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John Dudley
John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland.png
Born 1504
Died 22 August 1553
Tower Hill, London
Cause of death Decapitation
Resting place St. Peter ad Vincula, London
Title Duke of Northumberland
Tenure 1551–1553
Other titles Viscount Lisle
Earl of Warwick
Known for De facto ruling England, 1550–1553
Nationality English
Residence Ely Place, London
Durham House, London
Syon House, London
Dudley Castle
Wars and battles French campaign, 1522–1524
The Rough Wooing
Boulogne campaign, 1544
Battle of the Solent
Battle of Pinkie
Ket's Rebellion
Campaign against Mary Tudor, 1553
Offices Vice-Admiral
Lord Admiral
Governor of Boulogne
President of the Council in the Marches
Lord Great Chamberlain
Grand Master of the Royal Household
Earl Marshal of England
Lord President of the Council
Warden General of the Scottish Marches
Spouse(s) Jane Guildford
Issue Henry Dudley
Thomas Dudley (died as a child)
John Dudley, 2nd Earl of Warwick
Ambrose Dudley, 3rd Earl of Warwick
Mary Sidney
Robert Dudley, 1st Earl of Leicester
Henry Dudley
Guilford Dudley
Catherine Dudley (died as a child)
Catherine Hastings, Countess of Huntingdon
Charles Dudley (died as a child)
Temperance Dudley (died as a child)
Margaret Dudley (died as a child)
Parents Edmund Dudley
Elizabeth Grey

John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland KG (1504[1] – 22 August 1553) was a Tudor general, admiral and politician, who de facto ruled England from 1550–1553 in the latter half of King Edward VI's reign.[2] At Edward's death his attempt to put his daughter-in-law, Lady Jane Grey, on the English throne failed, resulting in his being sentenced and executed for high treason.

Contents

Career under Henry VIII

John Dudley was the eldest of five children of Edmund Dudley, a councillor of King Henry VII, and Elizabeth Grey, daughter of Edward Grey, Viscount Lisle.[3] His father was attainted and executed for high treason in 1510, having been arrested immediately after the accession of Henry VIII, who needed scapegoats for Henry VII's unpopular financial policies.[4] In 1512 Sir Edward Guildford became guardian of the eight-year old John, who was taken into his household.[5] Edmund Dudley's attainder was lifted, as the King hoped for the good services "which the said John Dudley is likely to do";[5] John Dudley was restored "in name and blood".[5] He took part as Edward Guilford's lieutenant in the campaign of 1523 in France, under the king's brother-in-law, Charles Brandon, 1st Duke of Suffolk, winning a knighthood for his gallantry.[6] In 1524 he became a Knight of the Body, a special mark of the King's favour.[7] He excelled in wrestling, archery, and the tournaments of the royal court, being "the most skilful of his generation, both on foot and on horseback", as a French report stated as late as 1546. As Master of the Tower Armoury he was responsible for the King's body armour from 1534.[8]

Around 1525 Dudley married Guildford's only child, Jane, who was five years his junior.[9] They had thirteen children. As is evident from letters, John Dudley was a family man and the "love and devotion" in his marriage was praised in a 1535 poem.[10] The Dudleys belonged to the new evangelical circles from the early 1530s.[11] Their children were educated in the spirit of Renaissance humanism by the best tutors of the times.[12] Sir Edward Guilford died in 1534 without a written will and the Guilford estate was disputed between Dudley and his wife and Guilford's nephew, John, who asserted that his uncle had intended him to inherit. The parties went to court and Dudley, having secured the patronage of Thomas Cromwell, won the case.[13] Soon, he exchanged most of his inheritance for the baronial estate of his cousin, John Sutton, 3rd Lord Dudley, who had mortgaged all of it to acquire ready cash. Sir John Dudley's landed estate was now concentrated around the West Midlands.[14]

Dudley was present at Henry VIII's meeting with Francis I of France at Calais in 1532, another member of the entourage being Anne Boleyn, soon to be Queen. He took part in the christenings of Princess Elizabeth and Prince Edward,[15] and in connection with the announcement of the Prince's birth to the Emperor travelled to Spain via France in 1537.[16] In January 1537 Dudley was made vice-admiral and began to apply himself with enthusiasm to naval matters.[17] He was, briefly, Master of the Horse to Anne of Cleves,[8] and in 1542 was granted his long-deceased mother's title, Viscount Lisle.[18] Being now a peer, he was raised to be Lord Admiral and a Knight of the Garter in 1543; he was also admitted to the Privy Council.[19] In the Scottish Marches Dudley served as Warden from 1542, and in the 1544 campaign the English force under Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford was supported by a fleet commanded by Dudley. He joined the land force which destroyed Edinburgh, after Dudley had blown the main gate apart with a culverin.[20] In late 1544 he was made Governor of Boulogne, the siege of which had cost the life of his eldest son, Henry.[21] Dudley's task was to rebuild the fortifications according to King Henry's design and to fend off French attacks by sea and land.[22]

Lord Admiral John Dudley, Viscount Lisle welcomed King Henry VIII on board the Great Harry in 1545.

As Lord Admiral Dudley was responsible for the creation of the Council for Marine Causes, an office making English naval administration the most efficient in Europe.[23] "A dashing commander at sea",[23] Dudley's orders show him to have been in the forefront of innovative tactical thinking.[24] In 1545 he directed the operations of the fleet in the Battle of the Solent and entertained King Henry on the flagship Henri Grace a Dieu the night before. A low point was the sinking of the Mary Rose with 500 men on board.[25] In 1546 John Dudley went to France for peace negotiations. When he suspected the Admiral of France, Claude d'Annebault, of manoeuvres which might lead to a renewal of hostilities he suddenly put to sea, demonstrating English strength before returning to the negotiating table.[26] He then travelled to Fontainebleau where he enjoyed the hospitality of the Dauphin Henri and King Francis I, who ratified the Peace of Camp, a success for England as for the Lord Admiral.[27]

John Dudley, increasingly popular and acknowledged to be England's finest general,[28] became an intimate of the King, often playing cards with him as the royal health declined. The Reformed party was in the ascendant.[29] Next Edward Seymour, Prince Edward's maternal uncle, John Dudley was one of their leaders and both their wives were among the friends of Anne Askew, the Protestant martyr destroyed by the conservative party around Bishop Stephen Gardiner in July 1546.[30] In September Dudley struck Gardiner in the face during a full meeting of the Council—a grave offence; Dudley was lucky to escape with a month's leave from court in disgrace.[31] With Henry's full support, Seymour and Dudley, now generally seen as a pair and likely leaders of the impending regency, embarked on neutralizing the conservative House of Howard to clear the way for a Protestant minority rule after the King's death.[32] Henry Howard's heraldic offences and aristocratic arrogance against "low people" cost him his head in January 1547, while his father, the Duke of Norfolk, only escaped the axe by the King's death.[33]

