From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
- The native form of this personal name is Kádár
János. This article uses the Western name order.
|
János Kádár |

|
|
In office
October 25, 1956 – May 27, 1988 |
| Preceded by |
Ernő
Gerő |
| Succeeded by |
Károly
Grósz |
|
In office
November 4, 1956 – January 28, 1958 |
| Preceded by |
Imre Nagy |
| Succeeded by |
Ferenc
Münnich |
In office
September 13, 1961 – June 30, 1965 |
| Preceded by |
Ferenc
Münnich |
| Succeeded by |
Gyula
Kállai |
|
| Born |
May 26, 1912(1912-05-26)
Fiume, Austria-Hungary |
| Died |
July 6, 1989 (aged 77)
Budapest, Hungary |
| Nationality |
Hungarian (disputed) |
| Political party |
Hungarian Communist
Party,
Hungarian Working People's
Party,
Hungarian Socialist
Workers' Party |
| Spouse(s) |
Mária Tamáska |
János Kádár (May 26, 1912–July 6, 1989), was a
Hungarian politician, the communist leader of Hungary from 1956 to
1988, and twice served as Chairman of
the Council of Ministers, from 1956 to 1958 and again from 1961
to 1965. He had Slovak roots
from his mother's side and German roots from his father's
side.
Early
life
János Kádár was born as János Csermanek in Fiume, Austro-Hungary (today Rijeka, Croatia) as the son of the soldier János
Krezinger (German aka Kressinger) and Borbála Csermane (Slovak) ,
who was from the little town Ó-Gyalla, Hungary (today Hurbanovo, Slovakia).
Kádár spent his first 6 years with foster parents in Kapoly, Somogy County, until reunited in Budapest with his mother, who
worked occasionally as a washerwoman and sent him to school until
he was 14. (He met his biological father, who lived as a small
landowner, and his three half-brothers only in 1960).
His political
activity before and during WWII
He apprenticed as a typewriter mechanic, joined the trade
union's youth group at 17, and joined the illegal Hungarian Communist Party in
1931, and was subsequently arrested several times for unlawful
political activities: he was sentenced to two years imprisonment in
1933.[1][2]
Later, as cover for his illegal communist activities, János
Csermanek joined the Hungarian Social Democratic Party and sat on
its Budapest branch
committee.
He was arrested in 1937 by the Horthy regime and was sent to prison for
three years. On his release, he ran the underground communist
movement together with his friend László Rajk, from 1943 under the pseudonym
János Kádár (In Hungarian kádár means cooper). In 1944 while trying to cross the
border into Serbia, in order
to make secret contact with Tito's partisans, he was arrested and
dispatched with a transport of Jews to Mauthausen concentration
camp. On the way at Komarno while temporarily transferred to the
town's prison, he managed to escape and went back to Budapest.
Between 1943 and 1945 he was the first secretary of the
Communist Party, and between 1943 and 1944 he led its legal cover
organization, the Peace Party.
The
years 1945–1956. From leadership to show trial
After the occupation of Hungary by USSR and the comeback of the Moscow branch
of the leadership of the Communist Party, Kádár was appointed
deputy head of Budapest's new police.
In 1946, he was elected Deputy Secretary-General of the
Hungarian Communist Party. In 1949, he succeeded László Rajk
as Minister of the Interior. Rajk was appointed Minister for
Foreign Affairs by the Communist Party leader Mátyás
Rákosi when he had already been secretly chosen as the chief
defendant of a "show trial," to be staged by Rákosi in Hungary.
This trial was similar to the show trials initiated by Stalin in the
Soviet Union. Rajk
and "his spy ring" were accused of conspiring with Marshal Tito,
President of Yugoslavia,
and were executed.
In a Machiavellian
scheme, Rákosi put Kádár, who was friends with both Rajk and his
wife Julia, in the Interior Minister's position to make sure Kádár
was visibly involved in Rajk's trial. In fact, the State Protection Authority
(ÁVH), which was in charge of the investigation, took its orders
directly from Rákosi; but as interior minister, Kádár condemned
Rajk's "crimes", tried to force a confession out of him and
attended his execution.
