Hypercorrection: Wikis


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In linguistics, hypercorrection is defined as usage of pronunciation or linguistic rule that many informed users of a language consider incorrect, but that the speaker or writer uses through misunderstanding of prescriptive rules, often combined with a desire to seem formal or educated.[1]

Linguistic hypercorrection occurs when a real or imagined grammatical or phonetical rule is applied in a mistaken or non-standard context, so that a desire to be "correct" leads to an incorrect result: Faced with enough exceptions to a rule, the speaker might mistake the exception for the general rule, applying it to situations where it never was meant to occur.

For example, a person might be told that the past tense of "to take" is "took", not "taked", and the past tense of "to shake" is "shook", not "shaked". He might therefore assume that all verbs ending in "-ake" have "-ook" for their past form and apply this to regular verbs where "-aked" would be the correct ending. He would end up saying that he "took the flour and book (rather than baked) a cake with it". A real life example which gathered wide usage in the 20th century is to say "dove" instead of the formerly standard[citation needed] "dived", emulating "drove" in relation to "drive".


Hypercorrection may take different forms, such as:

  • Grammatical hypercompensation: The effect where an exception to a rule is mistakenly thought to be the rule itself
  • Hypercompensation of pronunciation: The effect where a rule of pronunciation for certain words is mistakenly applied to a series of other words
  • Hyperforeignism: The effect, where exceptions in grammar or pronunciation in foreign words imported from one language are applied to foreign words from another language. In an extreme form, this can also apply to words that have a foreign origin but have since been assimilated to follow the general rules or even words that are not foreign at all, but are misperceived as foreign.
  • Hyperurbanism: The applying of forms of grammar and speech associated with refined society to words or sentences that are completely outside the intended scope (defined by Kingsley Amis as an "indulged desire to be posher than posh").
  • Phonetic hypercompensation, or overcompensation: The effect that results when a student of a new language has learned that certain phones of his or her original language must usually be replaced by another in the studied language, but has not learned when not to replace them (or has learned, but must consciously remind himself or herself of the exceptions and hence sometimes forgets not to replace).[2]


English has no authoritative body governing "correct" usage. This is unlike some other languages, such as French (Académie française), Italian (Accademia della Crusca), Icelandic (Icelandic Language Institute), Spanish (Real Academia Española) or Maltese (Akkademja tal-Malti). Nonetheless, within groups of users of English, certain usages are considered unduly elaborate adherences to "formal" rules.


Preposition at the end of a clause

That an English clause should not end with a preposition — that a preposition should not be "stranded" — was a "rule" long propounded by prescriptivist grammarians. It was routinely shown up as a fiction not only in conversation but also in literature; it appears to have been invented in 1672 by John Dryden and uncritically repeated thereafter.[3]

Winston Churchill is often said to have replied to a hypercorrective memo with the remark "This is the kind of tedious nonsense up with which I will not put!" (or some variant ending "up with which I will not put"). (In fact there is no convincing evidence that he said this, and good reason to believe that he did not.[4]) The remark is a parody: the writer went beyond grammatical correctness to mock the refusal to end a clause in a preposition; he treated not only with but also up as a preposition, an analysis accepted by linguists in the 21st century but not one accepted in the 1940s.[5] Both up and with would at that time have been considered part of the "phrasal verb" put up with; whether they are adverbs/particles or prepositions, their placement before the verb "does not demonstrate the absurdity of using [prepositional phrase] fronting instead of stranding; it merely illustrates the ungrammaticality resulting from fronting something that is not a constituent".[6]

Personal pronouns

Jack Lynch, assistant professor of English at Rutgers University, claims that correction of "me and you" to "you and I" as subject leads people to "internalize the rule that 'you and I' is somehow more proper, and they end up using it in places where they shouldn't -- such as 'he gave it to you and I' when it should be 'he gave it to you and me.'[7] However, the linguists Rodney Huddleston and Geoffrey K. Pullum point out that utterances such as "They invited Sandy and I" are "heard constantly in the conversation of people whose status as speakers of Standard English is clear"; and that "Those who condemn it simply assume that the case of a pronoun in a coordination must be the same as when it stands alone. Actual usage is in conflict with this assumption."[8]