From Earl of Warwick to Duke of Northumberland

The sixteen executors of Henry VIII's will also embodied the Regency Council that was appointed to rule collectively during Edward VI's minority.[34] The new Council agreed on making Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford Lord Protector with full powers, which in effect were those of a prince.[35] At the same time, days before the nine-year-old Edward's coronation, the Council awarded themselves a round of promotions based on Henry VIII's wishes; the Earl of Hertford became the Duke of Somerset and John Dudley was created Earl of Warwick.[36][fn 1] He had to pass on his post of Lord Admiral to Thomas Seymour, the Protector's brother.[37] Somerset soon reopened the war with Scotland. Dudley accompanied the Protector as his second-in-command with a taste for personal combat. On one occasion he fought his way out of an ambush and, spear in hand, chased his Scottish counterpart for 250 yards, nearly running him through.[38] In the Battle of Pinkie Dudley led the vanguard and was "one of the key architects of the English victory".[39]

Edward Seymour, Lord Protector of England. In October 1549, beleaguered by his colleagues, he proclaimed them to have "come up of late from the dunghill ... more meet to keep service than to occupy offices".[40]

Already in 1548 and then 1549, Dudley warned Somerset that his agrarian policy and proclamations would lead to serious trouble. These were inspired by a group of intellectuals who called themselves "the commonwealth men", were highly critical of landlords, and left many commoners with the impression that enclosures were unlawful.[41] In 1549 there was widespread unrest or even rebellion all over England.[42] After William Parr, 1st Marquess of Northampton had been unable to restore order in and around Norwich,[43] Dudley was sent to get hold of Kett's Rebellion. He first offered a pardon to Kett on the condition that the peasant army disband immediately. This was rejected and the next night Dudley stormed the rebel-held city with a small mercenary contingent and drove the rebels out. Two days later Kett, who had his main camp outside the city, confronted the royal army in what resulted in a slaughter with some 2,000 dead peasants. The Earl of Warwick took many prisoners and executed about a dozen "captains".[44] He warned the enraged and humiliated local gentlemen not to be excessive in their revenge: "Is there no place for pardon? ... What shall we then do? Shall we hold the plough ourselves, play the carters and labour the ground with our own hands?"[45]

The Lord Protector, in his proclamations, appealed to the common people;[46] to his colleagues, whom he hardly consulted,[47] he displayed a distinctly autocratic and "increasingly contemptuous" face.[46] By the autumn of 1549 the same councillors who had made him Protector were convinced that he had failed to exercise proper authority while being unwilling to listen to good counsel.[48] Dudley still had troops from the Norfolk campaign at his and the Council's disposal.[49] In October 1549 he joined the former Lord Chancellor, Thomas Wriothesley, 1st Earl of Southampton, who as a leading religious conservative had been manoeuvred out of his post in 1547, to lead a coup to oust the Protector from his office. Somerset in vain fled with the King to Windsor Castle and tried to raise a popular force around London, before he surrendered and was imprisoned in the Tower.[50] Dudley and the Reformed agenda prevailed over the conservatives by appointing additional Reformed-minded councillors and gentlemen to the Council and Privy Chamber. Among the new councillors was Henry Grey, the future Duke of Suffolk.[51] In December 1549 Wriothesley tried to regain predominance by charging Dudley with treason, along with Somerset, for having been an original ally of the Protector.[52] The scheme misfired when Dudley invited the Council to his house and baffled the plotters by exclaiming, with his hand at his sword and "a warlike visage": "my lord, you seek his [Somerset's] blood and he that seeketh his blood would have mine also".[53]

Due to institutional manoeuvres John Dudley, Earl of Warwick became Lord President of the Council on 2 February 1550, with the power to debar councillors from the body and appoint new ones;[54] he excluded Wriothesley, but arranged Somerset's release and return to the Privy Council and Privy Chamber in the spring of 1550.[55] As a mark of reconciliation a grand wedding, that of Dudley's heir, John, with Somerset's daughter Anne, took place in June 1550.[51] Somerset soon began to attract political sympathizers; he hoped to re-establish his power by removing Dudley from the scene,[56] "contemplating", as he later admitted, the Lord President's arrest.[57] Relying on his popularity with the masses, he campaigned against and tried to obstruct Dudley's policies.[58] His behaviour increasingly threatened the vital cohesion within a minority regime.[59] Somerset also still held his vast landed wealth. If confiscated, this would constitute a reservoir out of which to distribute rewards without damage to the Exchequer.[60] The Earl of Warwick, by now effectively ruling the country for almost two years, aspired to a dukedom. He needed to advertise his power and impress his followers and, like his predecessor, had to represent the King's honour.[61] His elevation as Duke of Northumberland came in October 1551 with the Duke of Somerset participating in the ceremony.[62] Some days later Somerset was arrested; rumours about supposed plots of his circulated. Eventually he was accused of having planned a "banquet massacre", in which the Council were to be assaulted and Dudley killed.[63] In an event that highly contributed to Northumberland's growing unpopularity the popular Duke of Somerset was executed in January 1552 on charges which Dudley later confessed to have been trumped-up.[64][fn 2]

Ruling England

King Edward VI c.1550

Rather than aiming at the discredited role of Lord Protector, John Dudley set out to rule as primus inter pares.[65] "[He] is absolute master here", Francis van der Delft, Imperial ambassador, commented.[66] Nevertheless, the working atmosphere was conciliar rather than autocratic, as the same ambassador and others noted.[67] The new Lord President of the Council reshuffled some high offices, becoming himself Grand Master of the Household and giving Somerset's former office of Lord Treasurer to William Paulet, 1st Marquess of Winchester;[68] The office of Grand Master entailed the supervision and organization of the Royal Household, giving Dudley the means to control the Privy Chamber and thus the surroundings of the King.[69] This was done via his "special friends" (he as he called them), Sir John Gates and Lord Thomas Darcy.[70] Dudley also placed his son-in-law, Sir Henry Sidney, and his brother, Sir Andrew Dudley, near the King.[71] Overall, there was much continuity between the protectorate and Northumberland's ascendancy.[72] William Cecil was in the service of the Duke of Somerset while he gradually shifted his loyalty to Northumberland, who made him Secretary of State and thought him to be "a most faithful servant and by that term most witty [wise] councillor ... as was scarce like in this realm".[73] In this position Cecil was Dudley's trusted right hand, who primed the Privy Council according to the Lord President's wishes during the latter's frequent absences; at the same time Cecil had intimate contact with the King because Edward worked closely with the secretaries of state.[74]