Only a year later, Kádár found himself the defendant in a show
trial of his own - on false charges of having been a spy of
Horthy's police. This time it was Kádár who was beaten by the
security police and urged to "confess." He was found guilty, and
sentenced to life imprisonment. His incarceration included three
years of solitary confinement, conditions far worse than he
suffered while imprisoned under the Horthy regime.
He was released in July 1954, after the death of Stalin and the
appointment of Imre Nagy
as Prime Minister in 1953.
Kádár accepted the offer to act as party secretary in the
heavily industrialised 13th district of Budapest. He rose to
prominence quickly, building up a large following amongst workers
who demanded increased freedom for trade unions.
Role in the Hungarian
Revolution of 1956
Nagy began a process of liberalisation, removing state controls
over the press, releasing many political prisoners, and expressing
wishes to withdraw Hungary from the Warsaw Pact. He formed a coalition
government. Although the Soviet leaders issued a statement that
they strived to establish a new relationship with Hungary on the
basis of mutual respect and equality, in the first days of
November, the
Presidium of the Soviet Communist Party took a decision to
crush the revolution by force.
In the meantime, the Hungarian Communist Party decided to
dissolve itself and to reorganize the party under the name of Hungarian Socialist
Workers' Party. On October 25, 1956 Kádár was elected
Secretary-General. He was also a member of the Imre Nagy Government
as Minister of State. On the 1st of November, Kádár, together with
Ferenc
Münnich left Hungary for Moscow with the support of the Soviet
Embassy in Budapest. There the Soviet leaders tried to convince him
that a "counter-revolution" was unfolding in Hungary that must be
put to an end at any cost. Despite his opposition to the leaving
the Warsaw Pact decided by Nagy, allegedly he first resisted the
pressure and argued that the Nagy government did not wish to
abolish the Socialist system. He yielded to the pressure only when
the Soviet leaders informed him that the decision had already been
taken to crush the revolution with the help of the Soviet troops
stationed in Hungary and that the old Communist leadership would be
sent back to Hungary, were he not willing to assume the post of
Prime Minister in the new government. The Soviet tanks moved into
Budapest to crush the revolution at dawn on November 4. The
proclamation of the so-called Provisional Revolutionary Government
of Workers and Peasants, headed by Kádár, was broadcast from Szolnok the same day.
He announced a "Fifteen Point Programme" for this new
government:
- To secure Hungary's national independence and sovereignty
- To protect the people's democratic and socialist system from all attacks
- To end fratricidal fighting and to restore order
- To establish close fraternal relations with other
socialist countries on the basis of complete equality and
non-interference
- To cooperate peacefully with all nations irrespective of form
of government
- To quickly and substantially raise the standard of
living for all in Hungary
- Modification of the Five Year Plan, to
allow for this increase in the standard of living
- Elimination of bureaucracy and the broadening of
democracy, in the workers' interest
- On the basis of the broadened democracy, management by the
workers must be implemented in factories and enterprises
- To develop agricultural production, abolish compulsory
deliveries and grant assistance to individual farmers
- To guarantee democratic elections in the already existing
administrative bodies and Revolutionary Councils
- Support for artisans and
retail
trade
- Development of Hungarian culture in the spirit of
Hungary's progressive traditions
- The Hungarian Revolutionary Worker-Peasant Government, acting
in the interest of our people, requested the Red Army to help our
nation smash the sinister forces of reaction and restore order and calm in
Hungary
- To negotiate with the forces of the Warsaw Pact on the
withdrawal of troops from Hungary following the end of the
crisis
The 15th point was withdrawn after pressure from the USSR that a
200,000 strong Soviet detachment be garrisoned in Hungary. This development
allowed Kádár to divert huge defence funds to welfare.
Nagy, along with Georg Lukács, Géza Losonczy
and László Rajk's widow, Julia, fled to the Yugoslav Embassy.
