had a stutter; but it vanished when he was aroused and at all times his arguments were tight knit, and somebody wittily remarked that the marquis of Paraná, when he stuttered, stuttered arguments."[58] More important to the nation was his consistent and unconditional upholding of constitutional order.[59] In concert with his colleagues, this prevented restriction of legal rights and kept Brazil from sliding into dictatorship or returning to anarchy similar to the nine years of regency.[60]

Rise of the Conservative Party

Party's leader in the Chamber of Deputies

An old print showing the neoclassical Senate building at the corner of two streets, with the low ground floor having a simple doorway and few windows while the first floor was lined with tall, flat-arched windows between which were double pilasters which continued through the parapet above
Senate of the Empire of Brazil.

President of the Council of Ministers and fall

On 20 January 1843 the emperor appointed Senator Carneiro Leão to head a new cabinet.[61][62] Carneiro Leão showed preference for his co-religionists when filling cabinet positions and deliberately overlooked Aureliano Coutinho.[61] By personally selecting the cabinet members, he became Brazil's de facto first prime minister. Prior to this, the emperor had always designated the cabinet ministers. Following on this precedent, the office of prime minister would be formally instituted four years later, under the title "President of the Council of Ministers".[63][64][65] The Party of Order at this time held majorities in the Senate, in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Council of State.[61][66] The new cabinet opposed amnesty for participants in the 1842 uprisings. This refusal was despite many involved having already been imprisoned for almost a year, which rendered the possibilities for successful prosecution unlikely. The Justice ministry also pursued indictments against five senators who had collaborated during the revolts, seeking a trial in the upper house. This came to dominate debate in the Senate and sidelined action on the government's legislative agenda during the ten months of the extended session. "The cabinet's intransigence lost them the goodwill of many who were otherwise friendly toward the ministry."[67]

Portrait of Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão wearing black tie and with the date 1843 printed below
Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (later Marquis of Paraná), 1843

In January 1844 the president requested the dismissal of the inspector of the Rio de Janeiro customs house, alleging that it was a post under his discretion when it was actually an administrative position, and causing a direct confrontation with Pedro II.[68][69] The inspector was Saturnino de Sousa e Oliveira Coutinho, younger brother of Aureliano. Carneiro Leão mistakenly believed that he could diminish the political influence of his rival.[68] But the emperor refused, affirming that he had not been presented with any proof of irregularities on the part of Saturnino, who was considered an honest and extremely competent employee.[70][71] Carneiro Leão insisted on the resignation of the inspector a second time at the end of January, and when he was rebuffed once again, he said, "A boy does not have the right to mock men worn out in the service of the Nation, even if this boy is the Emperor."[72] Pedro II was offended and steadfastly refused to dismiss Saturnino Coutinho, explaining the reason years later: "I considered the dismissal to be unjust, and due to the manner in which Carneiro Leão insisted on it, I thought that if I gave way I would be considered weak."[73][74]

Instead of accepting the emperor's decision, Carneiro Leão offered his resignation along with those of his colleagues.[74] Admiring the president's integrity, the emperor would say years later when recalling the incident: "Paraná não se curvava!" ("Paraná did not bow down!")[68][75] The relationship between them remained strained for years, but the admiration and respect that Pedro II had for Carneiro Leão did not diminish,[75] nor did the politician's loyalty towards the emperor.[76] Years later Pedro II would reveal that "The Marquis of Paraná told me that he had forgiven any misdeed I may have committed against Carneiro Leão."[77]

