From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
|
Jack Kemp |

|
|
In office
February 13, 1989 – January 19, 1993 |
| President |
George
H. W. Bush |
| Preceded by |
Samuel
Pierce |
| Succeeded by |
Henry
Cisneros |
|
In office
January 3, 1983 – January 3, 1989 |
| Preceded by |
Donald
J. Mitchell |
| Succeeded by |
Bill Paxon |
|
In office
January 3, 1973 – January 3, 1983 |
| Preceded by |
James F.
Hastings |
| Succeeded by |
District 38 eliminated |
|
In office
January 3, 1971 – January 3, 1973 |
| Preceded by |
Richard D. McCarthy |
| Succeeded by |
James F.
Hastings |
|
| Born |
July 13, 1935(1935-07-13)
Los Angeles, California |
| Died |
May 2, 2009 (aged 73)
Bethesda, Maryland |
| Political party |
Republican |
| Spouse(s) |
Joanne Kemp |
| Children |
Jeff (July 11, 1959
(1959-07-11) (age 50))
Jennifer (c. 1961)
Judith (c. 1963)
Jimmy (June 27, 1971
(1971-06-27) (age 38)) |
| Alma mater |
Occidental College |
| Profession |
Professional American football player; Politician |
| Religion |
Presbyterian |
| Website |
Kemp Partners: Jack
Kemp |
|
Military service |
| Service/branch |
United
States Army |
| Years of service |
1958–1962 |
| Rank |
Private |
| Unit |
Reserves |
Jack French Kemp (July 13, 1935 – May 2,
2009) was an American politician and a collegiate and professional football player. A
Republican, he served
as Housing
Secretary in the administration of President George H. W.
Bush from 1989-93, having previously served nine terms as a Congressman for
Western New
York from 1971-89. He was the Republican Party's nominee for Vice President in
the 1996
election, where he was the running-mate of presidential nominee
Bob Dole. Kemp had
previously contended for the presidential nomination in the 1988
Republican primaries.
Before entering politics, Kemp was a professional quarterback for
13 years. He played briefly in the National Football League (NFL)
and the Canadian Football League
(CFL), but became a star in the American Football League
(AFL). He served as captain of both the San Diego
Chargers and Buffalo Bills and earned the AFL Most
Valuable Player award in 1965 after leading the Bills to a
second consecutive championship. He played in the AFL for all 10
years of its existence, appeared in its All-Star game
seven times, played in its championship game five times, and set
many of the league's career passing records. Kemp also co-founded
the AFL Players Association, for which he
served five terms as president. During the early part of his
football career, he served in the United States Army
Reserve.
As an economic conservative, Kemp advocated low taxes and supply-side policies during his political
career. His positions spanned the social spectrum, ranging from his
conservative opposition to abortion to his more libertarian stances
advocating immigration reform. As a proponent
of both Chicago
school and supply-side economics, he is notable as an influence
upon the Reagan
agenda and the architect of the Economic Recovery Tax Act
of 1981, which is known as the Kemp–Roth tax cut.
After his days in political office, Kemp remained active as a
political advocate and commentator, and served on corporate and non-profit organization boards.
He also authored, co-authored, and edited several books. He
promoted American football and advocated for retired professional
football players. Kemp was the benefactor of Pepperdine University's Jack F.
Kemp Institute of Political Economy. Kemp was posthumously awarded
the Presidential Medal of
Freedom in 2009 by President Barack Obama.[1]
Early
life
Youth
Born,[2] raised,
and educated in Los
Angeles, California,[3]
Kemp was the third of four sons of Frances Elizabeth (née Pope) and
Paul Robert Kemp, Sr.[4][5][6]
Paul turned his motorcycle messenger service into a trucking
company that grew from one to fourteen trucks.[7][8]
Frances was a well-educated social worker and Spanish
teacher.[4][8]
Kemp grew up in the heavily-Jewish Wilshire district of
West Los Angeles,[5][9]
but his tight-knit middle class family practiced in the Church of Christ,
Scientist.[4][5]
In his youth, sports consumed Kemp, who once chose the forward pass as the
subject of a school essay on important inventions, although his
mother attempted to broaden his horizons with piano lessons and
trips to the Hollywood Bowl.[4]
Kemp attended Melrose Avenue's Fairfax High
School,[3]
which was, at the time, known both for its high concentration of
Jewish students and concentration of celebrities' children. Over
95 percent of Kemp's classmates were Jewish, and he later
became a supporter of Jewish causes.[3]
His classmates included Herb Alpert, Larry Sherry, and Judith A.
Reisman.[10][11]
During his years in high school, Kemp worked with his brothers at
his father's trucking company in downtown Los Angeles. In his spare
time, he became a rigorous reader, preferring history and
philosophy books.[3]
College
After graduating from high school in 1953,[12] he
attended Occidental College, a founding
member of the NCAA Division III Southern
California Intercollegiate Athletic Conference.[13] Kemp
selected Occidental because its football team used professional formations and plays,
which he hoped would help him to become a professional
quarterback.[5]
At 5 feet 10 inches (1.78 m) and
175 pounds (79.4 kg), he considered himself too small to
play for the USC Trojans or UCLA
Bruins, the major Southern California college
football programs.[14]
At Occidental, Kemp was a record-setting javelin hurler and played several positions on
the football team: quarterback, defensive back, place kicker, and punter.[14]
Although he was near-sighted, Kemp was tenacious on the
field.[14]
During his years as starting quarterback the team posted 6–2 and
3–6 records. Kemp was named a Little All-America player one year in which he
threw for over 1,100 yards.[14]
That year, he led the nation's small colleges in passing.[15] He
and close friend Jim
Mora, who later became an NFL head coach, were members of the Alpha Tau Omega
fraternity.[14]
Another teammate in college was Ron Botchan,[16] who
was a NFL umpire for years (record five Super Bowls).[17] Kemp
declined to become involved in student government.[14]
After graduating from Occidental with a degree in physical
education, he pursued post-graduate studies in economics at Long Beach State
University and California Western University, and served in the
military from 1958 to 1962.[5][14]
Marriage and
family
Kemp graduated from Occidental in 1957 and married Joanne Main,
his college sweetheart,[8]
after she graduated from Occidental in 1958.[5]
Main had grown up in Fillmore, California, and attended Fillmore
High School in Ventura County.[18] Her
father was a teacher and football coach in the Fillmore Unified
School District before becoming vice principal and eventually
superintendent of the district.[19]
Kemp's Biblical Literature professor, Keith Beebe, presided over
the wedding,[14]
after which Kemp converted to his wife's Presbyterian
faith.[5][19]
Jack Kemp was a 33rd degree Freemason in the Northern Masonic
Jurisdiction.