Kádár promised them safe return home at their request but failed to
keep this promise as the Soviet party leaders decided that Imre
Nagy and the other members of the government who had sought asylum
at the Yugoslav Embassy should be deported to Romania. Later on, a trial was instituted to
establish the responsibility of the Imre Nagy Government in the
1956 events. Although it was adjourned several times, the
defendants were eventually convicted of treason and conspiracy to
overthrow the "democratic state order". Imre Nagy, Pál Maléter
and Miklós
Gimes were sentenced to death and executed on June 16, 1958.
Geza Losonczy and Attila Szigethy both died in prison under
suspicious circumstances during the court proceedings.
The
Kádár era
Kádár assumed power in a critical situation. The country was
under Soviet military administration for several months. The fallen
leaders of the Communist Party took refuge in the Soviet Union and
were planning to regain power in Hungary. The Chinese, East German,
and Czechoslovak leaders demanded severe reprisals against the
perpetrators of the "counter-revolution." Despite the distrust
surrounding the new leadership and the economic difficulties, Kádár
was able to normalize the situation in a remarkably short time.
This was due to the realization that, under the circumstances, it
was impossible to break away from the Communist bloc. The people
realized that the promises of the West to help the Hungarian
revolution were unfounded and that the logic of the Cold War
determined the outcome. Hungary remained part of the Soviet sphere
of influence with the tacit agreement of the West. The people
feared the return of the old Communist leadership, and gradually
realized that Kádár's intentions to improve the quality of life
were sincere. Though influenced strongly by the Soviet Union, Kádár
enacted policy slightly contrary to that of Moscow, for example,
allowing considerably large private plots for farmers of collective farms.
In notable contrast to Rákosi, Kádár declared that "he who is
not against us is with us." He gradually lifted Rákosi's more
draconian measures against free speech and movement, and also eased
restrictions on art and literature. Hungarians had much more
freedom than their Eastern Bloc counterparts to go about their
daily lives. While his regime was not nearly as harsh as other
Communist regimes (and certainly less so than the first seven years
of out-and-out Communist rule in Hungary), it wasn't a liberal one
either. The Communists maintained absolute control over the
government and also encouraged citizens to join party
organizations. The secret police, while operating with somewhat
more restraint than in other Eastern Bloc countries (and certainly
in comparison to the Rákosi era) were nonetheless a feared tool of
government control. The media remained under censorship that was
considered fairly onerous by Western standards, but far less
stringent than was the case in other Communist countries.
As a result of the relatively high standard of living, and more
relaxed travel restrictions than that of other Eastern Bloc
countries, Hungary was generally considered one of the better
countries in which to live in Eastern Europe during the Cold War. (See also Goulash
Communism for a discussion of the Hungarian variety of socialism.) Many Hungarians
are nostalgic about the Kádár era, due to the dramatic fall in
living standards caused by the adjustments to a capitalist economy
in the 1990s. This point of view has been expressed by Gyula Horn, a former
communist politician elected Prime Minister in 1994. However, the
relatively high living standards had their price in the form of a
considerable amount of state debt left behind by the Kádár régime.
As mentioned above, the regime's cultural and social policies were
still somewhat authoritarian; their impact on contemporary
Hungarian culture is still a matter of considerable debate.
During Kádár's rule, tourism increased dramatically, with many
tourists from Canada, the USA, and Western Europe bringing much needed
money into Hungary. Hungary built strong relations with developing
countries and many foreign students arrived. The "Holy Crown" (referred to in the media as
the "Hungarian Crown", so as to prevent it carrying a political
symbolism of the Horthy régime or an
allusion to Christianity) and regalia of Hungarian kings was
returned to Budapest by the United States in 1978.
Kádár was known for his simple and modest lifestyle and had a
strong aversion against corruption or ill-doing. His only real
hobby was chess. (see Victor Sebestyen "Twelve Days" p. 141).
He was often perceived as a convinced Communist who retained his
beliefs throughout his life.