For next the five years Carneiro Leão and his colleagues stood in opposition to the Liberals. During this time, they also witnessed the apogee and fall of Aureliano Coutinho's "Courtier Faction", which was allied to the Liberal Party. The Courtier Faction held nearly absolute sway over Brazilian politics for a couple of years. This lasted until the emperor, fully grown and experienced, purged everyone linked to the group, including Aureliano (who ceased "to enjoy any influence in politics, the result of an implicit, if unspoken, ban imposed by Pedro II").[78] The monarch made clear that he thereafter would make his own, impartial decisions, free of the influence of others.[79] The next four years (February 1844 through May 1848) saw four cabinets in succession, all composed of members from the Liberal Party. The inability of all four to produce any concrete results stood as testimony to their internal divisions. Progressive initiatives lay dormant, including "new technologies, such as railroads and electric telegraph, and the new institutions, such as a network of primary schools."[80] After the last Liberal cabinet resigned, Pedro II called upon the Party of Order, by then known simply as the "Conservative Party",[63] to form a new cabinet.[80] The former regent Pedro de Araújo Lima, who at that point was the chief figure among conservatives, assumed the office of president.[81] The only other politician with enough prestige to merit the position was Carneiro Leão. But his quarrel with the emperor was still a vivid memory. He would, however, exercise a tremendous influence over the cabinet.[81][82]

Return to power

Praieira

Unlike their rivals, the liberals were incapable of taking turns in office.[83][84] The most radical faction of the liberals in the province of Pernambuco, known as the Partido da Praia ("Party of the Beach"), openly prepared to revolt and retake power by force. Although nominally liberal, the praieiros were in reality related to the "Courtier Faction"[85] and had as their main national leader Aureliano Coutinho.[86] In a sense, the rebellion would represent the last gasp of the once-powerful "Courtier Faction", which had languished, all but defunct, since 1847.[83] There was no connection between the praieiros and the republicans active in the Confederation of the Equator in 1824 or in the regency during the 1830s.[86] On the contrary, they always denied ever having advocated republicanism[87] and alleged their main goal was to "save" Pedro II from the conservatives.[87]

An elevated view across the Capibaribe River to Recife's harbor with the city in the background
Recife, capital of Pernambuco, two years after the end of the Praieira revolt.

The praieiros had no popular support, and they knew that public opinion was against them—the more so as it became apparent that they could put forth no coherent rationale to justify rebellion.[88] They would later express shame at ever having rebelled and blamed each other for it.[89] The Liberal Party itself had already been discredited nationally for having produced no noteworthy accomplishments during their tenure in power between 1844 and 1848.[87] And the praieiros did not advance a political platform, other than an anti-liberal proposal advocating the nationalization of the country's commerce: a regressive policy which harkened back to Brazil's condition when still a Portuguese colony.[87] They subsequently put forward a last-minute idea for creating a new constituent assembly.[88] Although the conservative cabinet appointed a moderate president (governor) for the province, hoping that a conciliatory measure would prevent a revolt,[90] the praieiros rebelled on 7 November 1848.[84][89][91]

The rebellion had a small reach and was crushed on 2 February 1849, when the praieiros were decisively defeated after attacking Recife, the capital of Pernambuco.[84][92] Meanwhile, Carneiro Leão opposed the rebellious praieros in the Chamber of Deputies, going so far as to accuse them of diverting public funds intended to help drought victims in Pernambuco for themselves.[91] He was then appointed president of the province (from 2 July 1849 until 8 May 1850) and managed to bring about true peace by restraining acts of revenge and supporting fair trials for all rebels.[91] Carneiro Leão was so able that even the praieiros approved his administration.[93] The rebels were prosecuted and convicted, but were almost immediately pardoned by the emperor.[94] The main consequences following the end of the Praieira revolt included the almost complete disappearance of the Liberal Party, rejected by the public opinion for its actions;[89][95] consolidation of support for parliamentary monarchy among Brazilians;[84] and the supremacy of the Conservative Party in politics during the next decade.[92]

Platine War

With Brazil internally pacified, the conservative cabinet could turn its attention to a serious foreign threat: the Argentine dictator Don Juan Manuel de Rosas. He had aided the Tatters' separatist rebels in Rio Grande do Sul during the 1830s,[96][97] and sought to annex that Brazilian province, as well as planning the conquests of Paraguay, Uruguay and Bolivia. These moves threatened the creation of a dominion encompassing the territories of the old Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata.[98] Brazil's cabinet decided to forge alliances with other nations threatened by the dictator's ambitions[99] and sent an army commanded by Luis Alves de Lima e Silva to Uruguay, which crossed the border on 4 September 1851.[100]

The emperor in military dress and various officials in black formal attire visit a crowded ward with patients lying on beds and sitting on floor mats
Emperor Pedro II (left), the Marquis of Paraná (center) and other ministers of State visiting victims of cholera, 1855.