They had two sons, who were both professional football
quarterbacks: Jeff Kemp
played in the NFL from 1981 to 1991,[20] and
Jimmy Kemp played in
the CFL from 1994 to 2002. Significantly for a man with his
demanding schedule, Jack never missed one of their games as
children or in college.[21] They
also had two daughters: Jennifer Kemp Andrews and Judith Kemp.[22]
Joanne once suffered a miscarriage, which Kemp later said made him
re-evaluate the sanctity of human life and affected his opposition
to abortion.[23]
Kemp is survived by his wife of fifty years, his four children and
17 grandchildren.[24]
Jack
Kemp
| No. 15 |
| Quarterback |
|
Personal information |
Date of
birth: July 13, 1935(1935-07-13)
Los Angeles, California |
Date of death: May 2, 2009
(aged 73)
Bethesda, Maryland |
|
Height: 6 ft 1 in
(1.85 m) |
Weight: 201 lb (91 kg) |
| Career information |
| College:
Occidental |
| Debuted in 1957 for the
Pittsburgh Steelers |
| Last played in 1969 for
the Buffalo
Bills |
|
|
| Career history |
As player:
|
| Career highlights and awards |
- 7× AFL All Star (1961, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965, 1966,
1969)
- 5× TSN All-AFL (1960, 1961, 1963, 1965,
1966)
- AFL Champion (1964, 1965)
- Buffalo
Bills Wall of Fame
- AFL MVP
(AP,
1965)
- AFL Championship Game MVP (1965)
Records and Leaderships
- AFL career regular season passing attempts
- AFL career regular season passing
completions
- AFL career regular season passing yards
- AFL career championship game passing
attempts
- AFL career championship game passing
completions
- AFL career championship game passing yards
- AFL yards per attempt (1960, 1964)
|
| Stats at NFL.com |
After being drafted by the Detroit Lions in the 17th round of the 1957 NFL Draft,
Kemp was cut from the team before the 1957 NFL season began.[14][25]
He spent 1957 with the Pittsburgh Steelers and 1958 on the taxi squads of the San
Francisco 49ers and New York Giants. The 1958 New York
Giants played in that year's NFL Championship
Game, known as the "Greatest Game Ever Played" and the first overtime
NFL playoff game,[26][27][28] but,
as a third-string quarterback member of the taxi squad, Kemp did
not take the field.[4]
After his time in the NFL, Kemp served a year as a private in the United States Army
Reserve.[5]
During his service, he played one game for the Calgary
Stampeders of the Canadian Football League,
which made him ineligible for the NFL in 1959. According to his
older brother Tom, his parents drove him from California to Calgary, Alberta only to see him cut.[4]
By this time Kemp had been cut from five professional teams (Lions,
Steelers, Giants, 49ers, and Stampeders)[14]
and his family encouraged him to get on with his life.[4]
On February 9 and February 11, 1960, the newly formed AFL agreed to "no tampering"
policies with the NFL and CFL respectively, protecting each
league's players. Players like Kemp, with modest NFL experience,
were often signed by the AFL at the time.[29] Kemp
signed as a free agent
with the AFL's Los Angeles Chargers.
Sid Gillman era
(1960–1962)
In 1960, Kemp led the
Chargers to a Western Division Championship with a 10–4 record.[30] He
finished second in the league to Frank Tripucka in passing attempts,
completions, and yards (making him and Tripucka the league's first
3,000-yard passers),[31]
led the AFL in yards per completion and times sacked, and
finished one rushing touchdown short of the league lead.[32]
Under Kemp, the Chargers' offense averaged 46 points over its
last four games and scored more than 41 points in five of its
last nine games.[33] In
the 1960 AFL
Championship Game, he led the team to field
goals on its first two possessions, but after the Houston
Oilers posted a touchdown in the second quarter for a 7–6
lead, the Chargers never recovered.[34]
In 1961, San Diego Union editor Jack Murphy convinced Barron Hilton to
move the Chargers from Los Angeles to San Diego.[35] Kemp
led the relocated team to a 12–2 record and a repeat Western
Division Championship.[36]
He again finished second in passing yards (this time to George Blanda).[37]
The Chargers earned an AFL
Championship Game rematch against the Oilers. However, this
time the Chargers were unable to score until a fourth quarter field
goal in a 10–3 loss.[36][38]
The Berlin Wall
was erected in August 1961. On October 15, 1961, President John F. Kennedy
activated Kemp's San Diego-based 977th Transportation Company
reserves unit for duty in response. In September, the right-handed
Kemp had injured his left shoulder while playing football. Medical
examiners found swelling and muscle spasms and
described his voluntary range of motion at 80 percent. In
a decision that was reviewed and upheld by the Surgeon General
of the United States Army, Army doctors found him as unfit for
active duty. That year, he led the Chargers to a division title,
passing for 2,686 yards and 15 touchdowns. Years later,
Kemp's 1961 Chargers roommate, Ron Mix, recalled that Kemp needed "ten or so"
shots of painkillers before each game and commented
that "it sounds weird, but he could play football and not be fit to
serve in the Army."[39]
In 1962, Kemp broke his middle finger two
games into the season and was unable to play. He convinced his
doctors to set his broken finger around a football, so that his
grip would not be affected once the finger healed. Chargers coach
Sid Gillman put Kemp
on waivers to try to "hide"
him.[40] Buffalo Bills coach
Lou Saban noticed that
Kemp was available and claimed him for a $100 waiver fee on
September 25, 1962,[41]
in what sportswriter Randy Schultz has called one of the biggest
bargains in professional football history.[25]
The Dallas
Texans and Denver Broncos also attempted to claim
Kemp, but he was awarded to Buffalo by AFL commissioner Joe Foss.[42]
Lou Saban era
(1962–1965)
According to Billy
Shaw, Kemp's acquisition solved the Bills' quarterback
problem,[25]
but Kemp was not excited about coming to Buffalo. According to Van Miller, "Jack's a
skier, and he wanted to go to Denver and play for the Broncos. He
hated the thought of coming to Buffalo."[43]
In Buffalo, he would become known for his love of reading a broad
range of books including those by Henry Thoreau, which
led to chidings from Saban.[3]
Injuries, including the broken finger,[41]
kept Kemp from playing for most of 1962. That season, Kemp received
a military draft notice for service in the Vietnam War, but was
granted a draft waiver because
of a knee problem. The injuries healed, and Kemp debuted for
Buffalo on November 18, 1962 by directing the only touchdown drive
in a 10–6 win over the Oakland Raiders.[41]
He played only four games for Buffalo in 1962, but made the AFL All-Star team.[41]
The Bills won three of their last four games to finish 7–6–1.[44]
On December 14, 1962, the Bills outbid the Green Bay
Packers for Notre Dame
quarterback Daryle Lamonica.[41]
In 1963, a
four-season starting
quarterback battle began that continued until Lamonica left for
the Raiders. Lamonica felt he "... learned a lot from Jack
about quarterbacking. And I truly believe that we were a great
one-two punch at the position for the Bills."[25]
In 1963, Kemp led the Bills from a slow start to a tie for the AFL
Eastern Division lead with a 7–6–1 record.[45] Kemp
again placed second in passing attempts, completions, and yards,
and he also finished second to teammate Cookie Gilchrist in rushing
touchdowns.[46]
The Bills played the Boston Patriots in an Eastern
Division playoff game to determine the division title on
December 28, 1963, at War Memorial Stadium in
Buffalo,
New York, in 10 °F (−10 °C) weather. During the game,
Buffalo replaced Kemp with Lamonica after falling behind 16–0, but
still lost 26–8.[47]
Kemp was said to be the "clubhouse lawyer" for the Bills because
of his role in mediating conflicts.[25]
In 1964, he managed
personalities such as Gilchrist, who walked off the field when
plays were not being called for him, and Saban, who he kept from
cutting Gilchrist the following week.[25]
He also managed the politics of his quarterback battle with
Lamonica, who engineered four winning touchdown drives in the
Bills' first seven games.[48] The
1964 team won its first nine games and went 12–2 for the regular
season, winning the Eastern Division with a final game victory over
the Patriots at Fenway
Park. Kemp led the league in yards per attempt and finished one
rushing touchdown short of the league lead, which was shared by
Gilchrist and Sid
Blanks.[49]
In the 1964 AFL
Championship Game, he scored the final touchdown with just over
nine minutes left in a 20–7 victory.[50]
According to Lamonica, the 1965 team had a new emphasis: "In '64
we had depended a lot on Gilchrist and our running attack to carry
us. . .But that all changed in '65. The Bills had traded
Gilchrist in the off season to the Denver Broncos. So we went to a
pass-oriented game more that season than we ever had before. We not
only went to our receivers, but we threw a lot to our running backs. And I
really think it brought out the best in Jack that year."[25]
In 1965, the Bills finished with a 10–3–1
record.[51] Kemp
finished the season second in the league in pass completions.[52]
In the 1965 AFL
Championship Game, Buffalo defeated the Chargers 23–0; for
Kemp, the victory was special because it came against his former
team.[53]
Kemp's role in leading the Bills to a repeat championship without
Gilchrist and with star receiver Elbert Dubenion playing only three
games earned him a share of the AFL MVP
awards that he split with former Charger teammate, Paul Lowe.[49][54] Kemp
also won the Associated Press award and the
Championship Game Most Valuable Player award.[55][56]
Joe
Collier and John Rauch eras (1966–1969)
Following the championship game, Saban resigned to coach the Maryland Terrapins and defensive coordinator Joe Collier was
promoted to head coach for the 1966 AFL
season.[57] That
year, Kemp led the Bills to their third consecutive division title
with a 9–4–1 record. However, in the 1966 AFL
Championship Game, which was played for the right to represent
the AFL in Super Bowl
I, the Bills lost to the Kansas City Chiefs 31–7.[58] Kemp
was named an AFL All-Star for the sixth consecutive year.a[›][59]
The 1967 Bills endured a 4–10 1967 AFL season, in
which Kemp was not named to the All-Star game for the first time in
his AFL career.[59][60]
On August 23, 1968, the Bills suffered a blowout
preseason loss to the Houston Oilers. On
August 26, Collier put the Bills through a 40-play scrimmage.