Another example of hypercorrection of personal pronouns is the use of 'yourself' instead of 'you' when 'yourself' is grammatically redundant, perhaps because it is perceived as the more polite form. Anecdotal evidence suggests this is becoming increasingly common in the UK, Australia and New Zealand.[citation needed]


A hyperforeignism is a special type of hypercorrection resulting from an unsuccessful attempt to apply the rules of a foreign language to a loan word (for example, the application of the rules of one language to a word borrowed from another), or occasionally to a native English word believed to be a loan word. The result may be "absurd," reflecting "neither the ... rules of English nor those of the language from which the word in question comes."[9]

Latin and Greek words

Jejune, pronounced /dʒɨˈdʒuːn/ or /dʒiːˈdʒuːn/, is often taken to be a French word and pronounced 'je jeune' although it is in fact Latin in origin.[10]

The noun octopus is often made plural in English as octopi, originally from the mistaken belief that it is of Latin origin and that all Latin nouns ending in -us take -i to form their plural. However, this is only correct for Latin masculine nouns of the second declension. For Latin fourth-declension nouns, such as manus, the singular and plural forms both end in -us. In fact, octopus is derived from Greek, not Latin. Octopuses is generally considered correct in modern English[11][12], but the plural in Greek is octopodes.

French words

Non-native French speakers may erroneously omit the last consonant in Vichyssoise /z/,[13] in the chess term en prise, and in prix fixe. Similarly, in "coup de grâce" some speakers may omit the final consonant /s/, although it is pronounced in French [ku də ɡʁas] (see also entry Coup de Grâce).[13] The stylized heraldic lily, or fleur-de-lis, is also mispronounced in English by omitting the last consonant /s/.

The word cadre is sometimes pronounced /ˈkɑːdreɪ/ in English, as though it were of Spanish origin. In its French original, the final "e" is a schwa.[13]

The "Queen of the hyperforeignisms" is the word lingerie.[13] Speakers of American English pronounce this /lɑːnʒərˈreɪ/, excessively depressing the first vowel of the French [lɛ̃ʒəʁi] to sound more like a "typical" French nasal vowel, and rhyming the final syllable with English ray, by analogy with the many French loanwords ending in -é, -er, -et, and -ez.

Those who know French but who are unfamiliar with the many exceptions connected with proper nouns may omit the final z or s in many names such as Saint-Saëns, Duras, Boulez, and Berlioz. There are numerous other examples which do not adhere to standard rules of French pronunciation.

The English word margarine is an interesting case where hypercorrection caused a violation of a standard English reading rule, namely, that g is normally realized as /ɡ/ when it precedes a written a. This word was originally derived from German (Oleo)margarine, which in turn had borrowed it from the French (who had invented it). In both French and German, margarine is pronounced with a hard g as in "go" or "get". Because other words which are pronounced with a soft g in English have a hard g in German, such as intelligent, the dominant pronunciation in English took a soft g for "margarine" to compensate for this.[citation needed]

Legal English is replete with words derived from Norman French, which for a long time was the language of the courts in England and Wales. It happens that the correct pronunciation of Norman French was often closer to a natural contemporary English reading than to modern French: the attempt to pronounce these phrases as if they were modern French could therefore be considered to be a hyperforeignism.

Norman French furthermore gave southern England some ancient family names that were once associated with the aristocracy, and which should be given their natural English pronunciation. A good example is Lestrange which is sometimes mistakenly pronounced with its natural and contemporaneous French inflexion.