Paulino Soares de Sousa, viscount of Uruguay and minister of Foreign Affairs,[101] appointed Carneiro Leão as special plenipotentiary diplomat for the Plata region.[102] He and the Uruguayan envoy Andrés Lamas signed a treaty in Rio de Janeiro on 12 October 1851 which set territorial frontiers,[103] with Uruguay abandoning claims over some disputed areas to serve as compensation for Brazilian assistance to Uruguay in the war against Argentina.[104] He then departed for Montevideo on 23 October 1851.[105] To assist on his mission, Carneiro Leão chose José Maria da Silva Paranhos, passing over the more experienced Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen whom he considered a "proud, presumptuous and arrogant young man."[105] Paranhos was a young liberal journalist who had distanced himself from the Liberal Party after it had backed the Praieira revolt. In his newspaper articles, he began to openly defend the more aggressive foreign policy championed by the conservative cabinet.[102] The two men arrived in Montevideo for negotiations on 2 November[105] and on the 21st of the same month, Carneiro Leão signed a treaty of alliance with Uruguay and the rebel Argentine provinces of Entre Ríos and Corrientes.[106]

A Brazilian division, along with Uruguayan and Argentine rebel troops, invaded Argentina. On 3 February 1852, the allies defeated an army led by Rosas, who fled to the United Kingdom.[107][108] The victory over the Argentine dictator was followed by a period of stability and prosperity in Brazil during the 1850s.[109] Among "the Latin American nations only Chile matched Brazil in political stability and in the strength of its economy."[109] Upon his return to Brazil, the emperor on 10 July 1852 granted Carneiro Leão the title[110] of Viscount of Paraná (after the river of the same name in the vicinity of which most of the action during the war occurred).[95][111] This honor marked a restoration of relations between the two men.[112]

Conciliation cabinet and early death

On 6 September 1853 the Viscount of Paraná was appointed President of the Council of Ministers and charged with organizing a new cabinet.[2] He was at this time the most influential politician in the country[113] and main leader of the Conservative Party.[114] Emperor Pedro II wished to make amends for what he considered an injustice committed against Paraná in 1844, and at the same time to advance his ambitious plan: the Conciliation.[115][116] The goal of the Conciliation was to put an end to armed conflicts between political factions (begun by Restorationists at the beginning of the 1830s, and continued by Liberals). It had become usual for parties which were ousted from power in elections to attempt to regain it by force of arms, as happened in São Paulo and Minas Gerais in 1842 and in Pernambuco in 1848. From that point on, political disputes were to be settled democratically in the General Assembly (Parliament). Both parties would be required to rise above passionate partisanship and instead devote themselves to the common good of the nation.[1][2]

Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão, Marquis of Paraná lying in state on a black crepe-covered bed with silver crucifix in the background and wearing full dress uniform with sashes of office, medals of various orders, and sword
The Marquis of Paraná on his deathbed, 1856.

Paraná took the Ministry of Finance for himself[2] and invited converted liberals to assume some of the other cabinet portfolios. These included his protégée José Paranhos (Foreign ministry), Antônio Paulino Limpo de Abreu (Foreign ministry before Paranhos) and Luís Pedreira de Couto Ferraz (Empire [Interior] ministry).[115] From the conservative ranks, he selected José Nabuco de Araújo (Justice ministry), Pedro de Alcântara Bellengarde (Navy ministry), the Marquis of Caxias (War ministry) and João Maurício Wanderley (Navy ministry after Bellegarde).[117] The selection of former liberals for cabinet seats was controversial. The liberals knew that they could not return to power through the ballot box, and many happily approved Paraná's policy of accepting anyone who desired to join the conservative ranks.[118][119] On the other hand, traditional Conservatives (including the Viscount of Itaboraí, Eusébio de Queirós, the Viscount of Uruguay and Ângelo Ferraz) repudiated the adoption of these newly-made conservatives, believing that these did not truly share conservative ideals and that they were instead more interested in gaining public offices.[119][120] The emperor himself was disappointed in the manner in which the "conciliation" was implemented by Paraná.[120][121]