During the scrimmage, Ron
McDole fell on Kemp's right knee and injured it, forcing Kemp
to sit out the entire 1968 AFL
season.[61] The
Bills went 1–12–1 without Kemp.[62]
Despite Kemp's return from injury and the arrival of running
back O. J.
Simpson, the Bills only compiled a 4–10 record during the 1969 AFL season under new coach John Rauch.[63] Kemp
was named an AFL All-Star in 1969 for the
seventh time in the league's 10 years.[59]
He advocated recognition of the league, and in its last year, 1969,
lobbied Pete
Rozelle to have AFL teams wear an AFL patch to honor it. In 1969, the
Erie
County Republican Party
approached him about running for the United States Congress.[25]
After the January 17, 1970, AFL All-Star game, Kemp returned home
and talked to his wife before deciding to enter politics.[64] Kemp
said "I had a four-year no-cut contract with the Bills at the time.
... I figured that if I lost I could always come back and
play. But the fans had their say and I was elected to
Congress."[25]
Career
summary
Kemp led Buffalo to four straight years in the AFL playoffs,
three consecutive Eastern Division titles and two straight AFL
Championships.[9]
He led the league in career passes attempted, completions, and
yards gained passing.[31]
He played in five of the AFL's 10 Championship Games, and holds the
same career records (passing attempts, completions, and yardage)
for championships. He is second in many other championship game
categories, including career and single-game passer rating.[31]
A Sporting
News All-League
selection at quarterback in 1960 and 1965, and the AFL MVP in 1965.
He was the only AFL quarterback to be listed as a starter all 10
years of the league's existence and one of only 20 players to serve
all 10 of those years. His number 15 was retired by the Bills in
1984.[65]
However, despite his success and important AFL records, he is
most prominently listed in the NFL record book for less flattering
accomplishments, including his place as a former record holder for
most quarterback sacks in a game.[66][67]
Despite Kemp's many records, Joe Namath and Len Dawson were selected as the quarterbacks
for the All-time AFL team.[31]
Kemp is a member of the Greater Buffalo Sports Hall of Fame and the
Buffalo Bills' Wall of Fame.
Kemp co-founded the AFL Players Association with Tom Addison of the Boston Patriots, and was elected its
president five times.[68]
His founding of and involvement in the players' union contributed
to his frequent siding with the Democrats on labor
issues later in his career.[3]
The NCAA’s
highest honor, the Theodore Roosevelt
Award,[69] was
presented to Kemp in 1992,[70] and
he was named one of the Association’s 100 most influential
student-athletes in 2006.[71]
Political
career
|
"Pro football gave me a good perspective. When I entered the
political arena, I had already been booed, cheered, cut, sold,
traded, and hung in effigy."
|
| — Jack Kemp[72] |
Kemp's political career began long before his 1970 campaign. In
1960 and 1961, Kemp was an editorial assistant to San Diego Union editor and future Richard Nixon aide Herb
Klein.[3]
Subsequently, Kemp became a volunteer in both Barry
Goldwater's 1964 Presidential
campaign and Ronald Reagan's successful 1966 California Gubernatorial
campaign. In the 1967 football off-season, Kemp worked on Reagan's
staff in Sacramento. In 1969, he was
special assistant to the Republican National
Committee chairman.[5]
Kemp was a voracious reader, and his political beliefs were
founded in early readings of Goldwater's The Conscience of a
Conservative, Ayn
Rand's libertarian novels, such as The
Fountainhead, and Friedrich von Hayek's The Constitution of
Liberty.[73] He
also brought from his football career a belief in racial equality,
which came from playing football with black teammates: Kemp said,
"I wasn't there with Rosa
Parks or Dr. King or John Lewis. But I am here now, and I am
going to yell from the rooftops about what we need to do."[5]
Kemp's football colleagues confirmed this influence: John
Mackey explained that "The huddle is colorblind."[74]
Congress
(1971–1989)
Congressional Portrait Collection image (1971)
As a self-described "bleeding-heart conservative",[8]
Kemp represented a part of the suburban Buffalo
region that is known as the southtowns and that traditionally voted
Democratic for the United States House
of Representatives from 1971 to 1989.[75][76]
He is as fondly remembered for his good hair and handsome looks as
for his athletic prowess and political savvy,[77] and
he is described as having the charisma of the earlier J.F.K. (John F.
Kennedy)[8][78]
David
Rosenbaum described Kemp as an independent politician who often
legislated outside his committees' jurisdictions and often spoke in
favor of ideals and principles rather than his party's political
platforms.[5]
As a supply-sider, he was not a proponent of balanced
budgeting and trivialized it while speaking of growth as an
economic goal.[5][79]
The Erie County, New York Republicans had drafted Kemp after
incumbent congressman Richard D. McCarthy decided to run
for the United States Senate.[5]
During his inaugural campaign, his district was in economic
malaise, and The New York Times described
him as a John F.
Kennedy throwback who campaigned on family values, patriotism, sports and defense.[7]
Upon his election to the Congress in a class of sixty-two freshmen,
he was one of six newcomers—along with Ronald Dellums, Bella Abzug, Louise Day
Hicks, Robert
Drinan, and Pete du Pont—discussed in Time. The
article described him as a football fan like United States
President Richard Nixon and as the recipient of advice from White
House Adviser Robert Finch and
former Kemp boss Herb Klein, Nixon's Director of Communications.
The Nixon aides encouraged Kemp to endorse the Cambodian
invasion and to oppose criticism of Nixon's war policies in
order to firm up Kemp's support from military hawks.[80]
Kemp championed several Chicago
school and supply-side economics issues: economic
growth, free markets, free trade, tax
simplification and lower tax rates on both employment and investment
income.[81] He
was a long-time proponent of the flat tax.[82]
He also defended the use of anti-Communist contra forces in Central
America,[83]
supported the gold
standard, spoke for civil rights
legislation, opposed abortion, and was the first lawmaker to
popularize enterprise zones,[5]
which he supported to foster entrepreneurship and job
creation and expand homeownership among public housing
tenants.[81][84]
During his career, he sometimes sounded like a liberal Democrat:[7]
he supported affirmative action[85][86]
and rights for illegal
immigrants.[87]
The New York Times described Kemp as the most proactive
combatant in the war on poverty since Robert Kennedy.[88]
He differed from Rockefeller
Republicans and earlier combatants such as Lyndon Johnson by supporting
incentive-based systems instead of traditional social programs.[7]
For his commitment to inner city concerns from within the
Republican party, David Gergen heralded him as a "courageous
voice in the wilderness."[89]
Although he was liberal on many social issues and supported civil
liberties for homosexuals, he opposed certain gay rights such as the
right to teach in schools.[23]
Kemp at times felt his role was that of "freewheeling, entrepreneurial,
wildcatting backbencher."[90]
Time magazine identified 38-year-old second-term
congressman Kemp as a future leader in its 1974 "Faces for the
Future" feature.[91]
Another early-career notable magazine appearance was in a 1978
issue of Esquire.[14]
The article explained allegations of homosexual activity
among staffers in Ronald Reagan's Sacramento office in 1967; Kemp
was not implicated.[4]
Hugh Sidey mentioned
him as a contender to unseat Jimmy Carter in the 1980 presidential
election[78]
and was a front runner for the vice
presidency at the 1980 Republican
National Convention,[5][92] where
he received 43 votes from conservative detractors of George H.