Spanish words

The digraph ch of Spanish is generally realized /tʃ/, similarly to English. Hyperforeign realizations of many Spanish loanwords or proper names may substitute other sounds. Examples include a French-style /ʃ/ in the surnames Chávez or of Augusto Pinochet [13], or a German-influenced {x} in machismo.[9] This last word may also be pronounced with a [k] on the analogy of English words like "masochism" and "anarchism".

The English word junta derives from Spanish, where the initial consonant is today realized as [x] or [h]. Hyperforeign realizations substitute [j] or [ʒ].[14]

Italian words

The "g" in Adagio may be realized as /ʒ/, even though the Italian original has an affricate /dʒ/.[9]

The word bruschetta, particularly in American English is commonly rendered as /bruːˈʃɛtə/ with an English 'sh' sound, probably as a result of Americans' familiarity with words and surnames of German origin containing 'sch,' which would be pronounced this way. An approximation more reflective of Italian phonology would be /bruːˈskɛtə/ and the authentic pronunciation in Italian is [brusˈketta]. A similar problem afflicts the brand name Freschetta, which is routinely pronounced with the 'sh' sound in commercials.

Greek words

Most English speakers pronounce the z in schizophrenia with a /ts/ sound. The "schiz-" prefix is derived from the ancient Greek σχίζειν (skhizein) meaning "to split". The "z" would be pronounced /z/ under English or modern Greek reading-rules, and /dz/ or /zd/ under those of ancient Greek. The word was coined in German, as Schizophrenie, where a /ts/ pronunciation dominates and dominated; but /z/ was the preferred pronunciation for schizophrenia from the word's introduction in English in 1912 until approximately the 1960s. It remains in use in other (rare) words featuring the prefix such as schizocarp and schizogamy. In the 1960s, the /skits/ pronunciation became popular under the influence of German, although, oddly enough, it did not affect the "sch", making the current pronunciation similar to the Italian version schizofrenia (see above Italian words section). As of 2003, the /ts/ pronunciation is the only one given in some major American dictionaries.[15]

Dutch and Afrikaans words

In Dutch, the combination "sch" is pronounced [sx], except at the end of a word, when it is pronounced [s]. (In Afrikaans, the same combination is sometimes heard as [sk].) However, most English speakers pronounce it as [ʃ] ("sh") following the rules for German, in words such as Rooibosch and veldtschoen.[16]

Indian languages

The J in the name of the Taj Mahal or raj is often rendered /ʒ/, though a closer approximation to the Hindi sound is /dʒ/.[9] (J in most other Roman-alphabet spellings of words associated with languages of India is best approximated /dʒ/.)

Another example is the pronunciation of Punjab as /ˈpʊndʒɑːb/: a closer approximation to the original is Punjab.ogg /ˈpʌndʒɑːb/ [17]: the letter u in this case representing the Hindi neutral vowel, with a sound similar to that of the a in English about. (The name comes from the Persian panj āb meaning five waters.)

In many words pertaining to Indian religion, an originally short vowel is lengthened in some English pronunciations. Examples include i in Sikh and Shiva and, in American English, u in Buddha and Buddhist. Thus, for example, Sikh may be pronounced to rhyme with "seek", although a rhyme with "sick" would be closer to the original in most English dialects, and would comport better with standard English reading rules.

East Asian languages

Some English-speakers (including some on BBC radio news) pronounce Beijing with /ʒ/, even though the Mandarin Chinese sound represented by the <j> in Pinyin (/tɕ/) is an affricate. The same realization of "J" may afflict mah-jongg.[9]

Many English speakers pronounce "Genghis Khan" as /ˈɡɛŋɡɪs ˈkɑːn/ with a hard initial g as in "get", in accordance with the usual transliteration systems for Asian languages. In fact the original Mongolian name was something like Tchinggiz (preserved in Russian as Чингиз Chingiz). The spelling "Genghis" was first used by Marco Polo, an Italian writing in French. A pronunciation such as English pronunciation: /ˈdʒɛŋɡɪs ˈkɑːn/, with a soft g as in "gentle" in accordance with the medieval pronunciation of both those languages, would therefore be closer to Marco Polo's intention as well as to the original name.