Despite the mistrust, the viscount "possessed the resilience and the resourcefulness to overcome difficulties and survive setbacks".[119] His cabinet was quite successful, maintaining the national stability achieved by previous conservative governments since 1848,[2][122] and allowing him to proudly affirm that "past fights have ended and have been forgotten".[123] Improvements throughout the country were made, including the first railroad, steamship passenger lines, sewers, and public gas illumination, as well as new incentives to promote immigration from Europe.[121] In the Parliament, Paraná defined his government as "progressive-conservative and conservative-progressive".[121][124] In recognition of his merits, the emperor raised him from viscount to marquis on 5 December 1854.[111] However, Paraná's greatest goal was the elimination of electoral fraud, and towards that end he introduced reforms of the electoral system through the Law of Circles (Districts), which was enacted in 1855.[2][121][122] The reform considerably diminished fraud in elections.[125][126]

The marquis was at the height of his career when he was unexpectedly struck down by disease on 3 September 1856. The diagnosis was that he had died of a "pernicious fever",[2][127] which may have been yellow fever[128] or hepatitis aggravated by pneumonia.[124] In a fever-induced delirium, Paraná believed himself to be delivering a speech to the Senate. His last words were: "Skepticism… the noble senator… fatherland… freedom."[124] Pedro II lamented the death of Paraná saying that "I can see no one else possessed of the energy with which the late marquis was endowed, and joined to it uncommon talents, even if they were unpolished."[119] His cabinet survived him, albeit with Caxias as president,[129] until 4 May 1857.[130]

Titles and honors

The shield from the coat of arms of the Marquis of Paraná with the arms of Leão family consisting of a golden rampant lion on an azure and red background alternating with the arms of the Carneiro family consisting of two white sheep on a red background and divided by a an azure bend containing three golden fleur-de-lis
Arms of the Marquis of Paraná: the quartered arms of the Leão (Lion) and Carneiro (Sheep) families.

Titles of nobility

  • Viscount of Paraná on 10 July 1852.[95][111]
  • Marquis of Paraná on 5 December 1854.[95][131]