Edward was brought up and educated to be a king; the whole political fabric of the minority was construed around his person.[75] Northumberland engineered his political education, with a view to the future, adult Edward. He wanted the King to grow into his authority as smoothly as possible—for the benefit of the Dudleys, but also the realm's, as the risk of disruptive conflicts when Edward would take over government could thus be minimized.[76] In the spring of 1552 the Council decided that this should happen on his 16th birthday in October 1553.[71] From the time he was about 14 Edward's signature on documents no longer needed the Council's countersignatures and the King was regularly debriefed in meetings with a Council of his own choosing, the Duke of Northumberland being among the chosen.[77] At a dinner with the Imperial ambassador Jehan de Scheyfye Edward discussed lengthily with the envoy until Northumberland discreetly indicated to the King that he had said enough.[78] Dudley was warm if respectful towards the teenager, who "loved and feared" him according to de Scheyfye.[79] Yet he the Duke did not necessarily have his way in all things: Edward's hand can be discerned behind decisions (and omissions) which were directly contrary to the Duke's stated intentions.[80] Complex networks of influence were at work at court and access to Edward was decisive; having contact with many people, the King listened to more than one voice.[81] Regarding the question to what extent Edward played a role in his own government Stephen Alford writes:

It is possible to endorse Edward's developing grasp of the business of kingship and accept the still powerful political presence of John Dudley and his colleagues. The structures of ... the ... Council and the royal household began to adapt themselves to the implications of the king's age ... the dynamics of power at the centre were capable of reshaping themselves because the men around the king accepted that, in the circumstances, they should.[82]

Policing and economy

The English people, as is evident from contemporary broadsheet ballads and alehouse talk, were generally disaffected to the men who ruled in the name of their King. Inheriting a failed government, Dudley set out to restore administrative efficiency and maintain public order to prevent renewed rebellion as in 1549.[83] This was done in a gentry-friendly way; the Council often intervened in local problems,[84] and there was direct policing against any sign of popular unrest. Select Lord Lieutenants representing the central government were licenced to retain small bands of cavalry in the King's pay. However, this special force was disbanded in the summer of 1552 to save money.[85]

In a more practical style than Somerset, but no less earnestly, John Dudley strove to alleviate the social situation.[86] The Protector's "Act for the Punishment of Vagabonds", which had stipulated that any unemployed man found loitering was to be branded and given to the "presentor" as a slave, was replaced by a law with another approach:[47] Weekly parish-based collections for "poor and impotent persons" were installed, contributors being "induced" by the parson and, if need be, by the bishop.[87] The regime's agrarian policy, the "Act for Improvement of Waste Ground" (1550) and the "Act for Tillage and Increase of Corn" (1552), distinguished between different forms of enclosures, while landlords guilty of illegal enclosures were increasingly prosecuted.[47]

The economic legacy of the Protectorate consisted, apart from crippling Crown debts, of an unprecedented debased coinage and inflation.[88] On the second day as Lord President of the Council, Dudley initiated a process to tackle the problems of the mint; his declared aim was "to have his majesty out of debt".[89] Two commissions which included himself, Walter Mildmay, and Sir William Herbert were set up. Dudley and Herbert cracked down on peculation by the officers of the mint and other institutions.[90] In 1551, an attempt to yield profit and restore confidence in the coin by issuing yet further debased coinage and "crying it down" immediately afterwards, went awry. To get hold of the resulting panic and confusion, a coin of 92.3% silver content (against 25% silver content in the last debasement) was issued within months. The bad coin prevailed over the good, however, because people had lost confidence.[91] Northumberland admitted to his colleagues that he found finance to be a puzzling and disagreeable thing, and told Lord Treasurer Winchester to find different experts to deal with it: The services of Thomas Gresham were called upon.[92] After the first good harvest in four years, by late 1552 the currency was stable, prices for basic foodstuffs had dropped, and a basis for economic recovery had been laid.[93] Tax collection practices were in a process of centralization and foreign debt had been eliminated.[94]

Religious policy

So soon as he was in power, Dudley put pressure on King Edward's half-sister Mary Tudor to stop the misuse of her private mass, which was also attended by flocks of Catholic worshippers who had nothing to do with her household. Mary was not prepared to make any concessions; she planned to flee the country but then could not make up her mind in the last minute.[95] Mary, who had in her turn never allowed the use of the Book of Common Prayer in any of her residences, invoked the help of Charles V against the Council.[96] She gave herself to an "almost hysterical fear and hatred" of Dudley, whom she blamed alone for her difficulties, not acknowledging King Edward's increasing personal initiative in the matter of her mass.[97] Ugly scenes occurred between Edward and Mary, and in 1551 Dudley clashed directly with the Princess when she compared the Privy Council unfavourably with Henry VIII: "How now my Lady? It seems that your grace is trying to show us in a hateful light to the King, our master, without any cause whatsoever."[98] In the end Mary prevailed and her mass was ignored by the government.[99]

The English Reformation went on apace under Northumberland:[100] The 1552 revised edition of the Book of Common Prayer rejected the doctrine of transubstantiation and the Forty-two Articles, issued in June 1553, proclaimed justification by faith and denied the existence of purgatory. Despite these being cherished projects of Archbishop Thomas Cranmer,[47] he was displeased with the way the government handled their issue.[101] By 1552 the relationship between the primate and the Duke was icy. To prevent the Church from becoming independent of the state, Dudley was against Cranmer's reform of canon law.[102] He recruited the Scot John Knox so that he should, in Northumberland's words, "be a whetstone to quicken and sharp the Bishop of Canterbury, whereof he hath need".[103] Refusing to collaborate, Knox chimed in in a concerted preaching campaign against covetous men in high places.[103] Cranmer's canon law was wrecked by Northumberland's furious intervention in the spring parliament of 1553.[104] On a personal level, however, the Duke was happy to assist in the production of a schoolchildren's cathechism in Latin and English.[105] In June 1553 he was equally prepared to back the Privy Council's invitation of Philip Melanchthon to become Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge University. But for the King's death, Melanchthon would have come to England—his high travel costs having already been granted by Edward's government.[106]