Kádár was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize (1975-76). He was
also awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union on
April 3, 1964 [3]
Deposition
and death
János Kádár held power in Hungary until 1988, when he resigned
as General Secretary mainly due to mounting economic difficulties
and his own ill-health. At a party conference in May 1988, he was
replaced as General Secretary by Prime Minister Károly
Grósz who strove to continue Kádár's policies in a modified and
adjusted form adapted to the new circumstances. Kádár was named
instead to the rather ceremonial position of Party President. He
did not wish to be re-elected to the Political Committee, the most
important decision-making body of the party. In early 1989, as
Grósz and his associates in turn were being sidelined by a faction
of "radical reformers" who set out to dismantle the socialist
system, Kádár, now visibly senile, was removed completely from
political office, dying not long afterwards.
Kádár was generally known as one of the more moderate East
European Communist leaders. While he remained loyal to the Soviet
Union in foreign policy, based on the hard lessons of the 1956
uprising, his intent was to establish a national consensus around
his policies at home. He was the first East European leader to
develop closer links with the Social Democratic parties of Western
Europe. He tried to mediate between the leaders of the Czechoslovak
reform movement of 1968 and the Soviet leadership to avert the
danger of a military intervention. When, however, the decision was
taken by the Soviet leaders to intervene in order to suppress the
Prague Spring,
Kádár decided to participate in the Warsaw Pact operation.
Kádár's grave at the Kerepesi Cemetery in Budapest was
vandalized on May 2, 2007; a number of his bones, including his
skull, were stolen, along with his wife Mária Tamáska's urn. A
message reading "murderers and traitors may not rest in holy
ground 1956-2006" was written nearby.[4][5] The two
dates refer to the Hungarian Revolution of
1956 and the 2006 protests in Hungary.[6] This
act was greeted with universal revulsion across the political and
societal spectrum in Hungary.[7] Police
investigations focused on extremist right-wing hooligans groups
which had been aspiring to "carry out an act that would create a
big bang."[8]
References
- ^ Kádár's Shadow Tibor
Hajdu, The Hungarian Quarterly, VOLUME XLII, No. 164, Winter
2001
- ^ János Kádár
rev.hu, The Institute for the History of the 1956 Hungarian
Revolution
- ^
(Russian)= 2161 Biography at the
website on Heroes of the Soviet Union and Russia
- ^
"Ex-Hungary ruler's remains
stolen", BBC News, May 3, 2007.
- ^
"Grave of Hungarian Communist
leader Janos Kadar vandalized", Associated Press
(International Herald Tribune), May 2, 2007.
- ^
(Hungarian)The
message of the vandals with dates on haon.hu
- ^
= f8b516f720 Caboodle.hu -
Former leader's grave desecrated in Budapest
- ^
= 6db29c8186 Caboodle.hu -
Kádár grave robbery investigation leads outside Budapest
Further
reading
- Gough, Roger, A Good Comrade: János Kádár, Communism and
Hungary, I. B. Tauris, 2006. ISBN = 9781845110581
- Granville, Johanna, "The First Domino: International Decision
Making During the Hungarian Crisis of 1956", Texas A & M
University Press, 2004. ISBN 1585442984
- Granville, Johanna. "Imre Nagy aka 'Volodya' - A
Dent in the Martyr's Halo?", "Cold War International History
Project Bulletin", no. 5 (Woodrow Wilson Center for International
Scholars, Washington, DC), Spring, 1995, pp. 28, and
34-37.
- (A Good Comrade by
Roger Gough, reviewed by Johanna Granville, American
Historical Review vol. 112, no. 4, (2007): 1280.
- Tibor Fischer: In the
Goulash (A review of Good Comrade by Roger Gough) - Times
Online December 6, 2006
- András Mink: Kádár's
Shadow Hungarian Quarterly VOLUME XLVIII * No. 187 * Autumn
2007
- Victor Sebestyen - Twelve Days - The Story of the 1956
Hungarian Revolution Vintage Books,November 2007,New York
Primary
sources
Cold War International History Project Bulletin, no. 5
(Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars, Washington, DC),
Spring, 1995, pp. 22-23, 29-34.