Other titles

Honours

Bibliography

Footnotes

  1. ^ a b Barman (1999), p.162
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i Vainfas, p.343
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h Janotti, p.17
  4. ^ Sisson, p.21
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Dias, p.414
  6. ^ a b Carvalho (2002), p.14
  7. ^ a b Salles, p.61
  8. ^ Janotti, p.17-18
  9. ^ Janotti, p.18
  10. ^ a b Janotti, p.28
  11. ^ a b Janotti, p.32
  12. ^ Carvalho (2002), p.12
  13. ^ Janotti, p.31-32
  14. ^ Janotti, p.29-30
  15. ^ Janotti, p.32-33
  16. ^ Janotti, p.33
  17. ^ Janotti, p.34
  18. ^ Janotti, p.35
  19. ^ Janotti, p.37
  20. ^ a b c Janotti, p.45
  21. ^ Janotti, p.46
  22. ^ Janotti, pp.48 and 60
  23. ^ Janotti, p.61
  24. ^ Lyra, p.183
  25. ^ Janotti, p.63
  26. ^ Janotti, p.79
  27. ^ Janotti, p. 180
  28. ^ Lyra (v.1), p.21
  29. ^ a b c d Barman (1999), p.58
  30. ^ Dolhnikoff, p.26
  31. ^ Carvalho (2002), p.16
  32. ^ Janotti, p. 109
  33. ^ a b Carvalho (2002), p.16
  34. ^ a b Barman (1999), p.59
  35. ^ Barman (1999), p.42
  36. ^ Carvalho (2002), p.18
  37. ^ Barman (1999), p.60
  38. ^ Dolhnikoff, p.61
  39. ^ Dolhnikoff, p.89
  40. ^ Janotti, p.145
  41. ^ Dolhnikoff, p.63
  42. ^ Dolhnikoff, p.64
  43. ^ Janotti, p.120
  44. ^ Janotti, p.122
  45. ^ Janotti, p.126
  46. ^ Janotti, p.127
  47. ^ Janotti, p.124
  48. ^ Janotti, p.129
  49. ^ Janotti, p.148
  50. ^ Janotti, p.150
  51. ^ Janotti, p.158
  52. ^ Janotti, p.159
  53. ^ Janotti, p.160
  54. ^ Janotti, p.160
  55. ^ Nabuco, p.154
  56. ^ Lyra, p.183
  57. ^ Barman (1999), p.162
  58. ^ Barman (1999), p.95
  59. ^ Janotti, p.147
  60. ^ Lyra, p.183
  61. ^ a b c Lyra, p.102
  62. ^ Barman (1999), p. 94 and 100
  63. ^ a b Barman (1999), p.120
  64. ^ Nabuco, p.88
  65. ^ Calmon (1975), p.173
  66. ^ Barman (1999), p.95
  67. ^ Barman (1999), p.100
  68. ^ a b c Lyra, p.103
  69. ^ Barman (1999), p.101
  70. ^ Calmon (1975), p.175
  71. ^ Lyra, pp.103-104
  72. ^ Lyra, p.301
  73. ^ Barman (1999), p.102
  74. ^ a b Calmon (1975), p.176
  75. ^ a b Carvalho (2007), p.55
  76. ^ Carvalho (2007), p.60
  77. ^ Lyra, p.300
  78. ^ Barman (1999), pp.112–114
  79. ^ Barman (1999), p.114
  80. ^ a b Barman (1999), p.123
  81. ^ a b Lyra, p.157
  82. ^ Nabuco, p.154
  83. ^ a b Nabuco, p.104
  84. ^ a b c d Barman (1999), p.124
  85. ^ Nabuco, p.111
  86. ^ a b Nabuco, p.112
  87. ^ a b c d Nabuco, p.108
  88. ^ a b Nabuco, p.109
  89. ^ a b c Nabuco, p.113
  90. ^ Nabuco, p.16
  91. ^ a b c Dias, p.425
  92. ^ a b Nabuco, p.114
  93. ^ Nabuco, p.137
  94. ^ Nabuco, p.116
  95. ^ a b c d e f g h Sisson, p.24
  96. ^ Barman (1999), p.125
  97. ^ Golin, p.15
  98. ^ Lyra, p.160
  99. ^ Golin, p.20
  100. ^ Golin, p.22
  101. ^ Golin, p.12
  102. ^ a b Golin, p.13
  103. ^ Golin, p.32
  104. ^ Golin, p.35
  105. ^ a b c Golin, p.37
  106. ^ Golin, p.38
  107. ^ Golin, p.42
  108. ^ Lyra, p.164
  109. ^ a b Barman (1999), p.159
  110. ^ Note: Unlike its Europeans counterparts, the Brazilian nobility, although lifelong, was not hereditary, had no financial support nor it was considered by the Constitution a different social class (Vainfas, p.553). Honor and titles were "conferred upon individuals in recompense for state or charitable services, not in recognition of illustrious ancestry." (Barman [1999], p.139)
  111. ^ a b c Dias, p.426
  112. ^ Vainfas, p.143
  113. ^ Nabuco, p.154
  114. ^ Nabuco, p.161
  115. ^ a b Lima, p.38
  116. ^ Lyra, p.182
  117. ^ Nabuco, p.156-161
  118. ^ Lyra, p.187
  119. ^ a b c d Barman (1999), p.166
  120. ^ a b Lyra, p.188
  121. ^ a b c d Lima, p.39
  122. ^ a b Dias, p.427
  123. ^ Lyra, p.185
  124. ^ a b c Dias, p.428
  125. ^ Vainfas, p.225
  126. ^ Nabuco, pp.310-311
  127. ^ Lima, p.40
  128. ^ Vainfas, p.187
  129. ^ Nabuco, p.308
  130. ^ Nabuco, p.313
  131. ^ Dias, p.426 - Note: The author says that the title was granted on 2 December 1854.