At the heart of Dudley's problems with the episcopate lay the issue of the Church's wealth, from the confiscation of which the government and its officials had profited ever since the Dissolution of the Monasteries. The most radical preachers thought that bishops, if needed at all, should be "unlorded".[107] This attitude was attractive to Dudley, as it conveniently allowed to fill up the Exchequer or distribute rewards using Church property. When new bishops were appointed, they had to surrender substantial land holdings to the Crown against a much lower salary.[108] The dire situation of Crown finances made the Council resort to a further wave of Church expropriation in 1552/1553, targetting chantry lands and Church plate.[109] At the time and since, the breakup and reorganization of the prince bishopric of Durham in 1552/1553 has been interpreted as Dudley's attempt to create himself a county palatine of his own. The Duke, in his original sketch for the enrichment of the King, misunderstood Durham's property structure. In the end the entire revenue available was allotted to the two successor bishoprics and the nearby border garrison of Norham Castle. Dudley received the stewardship of the new "King's County Palatine" in the North, but there was no land or revenue for him.[110] The confiscation of Church property made Northumberland hated among clerics, Reformed and conservative alike;[111] his relations with them were never worse than when the crisis of Edward's final illness approached.[112]

Peace policy

The war policy 1547–1549 had entailed an extraordinary expenditure of about ₤350,000 p.a. against a regular Crown income of ₤150,000 p.a.[113] It was impossible to continue in this way and Dudley immediately negotiated a withdrawal of the besieged English garrison at Boulogne. The high costs of the garrison could thus be saved and French payments of redemption of roughly ₤100,000 were a most welcome cash income.[114] The peace with France was concluded in the Treaty of Boulogne in March 1550. There were both public rejoicing and anger at the time, and some historians have condemned the peace as a shameful surrender of English-held territory.[115] The next year, 1551, the treaty was followed up by a marriage agreement: King Edward was to have a French bride, the six-year-old Elisabeth of Valois. The threat of war with Scotland was as well neutralized with England giving up some isolated garrisons in exchange.[116] Defences were still kept on a high level: at Calais, in the navy, on the Scottish border.[117] At Berwick-upon-Tweed a new Italianate fortress was built after Northumberland took command in the North as Warden-General of the Scottish Marches in 1550.[118] The Duke pursued a policy of neutrality that balanced between France and the Emperor, which made peace between the two warring great powers preferable. In early 1553 he undertook to bring about a European peace by English mediation. These moves were taken seriously by the rival ambassadors, but were ended in May by the belligerents as the continuance of war was more advantageous for them.[119]

Overseas interest

John Dudley had recovered the post of Lord Admiral immediately after the Protector's fall in October 1549,[120] Thomas Seymour having been executed by his brother in March 1549.[121] Dudley passed on the office to his nephew Edward Lord Clinton in May 1550, but never lost his keen interest in maritime affairs.[122] Henry VIII had revolutionized the English navy, mainly in military terms. Dudley encouraged English voyages to far-off coasts, ignoring Spanish threats.[123] He even contemplated a raid on Peru with Sebastian Cabot in 1551.[124] Expeditions to Marocco and the Guinea cost in 1551 and 1552 actually occurred. A planned voyage to China via the Northeast passage under Hugh Willoughby sailed in May 1553, King Edward watching their departure from his window.[125] Northumberland was at the centre of a "maritime revolution", a policy in which long-distance trade was increasingly sponsored directly and substantially by the English Crown.[126]

1553

Changing the succession

The fifteen-year-old King fell seriously ill in January of 1553. As a result, in February, Princess Mary was invited to visit him, the Council doing "duty and obeisance to her as if she had been Queen of England".[127] The King recovered somewhat,[128] and in April Northumberland restored Mary's full title and arms as Princess of England to her, which she had lost in her father's time. Thus her status as "second person in the kingdom" was underlined.[129] He also kept Mary informed about Edward's condition.[130] About this time a set of drawn-out marriage negotiations came to conclusion.[131] On 21 May 1553 and the followig days three weddings took place: Guilford Dudley, the youngest son of Northumberland, was matched with Lady Jane Grey, who was the daughter of the Duke of Suffolk and, through her mother Frances Brandon, a grandniece of Henry VIII. Her sister, Catherine, wedded the heir of the Earl of Pembroke, and another Catherine, Guilford's younger sister, was given to Henry Hastings, heir of the Earl of Huntingdon. Within a month the first of these marriages turned out to be highly significant. Although marked by magnificent festivities, at the time the weddings took place they were not seen as politically important, not even by the Imperial ambassador Jehan de Scheyfye, the most suspicious observer. Often seen as proof of a conspiracy to bring the Dudley family to the throne, they have also been described as routine matches between aristocrats.[132]

"My devise for the Succession" by Edward VI. Edward changed his text from "L Janes heires masles" to "L Jane and her heires masles".

At some point during his illness Edward wrote a draft document headed "My devise for the Succession".[133] Due to his ardent Protestantism Edward did not want his Catholic sister Mary to succeed, but he was also preoccupied with male succession and legitimacy, which in Mary's and Elizabeth's case was qestionable as a result of Henry VIII's legislation.[134][fn 3] In the first version of his device, written before he knew to be mortally ill, Edward bypassed his half-sisters and provided for the succession of male heirs only.[135][fn 4] At the end of May Edward's condition worsened dramatically and the royal physicians intimated that his case was hopeless. Probably around this time Edward corrected his draft as to the effect that Lady Jane Grey herself, not just her putative sons, could inherit the Crown.[136] To what extent Edward's document and especially this last change was influenced by Northumberland, his confidant John Gates, or still other members of the Privy Chamber, like Edward's tutor John Cheke or Secretary William Petre, is unclear.[137] Edward fully endorsed it.[138] He personally supervised the copying out of his will and twice summoned lawyers to his bedside to give them instructions. On the second occasion, 15 June, Northumberland kept a watchful eye over the proceedings,[139] after having intimidated the judges who had raised legal objections to the "devise". In full Council Northumberland had lost his temper "being in a great rage and fury, trembling for anger."[140] Next the Duke and 23 others entered an engagement to perform the King's will after his death, again signed in Edward's presence.[141] The King's official "declaration", issued as letters patent, was signed by 102 notables, among them the whole Privy Council, other peers and bishops, judges, and London aldermen.[142] It was also planned to pass it in parliament.[143]