Hyperforeignism for comic effect

The silent "t" in "Report" in the title of the parody pundit show The Colbert Report is a hyperforeignism used for comedic effect. It is a play on the host's surname, Colbert (pronounced /koʊlˈbɛər/;[18]), which is said to be French within the show's fictional back-story, though it is actually Irish.

In the BBC sitcom Keeping Up Appearances, Richard Bucket pronounces his surname like the water vessel, but his snobbish wife Hyacinth insists on /buːˈkeɪ/ (like bouquet), à la française. Series creator Roy Clarke said he got the inspiration for this character trait after meeting someone with the surname "Bottom" who insisted it was pronounced "Botome" /bɔˈtɔm/.

Similarly, some people jokingly give the American retailer Target the pseudo-French pronunciation /tɑrˈʒeɪ/ tar-zhay, as though it were an upscale boutique.

Certain newly-genteel London suburbs were jocularly re-named "Clahm" (Clapham), "Ba-TER-zee-a" (Battersea), "St. Ockwell" (Stockwell), "DAH-zhen-um" (Dagenham), and the like.[19]

Other languages

Chinese languages

Modern Cantonese is currently undergoing a phonological shift, one of the changes being the dropping of the initial ng- consonant (pronounced [ŋ]). For instance, the word (ngaa4, meaning "tooth"), ends up being pronounced aa4 (Note: Cantonese romanization provided using Jyutping). Prescriptivists tend to consider these changes as substandard and denounce them for being "lazy sounds" (懶音). However, in a case of hypercorrection (矫枉过正, jiǎo wǎng guò zhèng), some speakers have started pronouncing words that should have a null initial using an initial ng-, even though according to historical Chinese phonology, only words with Yang tones (which correspond to tones 4, 5, and 6 in Cantonese) had voiced initials (which includes ng-). Words with Yin tones (1, 2, and 3) historically should have unvoiced or null initials. Because of this hypercorrection, words such as (oi3, meaning "love"), which has a Yin tone, are pronounced by speakers with an ng- initial, ngoi3.

Speakers of some accents of Mandarin, particularly in the south of China and in Taiwan, pronounce the retroflex initials zh-, ch- and sh- as the alveolar initials z-, c- and s-. Such speakers may hypercorrect by pronouncing words that should start with z-, c- and s- as if they started with their retroflex counterparts.

In Taiwan, under the influence of Taiwanese (Min Nan), many people pronounce the initial f- as h-, and often hypercorrect by pronouncing the initial h- as f-. This is also noticeable in the Hakka population, where many words that begin in h- in Mandarin and Taiwanese begin in f- in Hakka. (Examples: , )

Erhua hypercorrection may occur among non-native speakers of rhotic Chinese.


In standard Bulgarian and in the eastern dialects, the old yat letter is pronounced as я ("ya") when stressed and the following syllable does not contain the vowels и ("i") or е ("e"), and pronounced as е in all other cases. But in the western dialects it is always pronounced as е. Attempting to speak correctly, some speakers from Western Bulgaria mispronounce many words containing the yat letter - голями ("golyami"), желязни ("zhelyazni"), бяли ("byali"), видяли ("vidyali"), спряни ("spryani"), живяли ("zhivyali") instead of големи ("golemi"), железни ("zhelezni"), бели ("beli"), видели ("videli"), спрени ("spreni"), живели ("zhiveli"). This trend is especially common with past participles such as видяли.


In pronouncing foreign loanwords, native Russian speakers sometimes palatalize consonants: for instance, pronouncing modern as mod'ern. This partly arises from spelling conventions. In native Russian words, most consonants undergo palatalization before so-called "soft vowels" (or one could say these vowels are written after palatalized consonants).