W. Bush. After he was reelected for a sixth term in 1980, his
Republican peers elected him to a party leadership position,[93] and
he served seven years as chairman of the House Republican
Conference.[3]
This promotion occurred immediately after Kemp and David Stockman
urged Reagan by memorandum to dedicate his first 100 days to
working on an economic package with Congress.[94][95] By
1984, many viewed Kemp as Reagan's heir apparent.[4]
Jack, Joanne and
Judith Kemp
(1980-10-25)
Kemp had his first encounter with supply-side economics in 1967,
when The Wall Street Journal's
Jude Wanniski
interviewed him at his Congressional office. Kemp questioned
Wanniski all day (until midnight, at Kemp's Bethesda,
Maryland home) and was
eventually converted to University of Southern
California professor
Arthur Laffer's
supply-side discipline.[5][96]
Thereafter, Kemp espoused supply-side economics freely, and in 1978
he and William V. Roth, Jr. proposed
tax-cutting legislation.[5]
Kemp has been credited as responsible for supply-side economics'
inclusion in President Reagan's economic plan,[97][98]
although at the time of Robert Mundell's Nobel Memorial
Prize in Economics recognition some attributed much of the
credit to Mundell, Laffer, Robert Bartley, and
Wanniski.[99] In
1979, Kemp wrote An American Renaissance (ISBN
0-06-012283-8), to deliver his message that "A rising tide lifts
all boats."[100]
Although the realization of early 1980s tax cuts are attributed to
Reagan, they were initiated by Kemp and Roth through their 1981 Kemp–Roth Tax Cut
legislation.[5]
Reagan's budget based on this legislation passed over the objection
of United
States House Committee on Ways and Means Chairman Dan
Rostenkowski.[101][102]
During the Reagan years, Kemp and his followers ignored budget
balancing while promoting tax cuts and economic growth.[103][104]
These tax cuts have been credited by conservatives for the economic
growth from 1983 to 1990,[105]
which by 1996 had become one of the longest expansions in American
history.[106]
Kemp notes that Federal
Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker's success at stemming inflation and the favorable
regulatory environment were also major factors.[107]
Detractors note that the expansion was fueled by undesirable
sectors like gaming, prisons, medical treatment, and credit card use.[106]
An early Kemp tax reform attempt was an unsuccessful 1979
proposal to index tax brackets for cost of living fluctuations,[108]
which was incorporated in Reagan's 1980 package.[96]
Kemp co-sponsored a legislative attempt at enterprise zones in
1980.[109] One
of Kemp's more trying times as a congressman came in 1982 when
Reagan decided to reverse the tax cuts and promote tax increases.
The reversal was controversial and stimulated opposition by Kemp.
Nonetheless, the revised taxes passed.[110][111]
In 1983, Kemp opposed the policies of Chairman Volcker on multiple
occasions. The debates included domestic monetary involvement and
roles in funding the International Monetary
Fund.[112][113]
At several Republican National
Conventions, Kemp has delivered speeches. He addressed the
convention on July 15 at the 1980 Republican National Convention in
Detroit, Michigan and on August 21 at the 1984 Republican
National Convention in Dallas, Texas.[114]
During the 1984 Convention, with Trent Lott as Republican Party Platform
Committee Chairman, Congressmen Kemp and Newt Gingrich claimed control of the
party platform to the consternation of G.O.P. senators Bob Dole and Howard Baker.[76]
Kemp's official role was as the chairman of the platform
subcommittee on foreign policy. However, the three platform planks
that he proposed involved tax hikes, the gold standard and the role
of the Federal Reserve.[115]
Despite Kemp's official role, his real influence as an author was
on the grammatical structure of the plank on tax hikes.[116][117] By
1985, Kemp was a leading contender for the 1988 Presidential
nomination.[118] He
also delivered remarks on free enterprise zones at the 1992 Republican
National Convention in Houston, Texas.[119]
Despite efforts and considerations of expanding his political
domain, Kemp never held a fundraiser outside of his suburban
Western New York district until well into his eighth term in
Congress.[120]
Kemp has been a critic of football, or 'soccer' as it is
nicknamed in some areas of the world.[121] In
1986, during a House floor debate over whether the United States
should host the 1994 FIFA World Cup, Kemp
proclaimed: "I think it is important for all those young out there
— who someday hope to play real football, where you throw it and kick
it and run with it and put it in your hands — [that] a distinction
should be made that football is democratic capitalism, whereas
soccer is a European socialist sport."[122][123]
Kemp has compared his speech to George Carlin's 1984 comedy routine on
the differences between baseball and American football and has written
that his "tongue was firmly planted in cheek" when making the
speech.[124]
Despite the levity of the speech, it has garnered significant
backlash.[122][123]
However, he continues to insist that soccer's main problem is "it
doesn't have a quarterback".[124]
Kemp notes that about half of his grandchildren play or have played
organized soccer and claims to have since 'changed' his position on
soccer. He even attended the 1994 FIFA World Cup with long time
soccer fan Henry
Kissinger, although he wrote during the 2006 FIFA
World Cup that soccer can be interesting to watch but is still
a "boring game".[124]
Presidential bid
(1988)
Kemp as he leaves a meet-the-candidates rally for 1988 Republican
presidential candidates in County Stadium in
Union,
South Carolina, on October 3,
1987.