It was now common knowledge that Edward was dying. The Imperial ambassador, Jehan de Scheyfye, had for years been convinced that Dudley was engaged in some "mighty plot" to settle the Crown on his own head.[144] As late as 12 June, though, he was still ignorant of anything specific, despite having inside information about Edward's sickness.[145] Instead he reported that Northumberland would divorce his wife in order to marry Princess Elizabeth.[146] France, which found the prospect of the Emperor's cousin on the English throne disagreeable, gave indications of support to Northumberland.[147] Since the Duke did not rule out an intervention from Charles V he came back on the French offer after the King's death, sending a secret and noncommittal mission to King Henry II.[148] After Jane's accession in July the ambassadors of both powers were convinced that the plan would succeed, although they were sure that the common people backed Mary.[149] Antoine de Noailles wrote of Guilford Dudley as "the new King", while the Emperor instructed his envoys to arrange themselves with the Duke and to discourage Mary from taking the initiative.[150]

Whether the attempt to alter the succession was Edward's own idea or not, he was determinedly at work to exclude his half-sisters in favour of what he perceived as his jeopardized legacy.[151] The original provisions of the "Devise" have been described as grotesque and obsessive and as typical of a teenager, while incompatible with the mind and needs of a pragmatical politician.[152] Faced with Edward's express royal will and perseverance, probably John Dudley saw a chance to retain his power beyond the boy's lifetime.[153] At one occasion in May he asked the French ambassadors out of the blue what they would do in his place.[154] Mary's accession could cost him his head, but not necessarily so. He tried hard to please her during 1553 and may have shared the general assumption that she would succeed to the Crown, should Edward die, as late as early June.[155]

Downfall

Lady Jane Grey, whom Northumberland put on the English throne; he reminded his colleagues that "this virtuous lady ... by ... our enticement is rather of force placed therin than by her own seeking and request."[156]

Princess Mary was well-informed about Edward's illlness and well-prepared to claim her right. As soon as she had unofficially heard of her half-brother's death she sent a letter to the Council, demanding to recognize her as Queen. She had already retreated to East Anglia, where she was the greatest landowner, and began to assemble an armed following. The Council decided to continue with Edward's provisions and proclaimed Jane as queen on 10 July 1553.[157] The Duke's detailed oration, held kneeling before Jane, did not move her to accept the Crown—the forceful assistance of her parents was needed for that.[158] Dudley had not prepared for resolute action on Mary's part and needed some days to build up a force to set out to capture her.[159] He was in a dilemma over who should lead the troops. He was the most experienced general in the kingdom; on the other hand, he did not want to leave the government in the hands of his colleagues, in some of whom he had little confidence.[160] Queen Jane decided the issue by demanding that her father, the Duke of Suffolk remain with her and the Council.[161] Northumberland marched on 14 July with some 1,500 troops and some artillery, having reminded his colleagues of the gravity of the issue, "what chance of variance soever might grow amongst you in my absence".[162]

Mary's military camp was gathering strength and, due to a lucky chance, came into possession of powerful artillery from the royal navy. Under these circumstances the Duke deemed fighting a campaign hopeless;[163] the army passed a tranquil week in Cambridge and Bury St Edmunds, hearing on 20 July that the Council in London had switched allegiance and proclaimed Mary in London. Staying at Cambridge, Northumberland himself proclaimed Mary Tudor as queen at the market place.[164] He threw up his cap and "so laughed that the tears ran down his cheeks for grief."[165] The next morning the Earl of Arundel arrived to arrest the Duke and his entourage. A week earlier Arundel had assured Northumberland of his wish to spill his blood even at the Duke's feet, now Dudley went down on his knees as soon as he caught sight of him.[166] Dudley was allowed some farewell words to his captains, asking them not to resist the Council's decisions.[167] On his way to the Tower, Northumberland rode through the city of London while the guards tried hard to protect him against the hostile populace.[168]

Mary's accession was greeted with general jubilation—due to her popularity as the daughter of Henry VIII and as the lawful successor to the throne, as well as a general dislike of John Dudley.[169] A week after his arrest a pamphlet said that the "great devil Dudley ruleth, Duke I should have said".[170] He was now commonly thought to have poisoned King Edward,[171] while Mary "would have been as glad of her brother's life, as the ragged bear is glad of his death".[172] Active support for Mary had mainly come from East Anglia gentlemen and yeomen who defied their social betters or made them declare for her.[173] The French ambassador Noailles wrote: "I have witnessed the most sudden change believable in men, and I believe that God alone worked it."[174] David Loades, biographer both of Queen Mary and Northumberland, concludes that the lack of fighting clouds the fact that it was a close-run affair, warning

to explain Mary's triumph ... simply in terms of overwhelming spontaneous support. Northumberland ... was completely unprepared for the crisis which eventually overtook him. He was already losing his grip upon the situation before the council defected, and that was why they did it.[175]

Trial and execution

Northumberland was tried on 18 August 1553 in Westminster Hall.[176] The panels of the jury and judges were largely composed of his former colleagues. Dudley indicated that he had acted on the authority of King and Council and by a warrant of the Great Seal.[176] Next he asked "whether any such persons as were equally culpable of that crime ... might be his judges".[177] After sentence was passed, he begged the Queen's mercy for his five sons, the eldest of whom was condemned with him, the rest waiting for their trials.[178] He also asked to "confess to a learned divine" and was visited by Bishop Stephen Gardiner,[179] recently come out of the Tower after five years of imprisonment.[180] The Duke's execution was planned for 21 August at eight in the morning, however, it was suddenly cancelled;[181] Northumberland was instead escorted to St Peter ad Vincula, where he took the Catholic communion and professed that "the plagues that is upon the realm and upon us now is that we have erred from the faith these sixteen years."[182] This was a great propaganda coup for the new government. Dudley's words were officially distributed, especially in the territories of the Emperor Charles V.[183] In the evening the Duke learnt "that I must prepare myself against tomorrow to receive my deadly stroke",[184] as he wrote in a desperate plea to the Earl of Arundel: "O my good lord remember how sweet life is and how bitter ye contrary."[184] On the scaffold, before 10,000 people,[185] Dudley confessed his guilt but maintained:[186]

And yet this act wherefore I die, was not altogether of me (as it is thought) but I was procured and induced thereunto by other[s]. I was, I say, induced thereunto by other[s], howbeit, God forbid that I should name any man unto you, I will name no man unto you, and therefore I beseech you look not for it. And one thing more, good people, I have to say unto you ... and that is to warn you and exhort you to beware of these seditious preachers, and teachers of new doctrine, which pretend to preach God's word, but in very deed they preach their own fancies ... they know not today what they would have tomorrow ... they open the book, but they cannot shut it again. ... I could, good people, rehearse much more ... but you know I have another thing to do, whereunto I must prepare me, for the time draweth away. ... And after he had thus spoken he kneeled down, ... and bowing toward the block he said, I have deserved a thousand deaths, and thereupon he made a cross upon the straw, and kissed it, and laid his head upon the block, and so died.[187]