References

  • Barman, Roderick J. Citizen Emperor: Pedro II and the Making of Brazil, 1825–1891. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999. ISBN 0804735107 (English)
  • Calmon, Pedro. História de D. Pedro II. 5 v. Rio de Janeiro: J. Olympio, 1975. (Portuguese)
  • Carvalho, José Murilo de. Visconde do Uruguai. São Paulo: 34, 2002. (Portuguese) ISBN 8573262370
  • Carvalho, José Murilo de. D. Pedro II: ser ou não ser. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2007. (Portuguese) ISBN 9788535909692
  • Dias, Maria Odila da Silva. Grandes Personagens da Nossa História. São Paulo: Abril Cultural, 1969. (Portuguese)
  • Dohlnikoff, Miriam. Pacto imperial: origens do federalismo no Brasil do século XIX. São Paulo: Globo, 2005. (Portuguese)
  • Janotti, Aldo. O Marquês de Paraná: inícios de uma carreira política num momento crítico da história da nacionalidade. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia, 1990. (Portuguese) ISBN 9788531905124
  • Lyra, Heitor. História de Dom Pedro II (1825–1891): Ascenção (1825–1870). v.1. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia, 1977. (Portuguese)
  • Nabuco, Joaquim. Um Estadista do Império. Volume único. 4 ed. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Aguilar, 1975. (Portuguese)
  • Needell, Jeffrey D. The party of order: the conservatives, the state, and slavery in the Brazilian monarchy, 1831-1871. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006. (English) ISBN 0804753695
  • Salles, Ricardo. Nostalgia Imperial. Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, 1996. (Portuguese)
  • Sisson, S.A. Galeria dos brasileiros ilustres. Brasília: Senado Federal, 1999. (Portuguese)
  • Vainfas, Ronaldo. Dicionário do Brasil Imperial. Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva, 2002. ISBN 8573024410 (Portuguese)

See also

Preceded by
Pedro de Araújo Lima, Marquis of Olinda
Minister of Justice
September 13, 1832– May 14, 1833
Succeeded by
Cândido José de Araújo Viana, Marquis of Sapucaí
Preceded by
Manuel José de Sousa França
President of the province of Rio de Janeiro
December 1, 1840– March 2, 1841
Succeeded by
João Caldas Viana
Preceded by
None
President of the Council of Ministers (de facto)
January 20, 1843– February 2, 1844
Succeeded by
Manuel Alves Branco, 2nd Viscount of Caravelas
Preceded by
Paulino Soares de Sousa, 1st Viscount of Uruguay
Minister of Justice
January 20, 1843– February 2, 1844
Succeeded by
Manuel Alves Branco, 2nd Viscount of Caravelas
Preceded by
Aureliano de Sousa e Oliveira Coutinho
Minister of Foreign Affairs
January 20, 1843– June 8, 1843
Succeeded by
Paulino Soares de Sousa, 1st Viscount of Uruguay
Preceded by
Viscount of Itaborai
President of the Council of Ministers
September 6, 1853– September 3, 1856
Succeeded by
Luís Alves de Lima e Silva, Duke of Caxias
Preceded by
Manuel Felizardo de Sousa e Melo
Minister of Finance
September 6, 1853– August 23, 1856
Succeeded by
João Maurício Wanderley, Baron of Cotegipe

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