However, many English and French loanwords in Russian that contain the Russian letter "е" (IPA:/e/, /ɛ/ or /ə/) do not follow this rule, because the nonpalatalized э, that would correctly represent the sound, is only supposed to be written at the beginning of a word or after another vowel (as in Aeroflot).

Examples of hyperforeignisms are found in Russian when loanwords (commonly older loanwords) contain consonants that should be palatalized. Yet some speakers, emphasizing the foreign quality of the word, do not palatalize them. For example: theme (тема), technical (технический), text (текст), museum (музей), gazette (газета) and effect (эффект). Note, тема is perhaps not a very good example of this, as Russian has no "th" sound. The Russian letters allow for either "f" or "t" as the first consonant here. In order not to induce undue difficulty (and inevitably mispronunciation), Russian opts to simplify the loanword to a word that conforms to the Russian alphabet. Indeed, most Russians find "th" a difficult sound, much as foreigners often mispronounce the ы sound in Russian.

West South Slavic languages

The syllables je and ije appear in Croatian, Bosnian, and Montenegrin speech where Serbian has only variation in quantity (length of the vowel) of e. Not every Serbian e becomes je or ije like in the other West Balkan countries. Serbian speakers may hypercorrect their dialect by either undersupplying or oversupplying the jes and the ijes.


Düsseldorf dialect versus Rhineland dialect

In German, the dialect spoken in the city of Düsseldorf and its surroundings heavily features the front 'ch' sound (aka the "ich sound", [ç]) where standard German calls for the 'sch' [ʃ] sound. Speakers with this accent would say 'Fich' [fɪç] instead of 'Fisch' [fɪʃ] (fish), and 'Tich' [tɪç] instead of 'Tisch' [tɪʃ] (table). This is due to a hypercorrection of the Rhineland accent prevalent in that area of Germany, an accent that often replaces the front 'ch' [ç] sound with the 'sch' [ʃ] sound. Attempting to avoid this error, speakers of the Düsseldorf accent hypercorrect it to an abundance of 'ch' [ç].

Genitive versus dative

Another example is use of the genitive case where the dative case is required. Colloquially, the genitive is often dropped in favor of the dative even if correct grammatical usage demands the genitive. Because language critics deride such substitution, some German speakers use the genitive even with prepositions that actually demand the dative (e.g., entgegen, entlang, gegenüber), seemingly under the false impression that the genitive is always right and the dative is always wrong, or at least that the genitive is a better form of the dative.


The French "Entrecôte" and "Pommes frites" more often than not are pronounced without the final "t" sound. ("Antrekå" or "Angtrekå" and "Pommfri" or "Pomfrii".)

When pronounced correctly, the word "og", Norwegian for "and", is a homonym of "å", which indicates the infinitive. However, some people will pronounce the g sound, as it is incorrectly perceived to be a more prestigious pronunciation.


An example of hyperforeignism in Swedish is the common use of "chevré" in "chevré[ost]" for "chèvre cheese", which is pronounced quite different from the original French "chèvre". (Possibly by, false analogy with the Swedish "grevé" cheese grevéost.)

Similarly "Entrecôte", which also can often be spelled "Entrecoté", or "Entrêcotè", or some other combination of ^ and ` or ´. More often than not it is pronounced without the ending "t" sound. (Prudery may be a factor here, since the Swedish word "kåt", sounding similar to "côte" ("rib"), means "horny" and the result can be taken to mean "horny in the hallway".)

An example of a hypercorrection is the spelling "åtminstonde" for standard Swedish åtminstone (at least), where the pleonastic "d" can be explained as a hypercorrection among speakers who normally reduce the complex "-nd" to /n:/.

French bureau, meaning desk, is usually pronounced "Byyrå" in Swedish with a strong accent on the first syllable, although this is not a common way to accentuate nouns in Swedish. Presently it is not considered a loan word, but assumedly it could have been pronounced in this odd way to sound more foreign.