Assessment

Historical reputation

A black legend about the Duke of Northumberland was already developing when he was still in power, the more so after his fall. From the last days of Henry VIII, he was to have planned, years in advance, the destruction of both the Seymour brothers, Thomas and Edward, as well as King Edward himself.[188] Northumberland also served as an indispensable scapegoat: It was the most practical thing for Queen Mary to believe that Dudley had been acting all alone and it was in nobody's interest to doubt it.[189] Further questions were not welcome as Charles V's ambassadors found out: "it was thought best not to inquire too closely into what had happened, so as to make no discoveries that might prejudice those [who tried the duke]".[190] Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset became known as the "good Duke", a term coined in 1556; it followed that there had also to be a "bad Duke".[191] This interpretation was enhanced by the Victorian historians, James Anthony Froude and A. F. Pollard, who saw Somerset as a champion of political liberty,[192] whose desire to do good was thwarted by, in Pollard's phrase, "the subtlest intriguer in English History".[47]

As late as 1969/1970 was this good duke/bad duke dichotomy embraced by W.K. Jordan in his biography of Edward VI. Parting with tradition, however, he saw the King on the verge of assuming full authority at the beginning of 1553 (with Dudley contemplating retirement) and ascribed the succession alteration to Edward's resolution, Northumberland playing the part of the enforcer rather than the original instigator.[193] Many historians have since seen the "device" as Edward's very own project.[fn 5] Others, while remarking upon the plan's sloppy implementation,[194] have seen Northumberland behind the scheme (in concord with Edward's convictions[195]); the Duke acting out of despair for his own survival,[47] to rescue his reform agenda,[195] or to save England from Habsburg domination.[196][fn 6]

Critical reappraisals of the Duke of Somerset's government style since the 1970s led to the acknowledgment that Northumberland revitalized and reformed the Privy Council as a central part of the administration,[197] and "took the necessary but unpopular steps to hold the minority regime together".[198] Stability and reconstruction have been made out as the mark of most of his policies,[199] the scale of his motivation ranging from "determined ambition"[200] with Geoffrey Rudolph Elton in 1977 to "idealism of a sort" with Diarmaid MacCulloch in 1999.[111] Dale Hoak concluded in 1980: "given the circumstances which he inherited in 1549, the duke of Northumberland appears to have been one of the most remarkably able governors of any European state during the sixteenth century."[201]

Personality

John Dudley's recantation of his Protestant faith before his execution delighted Queen Mary and enraged Lady Jane Grey.[182] The general opinion was that he tried to seek a pardon by this move.[202] Historians often believed that he had no faith whatsoever, being a mere cynic.[203] The experiences of the 20th century have led to the consideration of further possibilities:[204] that Northumberland might have tried to rescue his family from the axe;[202] that he might, in the face of catastrophe, have found a spiritual home in the church of his childhood;[205] that he saw the work of God in Mary's success;[206] the last being an explanation given by the Imperial ambassadors.[207] Although Dudley endorsed the Reformation from at least the mid-1530s,[208] he probably was a "simple man in such matters",[182] who did not understand theological subtleties.[209] The Duke was stung by an outspoken letter he received from John Knox, whom he had invited to preach before the King and in vain had offered a bishopric. William Cecil was informed:[210]

I love not to have to do with men which be neither grateful nor pleasable. I assure you I mind to have no more to do with him but to wish him well ... he cannot tell whether I be a dissembler in religion or not ... for my own part, if I should have passed more upon the speech of the people than upon the service of my master ... I needed not to have had so much obloquy of some kind of men; but the living God, that knoweth the hearts of all men, shall be my judge at the last day with what zeal, faith, and truth I serve my master.[211]

Northumberland was not an old style peer, despite his aristocratic ancestry and existence as a great lord.[212] He acquired, sold, and exchanged lands, but never sought to build himself a territorial power base nor a large armed force of retainers (which proved fatal in the end).[213] His maximum income of ₤4,300 p.a. from land and a ₤2,000 p.a. from annuities and fees, was appropriate to his rank and figured well below the annuity of ₤5,333 p.a. the Duke of Somerset had granted himself, reaching an income of over ₤10,000 p.a. while in office.[214] John Dudley was a typical Tudor Crown servant, self-interested but absolutely loyal to the incumbent sovereign: The monarch's every wish was law.[215] This uncritical attitude may have played a decisive role in Northumberland's decision to implement Edward's succession device, as it did in his attitude towards Mary when she had become Queen.[216] The fear his services could be inadequate or go unacknowledged by the monarch was constant in Dudley, who also was very sensible on what he called "estimation", meaning status.[217] Edmund Dudley was unforgotten: "my poor father's fate who, after his master was gone, suffered death for doing his master's commandments", the Duke wrote to Cecil nine months before his own end.[218]

John Dudley was an imposing figure, capable of terrifying outbursts of temper as well as of shedding tears.[219] He also impressed people with his courtesy and a graceful presence.[220] Frequent phases of illness, partly due to a stomach ailment, occasioned long absences from court but did not reduce his high output of paper work and may have had an element of hypochondria in them.[221] In contrast to his wife,[222] Dudley had not much of a humanist education and described himself as "unlearned";[223] the excellence of his French was noted by native speakers, however.[224] The English diplomat Richard Morrison said of him: "This Earl [sic] had such a head that he seldom went about anything but he had three or four purposes beforehand."[225] A French eyewitness described him as "always thinking ... an intelligent man who could explain his ideas and who displayed an impressive dignity. Others, who did not know him, would have considered him worthy of a kingdom."[226] The Venetian ambassador's assessment after Dudley's execution was: "the friends of England must lament the loss of all his qualities with that single exception (his last rashness)".[227]