In 1988, if Kemp had won his campaign for the United States
Presidency,[5]
it would have made him the first person to move from the United
States House of Representatives to the White House since James
Garfield.[125]
When he formed his exploratory committee, he signed Ed Rollins, Reagan's 1984
re-election political director, as an advisor.[126]
From the outset, Kemp had failed to position himself as the primary
alternative to Vice President Bush.[73]
Except for a select few cognoscenti,[127]
the general public did not recognize Kemp's leadership ability,
although he was a successful man of ideas.[73][128] In
fact, most of the Republican electorate found themselves unfamiliar
with Kemp early in his campaign.[127]
Political pundits recognized him, however, as a visionary idea
man.[129] In
addition, he was quickly perceived as a verbose speaker who
sometimes lost contact with his audience.[73]
Although Kemp tried to appeal to the conservatives, his libertarian philosophies of tolerance and
individual rights and his commitment to supporting minorities,
women, blue-collar workers and organized labor clashed with conservative
voters' social and religious values.[73] To
Democrats, Kemp's free-market philosophies were a form of laissez-faire
anarchy.[130]
However, as much as Kemp wanted to minimize government's role, he
acknowledged that moves toward a more laissez-faire system should
be well-thought out.[131]
After the May 1987 Gary
Hart–Donna Rice
scandal, a questionnaire by The New York
Times requested things such as psychiatric records and access
to FBI files
from all 14 presidential candidates. Candidates from each party
expressed opinions on both sides of the personal privacy issue, and
Kemp rejected the Times inquiry as "beneath the dignity of
a presidential candidate".[132][133] His
campaign was on an early positive course with many key early
endorsements in New Hampshire, but Bush held the support of much of
the Republican establishment in New York.[4]
Although he had an eclectic mix of supporters, Kemp's campaign
began borrowing against anticipated Federal matching funds because it had quickly spent
itself into the red,[4]
which may have been due to the use of expensive direct
mail fundraising techniques.[134] To
offset his socially moderate stances, Kemp clarified his opposition
to abortion, his support of the Strategic Defense
Initiative (SDI) and his support for a stronger military than
that favored by Secretary of State George Shultz.[4][73] To
position himself as Reagan's successor, Kemp called for Shultz's
resignation based on claims that Shultz had neglected freedom fighters in Afghanistan and Nicaragua and had waffled on SDI.[135]
Despite a platform covering the full range of political subjects,
Kemp's primary campaign weapon was a fiscal policy based on tax
cuts. As part of his fiscal policy, he opposed a Social Security
benefits freeze and endorsed a freeze on government spending.[136]
Some viewed Kemp's supply-side stance as an attempt to ignore the
national budget deficit. In late 1987, political
pundits saw that Kemp needed to gain support from the far right on
non-social issues.[137]
Kemp was among the majority of Republican candidates in opposition
to Reagan's INF Treaty agreement with the Soviet Union's Mikhail
Gorbachev despite general Republican voter approval of the
treaty. With aspirations of support from right-wing voters, all
candidates with low levels of poll support for the nomination took
this same "sabre-rattling" stand.[138][139] By
early 1988, the moderates (Bush and Dole) were clearly the
front-runners and Kemp was battling with Pat Robertson as the conservative
alternative to the moderates.[140]
He used a somewhat negative advertising campaign that seemed to
have the intended initial effect of boosting him to serious
contention.[141] His
1988 campaign was based on the platform of supply-side economics
and inner-city enterprise zones.[8] In
Bare Knuckles and Back Rooms: My Life in American
Politics, campaign chairman Rollins described Kemp as a
candidate with foibles.[142]
Kemp's campaign managers say he was unmanageable: he ignored timers
on his speeches, refused to call contributors, and refused to
practice for debates. A humbling Super Tuesday, in which his
39 delegate total was fewer than eventual nominee and
President Bush and both Dole and Pat Robertson, ended his
campaign.[5][8]
After withdrawing from the race, he was still considered a
contender for the Vice President nomination.[143] In
1989, the Kemps switched their official residence from Hamburg, New York to Bethesda, Maryland,[144]
their current residence.[9]
In 1994, Kemp's 1988 campaign reached a settlement with the Federal Election Commission
by agreeing to pay $120,000 in civil penalties for 1988 campaign
election law violations for, among other things, excessive
contributions, improper direct corporate donations, press
overbilling, exceeding spending limits in Iowa and New Hampshire, and failure to reimburse
corporations for providing air transportation.[145]
Cabinet
(1989–1993)
As a so-called "bleeding-heart conservative", Kemp was a logical
choice for Bush as the Secretary
of Housing and Urban Development,[146]
whose job would be to foster public sector and private sector
methods to meet the demands of public housing.[147]
However, the scandals of Reagan's Secretary of Housing and Urban
Development Samuel
Pierce and the neglect of the president were obstacles from the
start, and Kemp was unsuccessful at either of his major
initiatives: enacting enterprise zones and promoting public housing
tenant ownership.[148]
The goal of these two plans was to change public housing into
tenant-owned residences and to lure industry and business into
inner cities with federal incentives.[149]
Although Kemp did not affect much policy as HUD's director, he
cleaned up HUD's reputation,[148][150] and
developed a plan to salvage the troubled Federal Housing
Administration.[151] He
halted or revamped corrupt programs and developed an antidrug
offensive,[152][153]
which enabled him to collaborate with Director of the National Drug Control
Policy Bill
Bennett.[154] He
supported "Operation Clean Sweep" and similar movements to prohibit
firearm possession in public housing.[153][155]
Although Kemp coaxed Bush to support a $4 billion housing
program that encouraged public housing tenants to buy their own
apartments, the Democratic Congress
only allocated $361 million to the plan.[8] In
addition to opposition in Congress, Kemp fought White House Budget Director Richard Darman,
who opposed Kemp's pet project HOPE (Homeownership and Opportunity
for People Everywhere). The project involved selling public housing
to its tenants. Darman also opposed Kemp's proposed welfare
adjustment of government offsets.[88]
HOPE was first proposed to White House chief of staff John Sununu in
June 1989 to create enterprise zones, increase subsidies for
low-income renters, expand social services for the homeless and
elderly, and enact tax changes to help first-time home buyers.[88]
Sununu opposed it at first as did most of the Cabinet, but in August 1990
Sununu, at the urging of United States Attorney
General Dick
Thornburgh, encouraged President Bush to endorse Kemp's
Economic Empowerment Task Force. However, the Persian Gulf War and the budget negotiations
overshadowed Kemp's new project.[88]
Darman battled Kemp and his allies such as Gingrich, James
Pinkerton, and Vin
Weber.[88]
The budget left him with $256 million for his plan, which Kemp
increased during some appropriations battles.[88]
Soon after Clayton Yeutter was appointed chief White
House domestic policy advisor, Kemp's Economic Empowerment Task
Force was abolished.[88]
President Bush avoided federal antipoverty issues,[156] and
instead used Kemp as a mouthpiece to speak on the administration's
low priority conservative activist agenda.[157][158]
Bush's contribution to the urban agenda had been volunteerism through his "Points of Light"
theme,[159] and
Kemp received stronger support for his ideas from Presidential
candidate Bill
Clinton.[160] By
the time of the Los Angeles
riots of 1992, Bush was a bit late in supporting enterprise
zones, tenant ownership and welfare reform:[8] Mort Zuckerman compared Bush's vision on
racial issues to that of a man riding backwards in a railroad
car.[161]
Nonetheless, the riots made Kemp a focal point of the
administration,[162][163]
even though at first, Kemp had been overlooked.[164]
However, Charles E. Schumer had probably summarized
the prospects of Kemp's success in advance best when he said in
1989, "Good ideas with money can do a whole lot. Good ideas without
money aren't probably going to do a whole lot," and the issue here
was the decision not to fund Kemp's ideas.[100]
Although Kemp was unable to procure money for his visions, he was
among the administration's leading users of first
class corporate jets.[165] He
cited lingering effects from a knee injury as the reason he had to
fly first class at government expense as the Housing Secretary.[39]
Generally, his time as Housing Secretary was considered
unsuccessful.[5]
However, although he could not get federal funding for empowerment