Dutch versus West-Flemish

The local dialects of the West-Flanders region do not use the Dutch "ch" /x/ (as in the Scottish 'Loch'). Instead they pronounce both 'g' and 'ch' as a soft 'h', whereas the Standard Dutch way to pronounce it would be 'g'. For example, a West-Fleming would pronounce the phrase 'een gouden hart' (a golden heart) as 'een Houden hart'. Some older people, who grew up speaking nothing but their dialect, are unaware that there is a difference between 'g', 'ch' and 'h' altogether and trying to 'mimic' Dutch, they often overcompensate and pronounce every word they would normally pronounce with a 'h'-sound as a 'g'. This includes, words actually pronounced 'h'. In the example above they would go overboard and pronounce the phrase 'een gouden hart' as 'een gouden Gart'.

In a continuing folk tale an unspecified pastor of some unspecified West Flemish church wants to impress his flock by celebrating mass in flawless 'civilized' ABN Dutch. His 'civilized' Dutch consists out of pronouncing a 'ch' and 'g' correctly as /x/ (instead of the 'h' as West-Flemish dialect does). However to be absolutely sure, he also starts pronouncing the 'h' as /x/ even though he should keep pronouncing it as a 'h'. The effects are hilarious: Instead of praying for "De hele kerk" (the whole church) he ends up praying for "de gele kerk" (the yellow church) and the holy virgin ("de heilige maagd") becomes "de geilige maagd" (The virgin in heat). Finally he ends his sermon in asking what should be "de goede hulp van de Heer" (the good help of the Lord). Instead he asks for "de goede gulp van de geer" : the good trouser opening of the manure.


In the Middle Ages, the spelling of Latin was simplified in various respects: for example, æ and oe became e, and ch became c. Occasionally these changes were reversed, and e and c were sometimes expanded to æ (or oe) and ch, even when such spelling contradicted Classical Latin. For example, caelum was contracted to celum and re-expanded to coelum. These spellings are often preserved in English derivatives, including et cætera and et coetera (occasionally found as variants for et cetera); foetus (originally fetus); lachrymose, from lachryma (a false Hellenisation, originally lacrima, "a tear"); and schedule, from schedula (originally scedula).

Hebrew and Yiddish

Careful Hebrew speakers are taught to avoid the colloquial pronunciation of בדיוק (bediyyuq, "exactly") as [biˑ.ˈdjuk]. Many speakers accordingly pronounce להיות (lihyot, "to be") as if it were spelled "lehiyyot" ([lɛˑ.hiˑ.ˈjot]), though there is no grammatical justification for doing so.

It is well known that the vowel kamatz gadol, which in the accepted Sephardic pronunciation is rendered as /aː/, becomes /ɔ/ in Ashkenazi Hebrew (and therefore in Yiddish). On the other hand, the vowel kamatz katan, which is visually indistinguishable from kamatz gadol, is rendered as /o/ in both pronunciations. This leads to hypercorrections in both directions.

  1. The consistent pronunciation of all forms of kamatz as /a/, disregarding katan and chataf forms, could be seen as a hypercorrection, when Hebrew speakers of Ashkenazic origin attempt to pronounce Sephardic Hebrew (e.g. צָהֳרָיִם, "midday" as "tzaharayim", rather than "tzohorayim" as in standard Israeli pronunciation; the traditional Sephardi pronunciation is "tzahorayim"). This may however be an example of over-simplification rather than hypercorrection.
  2. Conversely, many older British Jews consider it more colloquial and "down-home" to say "Shobbes", "cholla" and "motza", though the vowel in these words is in fact a patach, which is rendered as /a/ in both Sephardi and Ashkenazi Hebrew. Other hypercorrections occur when speakers of Israeli (based on Sephardic) Hebrew attempt to pronounce Ashkenazi Hebrew, for example for religious purposes. The month of Shevat (שבט) is mistakenly pronounced "Shvas", as if it were spelled *שְׁבַת. In an attempt to imitate Polish and Lithuanian dialects, kamatz (both gadol and katan), which would normally be pronounced [ɔ], is hypercorrected to the pronunciation of cholam, [ɔj], rendering גדול ("large") as goydl and ברוך ("blessed") as boyrukh.