Footnotes

  1. ^ John Dudley was of noble ancestry: His paternal great grandfather was John Sutton, 1st Baron Dudley. On his mother's side he descended from the Hundred Years War heroes, Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick and John Talbot, 1st Earl of Shrewsbury. He accordingly assumed the bear and the ragged staff, the arms of the medieval Earls of Warwick (Wilson pp. 1, 3; Adams pp. 312–313).
  2. ^ A French eyewitness reported that Dudley said in 1553 that "nothing had pressed so injuriously upon his conscience as the fraudulent scheme against the Duke of Somerset" (Hoak p. 203).
  3. ^ Henry VIII, in his Third Succession Act of 1544 and in his will, nominated his daughters Mary and Elizabeth as successors to the Crown, "upon condition" that they did not marry without the consent the Privy Council (Hutchinson p. 212). In the same 1544 act his daughters were still, as in earlier legislation, declared illegitimate and as unable to inherit by common law (Ives p. 143).
  4. ^ If there were no male heirs at the time of his death, England should have no king until the birth of a male royal child; a detailed system of female regency provisions was to apply in this case. Edward also distinguished between different types of minority rule and left open the posibility that he himself might have adult heirs to succeed him (Ives pp. 137–139; Alford pp. 172–173; Starkey pp. 113–114).
  5. ^ For example: Loades 1996 pp. 239–241; Starkey pp. 112–114; MacCulloch pp. 39–41; Alford pp. 171–174; Ives pp. 8–9, 145–149; Matthew Christmas: "Edward VI", History Review, March 1997 Retrieved 2010-02-14.
  6. ^ Dale Hoak wrote that "the original object of the 'Devise' was not to make Northumberland the manipulator of a puppet queen ... Only when it was realised that Edward really was dying and had not willed the throne to anyone alive did Gates persuade the boy to revise the draft in favour of Jane. ... One often forgets that, while this piece of paper was of questionable legality, the idea that it embodied was acceptable to almost all of the signatories since the alternative of Mary's rule carried too many liabilities. ... The 'Devise' recalls other solutions to intractable problems of state, when acts judged to be politically necessary by the Tudors were cloaked in dubious legalities." (Hoak p. 49).