zones passed during his tenure, by 1992 38 states had created
empowerment zones,[166] and
in 1994 $3.5 billion was approved for them under President
Clinton.[167] A
free market Kemp initiative to allow homeowners to subdivide their
houses for the purpose of creating rental units without inordinate
bureaucracy did not get executed under the Clinton administration,
however.[168] In
1992, with H. Ross Perot mounting a formidable
campaign, Kemp was again considered a Vice Presidential
candidate.[169][170]
Kemp was partly at fault for not achieving either of his primary
goals because he did not get along with the rest of the
Cabinet.[88]
At one point, Kemp told James Baker, White House Chief of Staff,
that Bush's best chance to win re-election was to dump his economic
advisors in dramatic fashion.[171]
Before the 1992 Republican
National Convention, Kemp and six prominent Republican
conservatives prepared a controversial memo urging Bush to revise
his economic policy.[172]
Contemporaneously, conservative Republicans in office and in the
media such as William F. Buckley, Jr. and George Will felt Dan Quayle should be
ousted in favor of Kemp.[173]
This followed Kemp's reference to parts of the President's economic
policy as "gimmicks" after the 1992 State of the
Union Address.[174]
Kemp was respected within the party for opposing Bush,[175]
and towards the end of Bush's administration insiders recognized
his value.[176]
In late 1991, 81 of the 166 Republican Congressmen signed a letter
co-authored by Curt
Weldon and Dan
Burton requesting that Bush cede some domestic authority to
Kemp as a "domestic policy czar."[175]
The letter, highlighting Kemp's "energy, enthusiasm and national
clout", insulted Bush.[177]
Kemp was a bit of a surprise to stay in the Bush Cabinet for the
duration of his presidency,[178] and
he was described as one of the few Bush Administration members who
would take tough stands.[179]
Kemp did not expect to be retained if the Republicans were
reelected in 1992,[180] and
some pundits agreed with him.[176]
Post-HUD years
(1993–1996)
Kemp gave public speeches for $35,000 apiece between his time as
Housing Secretary and his Vice Presidential nomination. By 1994,
Kemp had embarked on 241 fund-raising dinners to raise
$35 million for a 1996 Presidential bid and to pay off his
1988 campaign debts.[8]
After stepping down from his $189,000 Secretary of Housing and
Urban Development job, Kemp personally earned $6.9 million in
the next three years, primarily for speaking on behalf of local
Republican candidates.[87][181]
During the Super Bowl XXVIII festivities, Kemp
hosted a notable fundraiser series.[182]
Kemp was considered the star of the 1992 Republican National
Convention.[183] In
1992 and 1993, Kemp was considered the favorite or co-favorite for
the 1996 Presidential nomination.[184][185][186] At
the time of the 1994 mid-term
elections, Kemp was widely anticipated to announce his
candidacy for 1996,[187] and
his supporters wanted a formal announcement by the end of the
year.[188] In
January 1995, Kemp's stated reason for not entering the
1996 Republican Party presidential primaries was that his
personal beliefs were out of balance with the contemporary
Republican political landscape: Kemp opposed term limits, he always preferred tax cuts to
anything resembling a balanced
budget amendment and, unlike most Republicans, favored federal
incentives to combat urban poverty.[189][190] In
1995, Gloria
Borger noted Kemp was not in step with the 1994 Contract with America.[191]
Kemp also noted a distaste for the vast fundraising necessary for a
Presidential campaign.[192]
Gergen stated that by 1996 the selection process had become so
expensive, mean and personally invasive that it discouraged several
top Republicans from running.[193] In
1995, while the world awaited the campaign decision announcement by
Colin Powell, Kemp
had positive thoughts on the prospect of such a campaign.[194]
Senate Majority Leader Dole and Gingrich
appointed Kemp to head a tax reform commission in response to voter
concern that the tax code had become too complicated.[195]
Kemp championed many issues including the flat tax,[82]
which he formally proposed after he was appointed.[196][197][198]
The proposal included some politically popular income tax deductions,
such as mortgage interest,[199] but
it remained fairly general.[200]
Among the 1996 Republican Party candidates, both Steve Forbes and Phil Gramm proposed the
flat tax.[198][201]
During the campaign, Kemp's endorsement was highly coveted.[202][203]
Forbes had tried to get Kemp to run in the 1996 campaign, but Kemp
declined and in fact endorsed Forbes just as Dole was closing in on
the nomination, and just after Dole gained the endorsements of
former contenders Lamar Alexander and Richard Lugar.[8][204]
Some feel the primary reason for the endorsement was to keep the
flat tax idea and other supply-side views alive.[205][206]
Many thought Kemp had destroyed his own political future with the
endorsement, and Kemp profusely apologized to Dole's campaign
offices.[8]
After it became clear Dole would be the nominee, Kemp attempted to
form a bipartisan seminar with Felix Rohatyn to
produce a fiscal plan that could be endorsed by both parties.[207]
Kemp was also outspoken on immigration on around this time:
according to Kemp's interpretation of a scientific index that he
and Bennett support, "immigrants are a blessing, not a curse."[208] In
1994, Kemp and Bennett opposed California ballot Proposition 187, a measure to bar illegal
immigrants from obtaining public services, in direct opposition to
first-term Republican California Governor Pete Wilson, one of its endorsers who was
running for re-election.[209][210]
Republican Senate candidate Michael Huffington had also endorsed
the proposition.[211]
Kemp supported rights for illegal immigrants, but opposed Lamar Smith and
Alan
Simpson's proposed restrictions on legal immigration.[212]
Vice Presidential
nomination (1996)
Bob Dole and Kemp were
featured on the cover of
Time magazine, but were nearly
displaced by a story about
Mars
(inset on cover)
Kemp had a reputation as the highest-profile progressive
Republican. When Dole declined an invitation to speak to the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People, he suggested
Kemp as a substitute even before Kemp had become the Vice
Presidential nominee.[213] On
August 5, 1996, Dole announced a 15% flat tax in response to both
the Forbes campaign and Kemp's tax reform commission. Several of
Dole's other campaign ideas came from Kemp and Bill Bennett's Empower America, which had Jeane
Kirkpatrick, Weber, Forbes and Alexander as principals. For
example, Dole borrowed Kirkpatrick's tough foreign policy,
Bennett's "right conduct" and even Alexander's school choice
interest.[214]
Bennett declined the offer to be Dole's running mate, but
suggested Kemp,[215] a
man described as Dole's antagonist.[216] On
August 16, 1996,[217]
the Republican Party chose
Kemp as its 1996 vice presidential
nominee, running alongside former Senator Dole. Kemp was seen
as a means to attract conservative and libertarian-minded
voters like those of tough nomination-challengers Forbes and Pat Buchanan.[218]
Kemp was chosen over Connie Mack, John McCain, and Carroll Campbell,[219] and
it is assumed that this was partly because Kemp had several former
staffers in influential positions as Dole's senior advisors.[220]
Dole had had a long history of representing the budget-balancing
faction of the Party, while Kemp had had a long history of
representing the tax-cutting advocates,[221]
and Kemp's tax-cutting fiscal track record was seen as the perfect
fit for the ticket.[222]
When Kemp became Dole's running mate in 1996, they appeared on the
cover of the August 19, 1996 issue of Time magazine,[223] but
the pair barely edged out a story on the reported discovery of extraterrestrial life on Mars, which was so close to being the
cover story that Time inset it on the cover and wrote
about how difficult the decision was.[224]
The two politicians had a storied history stemming from
alternative perspectives and objectives. Dole was a longstanding
conservative deficit-hawk who had even voted against John F.
Kennedy's tax cuts, while Kemp was an outspoken supply-sider.
In the early 1980s, according to David Stockman, Kemp convinced Reagan to
make a 30 percent across-the-board tax cut a central 1980 presidential
campaign feature. Once Reagan was elected, Dole was the Senate Finance Committee Chairman who Kemp
claims resisted the plan every step of the way. Dole concedes he
expressed reservations about the 1981 plan. The big confrontation
came after the tax plan was approved and after Dole subsequently
proposed tax increases that he referred to as reforms. Kemp was
vocal in his opposition to the reforms and even penned an op-ed piece in The New York
Times, which enraged Dole. Reagan supported the reforms at
Dole's request, causing Kemp to summon allies to meetings to stop
the act, which eventually passed in 1982.[225]
At the 1984 Republican National Convention, Kemp, along with allies
such as Gingrich and Lott, added a plank to the party platform that
put President Reagan on record as ruling out tax increases.