See also


  1. ^ Wilson, Kenneth G. (1993). The Columbia Guide to Standard American English. Columbia University Press. http://www.bartleby.com/68/62/3062.html. 
  2. ^ Interlanguage Phonology Sources of L2 Pronunciation "Errors", by Michael Carey
  3. ^ Rodney Huddleston and Geoffrey K. Pullum, The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002; ISBN 0-521-43146-8), p.627.
  4. ^ Even the Churchill Centre describes this as "An invented phrase put in Churchill's mouth". "Quotations and Stories", the Churchill Centre. The origin of the anecdote is investigated by Benjamin G. Zimmer in "A misattribution no longer to be put up with", Language Log, 12 December 2004. Both accessed 27 December 2009.
  5. ^ Geoffrey K. Pullum, "A Churchill story up with which I will no longer put", Language Log, 8 December 2004. Accessed 27 December 2009.
  6. ^ Huddleston and Pullum, The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language, p.629. For "constituent", see the article on it. For more detail on the fallaciousness of this example as a claimed demonstration of the silliness of a (silly) rule, see Pullum, "A Churchill story up with which I will no longer put".
  7. ^ "March 11, 2004 - Hypercorrection", www.voanews.com, 12 March 2004.
  8. ^ Rodney Huddleston and Geoffrey K. Pullum, A Student's Introduction to English Grammar (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005; ISBN 0-521-61288-8), 107.
  9. ^ a b c d e Wells, John Christopher (1982). Accents of English: An Introduction. Cambridge University Press. p. 108. ISBN 0521297192. http://books.google.com/books?id=UJQwf05yzqYC&pg=PA108&dq=Accents+of+English:+An+Introduction#v=onepage&q=Accents%20of%20English%3A%20An%20Introduction&f=false. 
  10. ^ Kingsley Amis, The King's English, s.v. jejune.
  11. ^ "octopus". Dictionary.com. Dictionary.com Unabridged (v 1.1). Random House, Inc. http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/octopus (accessed: September 01, 2009).
  12. ^ "octopus." Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary. Merriam-Webster Online. http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/octopus (accessed: 2 September 2009)
  13. ^ a b c d e Merriam-Webster, Inc (1994). Merriam-Webster's Dictionary of English Usage (revised ed.). Springfield, MA: Merriam-Webster. p. 516. ISBN 0877791325. http://books.google.com/books?id=2yJusP0vrdgC. 
  14. ^ Wilson, Kenneth G. (1996). The Columbia Guide to Standard American English. Columbia University Press. p. 260. ISBN 0231069898. 
  15. ^ Elster, Charles Harrington (2006). The Big Book of Beastly Mispronunciations: The Complete Opinionated Guide for the Careful Speaker (2nd ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin. pp. 430–432. ISBN 061842315X. http://books.google.com/books?id=YtojrMr0Ft4C. 
  16. ^ The Dutch themselves regard the pronunciation of "sch", for example in the town name "Scheveningen", as a shibboleth distinguishing themselves from the Germans.
  17. ^ [1]
  18. ^ See inogolo:pronunciation of Stephen Colbert.
  19. ^ BBC News


  • Labov, William. 1966. "Hypercorrection by the Lower Middle Class as a Factor in Linguistic Change". In Sociolinguistics: Proceedings of the UCLA Sociolinguistics Conference, 1964. William Bright, ed. Pp. 84–113. The Hague: Mouton.
  • Joshua Blau, On Pseudo-Corrections in Some Semitic Languages. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities 1970.


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