Gingrich called this action "Dole-proofing" the platform, and the
plank passed over Dole's opposition. Then, in 1985, Dole proposed
an austere budget that barely passed in the senate with appendectomy patient Pete Wilson casting the tieing vote and
Vice President Bush casting the deciding vote. In meetings with the
President that excluded Dole, Kemp reworked the budget to exclude
crucial Social Security
cutbacks. This is said to have been Dole's most crushing political
defeat and to have contributed to the Republican loss of control of
the Senate. During the 1988 Presidential election, the two
antagonized each other. After Bush won and Kemp left Congress for
the Cabinet, the two did not really cross paths again until 1996,
when Kemp endorsed Dole's opponent Forbes on the eve of the New
York Primary in March.[225]
Dole despised Kemp's economic theories,[85]
but he felt Kemp-like tax cuts offered his best chance at electoral
success.[226] For
his part, Kemp had to make concessions as well: he had to back
expelling the children of illegal immigrants from public schools
despite his longstanding opposition to Proposition 187 and
mute his opposition to abolishing affirmative-action programs in
California.[217][227]
Some derided Kemp for his compromise and referred to him as a "con
artist."[228]
From the outset of their campaign, Dole-Kemp trailed,[229] and
they faced skeptics even from within the party.[230]
However, Kemp was able to use the nomination to promote his
opposition to Clinton's partial birth abortion ban veto.[231]
During the campaign, Kemp and Forbes advocated for a stronger stand
on tax cutting than Dole used.[232][233]
However, in general, the opinion was that Kemp was helpful to the
ticket's chances of catching Bill Clinton,[234][235][236] and
Kemp's advocacy gave a clear picture of the tax reforms that would
likely occur on the condition of a successful campaign.[237]
Kemp was seen as likely to influence several types of swing
voters, especially those of his native state of California,[221]
and even the Democrats feared Kemp might lure voters.[228]
After receiving the nomination, Kemp became the ticket’s
spokesman for minorities and the inner-city.[238][239][240] Due
to agreement on the self-help policy that Louis Farrakhan
has endorsed in many fora including the Million Man
March, Kemp in a sense aligned himself with Farrakhan.[241][242]
However, Farrakhan is perceived as being anti-Semitic,[242]
and Kemp is considered an ally of Republican Jews.[243]
This issue necessitated some political sidestepping.[242]
As the nominee, Kemp at times overshadowed Dole.[231]
In fact, more than once, Kemp was described as if he was the
Presidential nominee.[231][244] In
addition to having overshadowed Dole, despite the negative ad
campaigns that the ticket used, Kemp was a very positive running
mate who relied on a pep
rally type of campaign tour full of football-related metaphors
and hyperbole.[245]
Although some enjoyed Kemp's style, referring to him as the Good
Shepherd,[245]
his detractors, such as U.S. News & World
Report writer Steven V. Roberts, criticized the
extensive use of recounting stories of passing balls relative
to the use of recounting stories of passing bills.[246]
During the campaign, Kemp expressed the opinion that the Republican
party leaders did not stand behind the ticket wholeheartedly.[247]
Despite Kemp's voice on minority issues, Colin Powell's support and
polls that showed about 30% of blacks identified themselves as
conservatives on issues such as school prayer, school vouchers and criminal
justice, the Republicans were unable to improve upon historical
support levels from African-American voters.[248]
Both Gore and Kemp had Presidential aspirations, which induced
pursuit of debate on a higher plane.[249] In
addition, Gore and Kemp were long-time friends, unlike Gore and his
previous Vice Presidential opponent Quayle. Thus, as debaters they
avoided personal attacks.[250]
However, some felt Kemp failed to counter substantive attacks.[251] In
the final October 9, 1996 Vice Presidential Debate against Al Gore (held as the Dole–Kemp
ticket trailed badly in the national polls), Kemp was soundly
beaten,[252][253] and
Al Gore's performance is considered one of the best modern debate
performances.[254] The
debate topics ranged broadly from the usual such as abortion and
foreign policy to the unusual such as an incident preceding the
then-current baseball
playoffs, in which Roberto Alomar, the Baltimore
Orioles' second baseman, cursed and spat on an umpire.[255][256] The
Mexico policy debate was one of the more interesting topics for
critical review.[257] The
Gore victory was not a surprise since Kemp had been outmatched by
Gore in previous encounters,[86]
and Gore had a reputation as an experienced and vaunted
debater.[258]
Legacy
His legacy includes the Kemp–Roth Tax Cut
of the 1980s, also known as the first of two "Reagan tax cuts."
These served as the foundation of supply-side economics, known as
Reaganomics. Many Republicans have endorsed
this Laffer Curve view that tax cuts spur economic growth and reduce deficits. Although George H. W.
Bush called this philosophy voodoo economics, George W. Bush and his Treasury
Secretary, John W.
Snow, were believers.[259]
Kemp is also remembered alongside George Wallace and William Jennings Bryan for
influencing history by changing the direction of presidential
elections despite their defeats.[260]
In the early 21st century, Kemp continued to be considered along
with Reagan as the politician most responsible for the
implementation of supply-side tax cuts and along with Steve Forbes as the
political figure most responsible for their continued place in the
marketplace of political ideas.[261] He
has been described as a beacon of economic conservatism and a hero
for his urban agenda.[262][263]
Today, he continues to be described as a hero to fiscal
conservatives who believe that free markets and low taxes work
better than government bureaucracies.[98][264]
Kemp was considered the leader of the progressive conservatives who
adhere to the hard right on social issues, but avoid protectionist
fiscal and trade policy.[265]
In addition to Roth, he has had numerous political allies. At
times, he collaborated with Gingrich and Lott on deregulation and
tax cuts,[5][266]
collaborated with McCain and Phil Gramm on tax cuts and spending
restraints,[267]
legislated with and campaigned for Joseph
Lieberman,[268] and
fought poverty with James Pinkerton.[88]
Pete du Pont was a progressive conservative
ally.[265]
After retiring from Congress and serving in the Cabinet, Kemp
remained close to Gingrich, Lott, Weber and Mack.[8][191][269]
Kemp was a member of the federal committee to promote Martin Luther King, Jr. Day
as a national
holiday.[234]
As a progressive voter, he has civil rights leaders
such as Benjamin
Hooks, Andrew
Young and Coretta Scott King and conservative black intellectuals like Glenn C. Loury and Robert L. Woodson as
supporters and friends.[100]
He boasted of having Democratic friends such as William H. Gray III, Charles B.
Rangel and Robert
Garcia.[7]
Ken Blackwell
was a Deputy Secretary under Kemp.[270]
During the Reagan presidency, when Kemp was able to effect tax
cutting, a leading United States Senate tax-cutting
proponent was Democrat Bill Bradley, a former basketball star.[271]
Several American football players have followed Kemp to Congress:
Steve
Largent,[272] J. C. Watts,[273][274] and
Heath Shuler.[275]
Late
career
In 1993, Kemp, Bennett, Kirkpatrick and financial backer Theodore Forstmann co-founded the free market advocacy group Empower
America,[81][276]
which later merged with Citizens for a Sound
Economy to form Freedom Works. Empower America represented
the populist wing of the
party: while avoiding divisive issues such as abortion and gay
rights, it promoted free markets and growth over balancing the
budget and cutting the deficit.[277][278] He
resigned as Co-Chairman of Freedom Works in March 2005 after the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI) questioned his ties to Samir Vincent, a Northern
Virginia oil trader implicated in the U.N. Oil-for-food scandal who pled guilty
to four criminal charges, including illegally acting as an
unregistered lobbyist of the Iraqi government
of Saddam
Hussein.[279]
Testimony about Kemp became prominent in the trial.[280]
Also, FBI informant
Richard Fino tied Kemp to James Cosentino just weeks before the
1996 election.[281]
By 1996, Kemp had been named a director of six corporate boards. He was a director for
Hawk Corporation, IDT Corporation,
CNL Hotels and Resorts, InPhonic, Cyrix Corporation and American Bankers Insurance
Group.[282][283]
Kemp served on the board of Oracle Corporation, which is owned
by friend Larry
Ellison,[284]
since 1996 and was named to the board of Six Flags, Inc. in December 2005.[285]
Kemp opted not to stand for re-election to IDT's board in 2006.[286] He
also served on the Habitat for
Humanity Board of Directors,[287]
and served on the board of Atlanta-based software
maker EzGov Inc.[288]
Kemp also served on the Board of Directors of Election.com,[289]
which was the private company that ran the world's first election
on the internet (won by Al Gore), the 2000 Arizona Democratic
Primary. Kemp was the founder and chairman of Kemp Partners, a
strategic consulting firm that helps clients achieve both business
and public policy goals.
In addition to corporate boards of directors, Kemp served on
several advisory boards such as the UCLA School of Public
Policy Advisory Board, and the Toyota Diversity Advisory Board
as well as the Howard University Board of Trustees,
on which he served since 1993.[287]
On March 25, 2003, Kemp was selected as Chairman of the Board of Directors of USA Football, a
national advocacy group for amateur football created by the National Football League (NFL)
and the NFL Players
Association. The organization supports Pop Warner, American Youth Football, Boys
and Girls Clubs Of America, National
Recreation and Park Association, Police Athletic League, YMCA and the Amateur Athletic Union.[9]
He was also vice president of NFL Charities.
In the late 1990s, Kemp remained outspoken on political issues:
he was critical of Clinton's International Monetary Fund
lax policies toward South Korea.[290] In
early 1998, he was a serious contender for the 2000 United
States presidential election, but his campaign possibilities
faltered,[291] and
he instead endorsed eventual winner George W. Bush. Kemp continued
his political advocacy for reform of taxation, Social Security and
education.[9]
When a 1997 budget surplus was earmarked for debt repayment, Kemp
opposed the plan in favor of tax cuts.[292]
Along with John
Ashcroft and Alan Krueger, he endorsed reform of payroll taxes to eliminate double
taxation.[293] In
addition to his fiscal and economic policies, Kemp advocated
against abortion when
Congress was considering a bill banning intact dilation and
extractions.[294] He
also advocates for retired NFL veterans on issues such as
cardiovascular screening, assisted living, disability benefits,
and the 2007 joint replacement program.[295] He
has argued in support of reforming immigration laws.[296] In
the late 1990s, Kemp also was a vocal advocate for free market
reform in Africa, arguing that
the continent had great economic growth potential if it could shed
autocratic and statist governmental
policies.[297]
In 1997, when Gingrich was embroiled in a House ethics
controversy, Kemp served as an intermediary between Dole and Gingrich to
save the Republican Party leader.[298]
Later, in 2002, when Lott made caustic remarks about Strom Thurmond,
Kemp was upset, and he supported Lott's apology, saying he had
encouraged him to "repudiate segregation in every
manifestation."[299]
Kemp was among the prominent leaders who pledged to raise money in
2005 for Scooter Libby's defense when he was charged
with perjury and obstruction of justice in a case
regarding the release of Central Intelligence Agency
information.[300]
In 2006, Kemp, along with 2004 vice-presidential nominee John Edwards,
co-chaired the Council on Foreign
Relations task force on Russia,[301]
producing a document called "Russia’s Wrong Direction: What the
United States Can and Should Do".[302]
After their task force roles ended, the pair advocated solutions to
poverty in America at various fora.[303]
On January 6, 2008, Kemp endorsed McCain in the
2008 Republican presidential primaries shortly before the New
Hampshire primary, which surprised conservative Republican tax
cutters.[304]
However, as McCain neared the official nomination, the press
associated McCain with Kemp more and more.[305]
Kemp prepared an open letter to Sean Hannity, Rush Limbaugh, Laura Ingraham and other conservative talk show hosts on McCain's
behalf to quell their dissatisfactions.[264][264][306][307] In
addition, Kemp and Phil Gramm advised McCain on economic
policy.[308]
In February 2008, Kemp was associated with a group called
"Defense of Democracies" that was advocating an electronic surveillance bill that failed in
the House of Representatives. The group's television ad caused
such controversy that some of its advisors, including Schumer and
Donna Brazile,
resigned.[309]
Kemp donated to Pepperdine University's School of
Public Policy to establish the Jack F. Kemp Institute of Political
Economy.[310]
Wayne Angell, James Baker, Bennett,
Michael
Boskin, Edwin
Feulner, Forbes, George Gilder, Carla Hills, Larry
Kudlow, Laffer, Ed Meese, Mundell, Michael Novak, and Watts endorsed the
Institute and agreed to lecture at Pepperdine, and to serve on an
advisory committee.[311] The
Institute would create The Jack F. Kemp Library to house Kemp's
papers; establish the Jack F. Kemp Distinguished Visiting Chair;
and fund annual public lectures and conferences at the School.[310]
Illness and
death
On January 7, 2009, Kemp's office issued a statement announcing
that he was battling cancer;
the type of cancer and the anticipated treatment were not
announced. His diagnosis and prognosis were never publicly disclosed.
However, he continued to serve as chairman of his Washington-based
Kemp Partners consulting firm and continued his involvement in
charitable and political work until his death.[312][313]
On May 2, 2009, Kemp died at his home in Bethesda, Maryland from
cancer; he was 73.[314]
President Barack
Obama praised Kemp's work on race, adding that Kemp understood
that divisions involving race and class stood in the way of the
country's common goals.[315]
Former President George W. Bush said that Kemp "will be
remembered for his significant contributions to the Reagan
Revolution and his steadfast dedication to conservative principles
during his long and distinguished career in public service."[314]
Electoral
history
Books
In addition to authoring significant legislation as a
congressman, Kemp has authored or co-authored several books:
- An American Idea: Ending Limits to Growth,
(Washington, DC: American Studies Center, 1984, no ISBN)
- Tax policy and the
economy : a debate between Michael Harrington and
Representative Jack Kemp, April 25, 1979., (New York,
N.Y. : Institute for Democratic Socialism, 1979, no ISBN)
- An American Renaissance: Strategy for the 1980s, (ISBN
0-06-012283-8, Harper & Row, 1979)
- The IRS v. The People, (ISBN 0-891-95077-X, Heritage
Books, 2005) Authored by Ken Blackwell and edited by Kemp
- Trusting the People : The Dole-Kemp Plan to Free the
Economy and Create a Better America, (ISBN 0-694-51804-2
audiobook, ASIN B000OEV5RE HarperCollins, 1996) coauthored with Bob
Dole, narrated by Christine Todd Whitman
- Together We Can Meet the Challenge : Winning the Fight
Against Drugs, (ISBN 9780788102721, U.S. Department of Housing
and Urban Development, 1994)
- Pro Sports: Should the Government Intervene?, (ISBN
9780844720975, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy
Research, 1977)
- 'U.S. By the Numbers: What's Left, Right & Wrong with
America, (ISBN 9781892123145, Capital Books, Incorporated,
2000) with Raymond J. Keating, and Thomas N. Edmonds
- Our Communities, Our Homes: Pathways to Housing and
Homeownership in America's Cities and States, (ISBN
9780976148111, Joint Center for Housing Studies, 2007) with Henry G. Cisneros, Kent W. Colton, and
Nicolas P. Retsinas
Kemp also wrote the foreword to several books:
- Reaganomics: Supply Side Economics in Action (ISBN
0-87000-505-7, Westport, Conn. : Arlington House, 1981) by
Bruce R Bartlett with Arthur Laffer
- Raoul
Wallenberg: Angel of Rescue by Harvey Rosenfeld (ISBN
0879751770, Prometheus Books, 1982)
- Best Editorial Cartoons of the Year: 1986 Edition by
Charles Brooks (ed.) (ISBN 9780882896052, Pelican Publishing
Company, Incorporated, 1986)
- Leadership Is Common Sense by Herman Cain (ISBN
9781930819023, Tapestry Press, 2001)
- Whole World's Watching: Decarbonizing the Economy and
Saving the World by Martyn Turner and Brian O'Connell (ISBN
9780471499817, Wiley, John & Sons, Incorporated, 2001)
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External
links
| Persondata |
| NAME |
Jack French Kemp |
| ALTERNATIVE
NAMES |
|
| SHORT
DESCRIPTION |
United States Congressman, Professional football
quarterback |
| DATE OF BIRTH |
July 13, 1935 |
| PLACE OF
BIRTH |
Los
Angeles, California |
| DATE OF DEATH |
May 2, 2009 |
| PLACE OF
DEATH |
|