Citations

  1. ^ Beer p. 7
  2. ^ Loades 1996 p. 285
  3. ^ Adams pp. 312–313
  4. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 7–11
  5. ^ a b c Loades 1996 p. 18
  6. ^ Loades 1996 p. 22; Ives p. 98
  7. ^ Loades 1996 p. 22
  8. ^ a b Ives p. 99
  9. ^ Loades 1996 p. 23
  10. ^ Ives pp. 105–106, 307; Loades 1996 pp. 23, 37
  11. ^ MacCulloch pp. 52–53; Ives pp. 114–115
  12. ^ Wilson p. 16
  13. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 30–32; Beer p. 8
  14. ^ Loades 1996 p. 32; Wilson pp. 9–10
  15. ^ Beer pp. 8–9
  16. ^ Loades 1996 p. 36
  17. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 34–36, viii; Wilson p. 20
  18. ^ Ives p. 100; Adams pp. 312–313
  19. ^ Ives p. 103
  20. ^ Ives pp. 100–101; Loades 1996 p.63
  21. ^ Wilson p. 22
  22. ^ Ives p. 101
  23. ^ a b Loades 1996 p. 85
  24. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 85, 71
  25. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 70–71; Wilson p. 23; Hutchinson p. 117
  26. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 77
  27. ^ Ives p. 103; Loades 1996 pp. 77–79
  28. ^ Wilson p. 22; Loades 1996 p. 94
  29. ^ Wilson p. 22; Hutchinson p. 175
  30. ^ Loades 1996 p. 79
  31. ^ Hutchinson p. 181; Loades 1996 pp. 81–82
  32. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 82–83; MacCulloch pp. 7–8; Hutchinson pp. 187–188, 196–198; Mark Rathbone: "Northumberland", History Review, December 2002 Retrieved 2010-02-12
  33. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 82–85
  34. ^ Hutchinson p. 213
  35. ^ Alford pp. 29, 69–70
  36. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 88–90
  37. ^ Loades 1996 p. 91; Ives p. 124
  38. ^ Loades 1996 p. 100; Ives p. 104
  39. ^ Merriman p. 353
  40. ^ Dawson p. 244
  41. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 107–108, 118, 119
  42. ^ Loades 1996 p. 118
  43. ^ Ives p. 102
  44. ^ Loades 1996 p. 127
  45. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 63
  46. ^ a b MacCulloch pp. 50–51
  47. ^ a b c d e f Mark Rathbone: 'Northumberland', History Review, December 2002 Retrieved 2010-02-12
  48. ^ Alford pp. 71–72
  49. ^ Loades 1996 p. 131
  50. ^ MacCulloch pp. 51, 93, 95; Wilson pp. 39–40
  51. ^ a b Ives p. 111
  52. ^ MacCulloch pp. 93, 95; Hoak p. 36
  53. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 144–145
  54. ^ Hoak pp. 36–39
  55. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 147, 150–151
  56. ^ Hoak p. 39; Loades 1996 p. 186
  57. ^ Hoak p. 48
  58. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 168–169
  59. ^ Alford p. 170; MacCulloch pp. 52, 229–230
  60. ^ Loades 1996 p. 182
  61. ^ Loades 1996 p. 182; Hoak p. 46
  62. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 180–181
  63. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 183, 184, 188
  64. ^ Ives p. 109; Hoak p. 203
  65. ^ Loades 2004 p. 88; MacCulloch p. 55; Hoak p. 36
  66. ^ Erickson p. 252
  67. ^ Loades 1996 p. 182; MacCulloch p. 55
  68. ^ Loades 1996 p. 149
  69. ^ Hoak p. 38
  70. ^ Hoak p. 44
  71. ^ a b Matthew Christmas: 'Edward VI', History Review, March 1997 Retrieved 2010-02-14
  72. ^ Loades 1996 p. 149; Alford pp. 138, 155–156
  73. ^ Alford p. 140
  74. ^ Hoak p. 40; Alford pp. 139–141, 166
  75. ^ Alford pp. 32, 48, 63
  76. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 173, 193, 200–202
  77. ^ Loades 1996 p. 193; Alford pp. 163–165, 167–168
  78. ^ Ives p. 133
  79. ^ Beer p. 124–125; Hoak p. 44; Loades 2004 p. 89; Loades 1996 p. 192
  80. ^ Loades 1996 p. 234
  81. ^ Alford pp. 142, 148; Ives p. 131; Loades 1996 p. 202
  82. ^ Alford p. 159
  83. ^ Hoak pp. 29–30, 36
  84. ^ Ives pp. 111–112, 308; Loades 1996 p. 150
  85. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 162, 174, 252–253; Hoak pp. 39–40
  86. ^ Hoak p. 30; Mark Rathbone: 'Northumberland', History Review, December 2002 Retrieved 2010-02-12
  87. ^ Guy p. 221
  88. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 169–170; Hoak p. 30
  89. ^ Ives p. 132
  90. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 162, 227–229
  91. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 170–171; Mark Rathbone: 'Northumberland', History Review, December 2002 Retrieved 2010-02-12
  92. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 211–213
  93. ^ Ives p. 7; Loades 1996 p. 213; Dawson p. 246
  94. ^ Loades 1996 p. 248; Hoak p. 42
  95. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 158–159; Ives p. 88
  96. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 158–159
  97. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 159, 176
  98. ^ Beer p. 111–112
  99. ^ Starkey p. 110
  100. ^ MacCulloch p. 56
  101. ^ MacCulloch p. 101; Loades 1996 p. 254
  102. ^ Ives pp. 115–116
  103. ^ a b Ives p. 116
  104. ^ MacCulloch pp. 101–102; Chapman 1962 p. 78
  105. ^ Alford p. 139
  106. ^ Loades 1996 p. 254; MacCulloch p. 170
  107. ^ Loades 1996 p. 176
  108. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 176–177
  109. ^ MacCulloch p. 154; Loades 1996 p. 255
  110. ^ Loades 1996 p. 198
  111. ^ a b MacCulloch p. 55
  112. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 254–255
  113. ^ Loades 1996 p.170
  114. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 169–170; Merriman p. 375
  115. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 154–155; MacCulloch p. 55
  116. ^ Loades 1996 p. 166
  117. ^ Loades 1996 p. 172
  118. ^ Merriman pp. 373–375; Loades 1996 p. 156
  119. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 203, 241–244
  120. ^ Wilson p. 41
  121. ^ Alford p. 97
  122. ^ Loades 1996 p. 210; Alford p. 146
  123. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 244–245
  124. ^ Beer p. 193
  125. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 245–247, 238
  126. ^ Loades 1996 p. 247
  127. ^ Ives p. 11; Loades 1996 p. 237
  128. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 237–238
  129. ^ Ives p. 94; Chapman 1958 p. 275
  130. ^ Loades 1996 p. 237
  131. ^ Loades 1996 p. 238
  132. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 238–239; Ives pp. 152–154; Matthew Christmas: "Edward VI", History Review, March 1997 Retrieved 2010-02-14
  133. ^ Ives pp. 137–139
  134. ^ Loades 2003 pp. 79–80; Starkey pp. 111–113; Loades 1996 p. 232; Ives pp. 142–143
  135. ^ Ives pp. 137–139; Starkey p. 113
  136. ^ Ives p. 145
  137. ^ Sil pp. 82–84; Hoak pp. 48–49, 203; Loades 2003 pp. 79–80; Ives p. 150; Alford p. 172
  138. ^ Alford p. 172; Loades 1996 p. 240
  139. ^ Ives pp. 145, 148, 314; Loades 1996 p. 241
  140. ^ Ives pp. 105, 147
  141. ^ Ives pp. 160–161; Alford p. 172
  142. ^ Ives pp. 165–166; Hoak p. 49
  143. ^ Ives p. 149
  144. ^ Loades 1996 p. 240; Ives p. 151
  145. ^ Loades 1996 p. 239
  146. ^ Ives pp. 113, 308
  147. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 254–255
  148. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 262–263
  149. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 256–257
  150. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 121
  151. ^ MacCulloch pp. 39–41; Starkey pp. 112–114; Alford pp. 171–172; Hoak pp. 48–49
  152. ^ Beer p. 153; Loades 1996 p. 233; Ives p. 141; MacCulloch p. 41
  153. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 241, 265
  154. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 93; Ives p. 155
  155. ^ Starkey pp. 110, 111; Beer pp. 147–148; Loades 1996 pp. 238, 240–241
  156. ^ Ives p. 216
  157. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 257–259
  158. ^ Chapman 1962 pp. 104–106
  159. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 258–261
  160. ^ Loades 1996 p. 261; Ives pp. 198–199
  161. ^ Ives p. 198
  162. ^ Loades 1996 p. 261; Ives p. 198
  163. ^ Loades 1996 p. 264; Ives pp. 210–212
  164. ^ Ives pp. 246, 241–242
  165. ^ Ives p. 242
  166. ^ Ives pp. 243–244; Nichols p. 7
  167. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 149
  168. ^ Chapman 1962 pp. 150–151
  169. ^ Morris p. 113
  170. ^ Alford p. 7
  171. ^ Loades 1996 p. 257
  172. ^ Alford p. 8
  173. ^ Loades 1996 p. 260; MacCullloch p. 156
  174. ^ Loades 1996 p. 265
  175. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 264–265
  176. ^ a b Ives pp. 96–97
  177. ^ Ives p. 97
  178. ^ Tytler vol. II pp. 225–226; Ives p. 96; Loades 1996 p. 266
  179. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 267–268
  180. ^ Ives p. 184
  181. ^ Ives p. 117
  182. ^ a b c Loades 1996 p. 268
  183. ^ Ives p. 119
  184. ^ a b Loades 1996 p. 269
  185. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 169
  186. ^ Loades 1996 p. 270
  187. ^ "The Dying Speech of John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland", www.tudorplace.com Retrieved 2010-01-03
  188. ^ Ives pp. 107–109
  189. ^ Loades 1996 p. 267; Ives p. 3
  190. ^ Ives p. 154 (square brackets by Ives)
  191. ^ MacCulloch p. 42; Loades 1996 p. vii
  192. ^ Alford pp. 20–21
  193. ^ Loades 1996 p. 192; Robert W. Kenny: Review of B.L. Beer: "Northumberland", American Historical Association, 1975 at www.jstor.org Retrieved 2010-02-11
  194. ^ Mark Rathbone: "Northumberland", History Review, December 2002 Retrieved 2010-02-12; Beer p. 149
  195. ^ a b Hoak p. 49
  196. ^ Beer p. 148
  197. ^ Loades p. viii; Hoak p. 50
  198. ^ Loades pp. vii
  199. ^ MacCulloch p. 55; Alford p. 170; Hoak p. 50
  200. ^ Dawson p. 253
  201. ^ Hoak p. 51; Dawson p. 243
  202. ^ a b Ives p. 118
  203. ^ Ives p. 115
  204. ^ Beer p. 163
  205. ^ Ives p. 118; Loades 1996 p. 268; Chapman 1962 p. 166
  206. ^ Ives p. 118; Loades p. 268
  207. ^ Ives p. 309
  208. ^ Ives pp. 114–115; MacCulloch pp. 52–53
  209. ^ Ives p. 118; Loades 1996 p. 268
  210. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 196, 198, 199
  211. ^ Tytler vol. II p. 148
  212. ^ Loades 1996 pp. ix, 285
  213. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 285–286, 258
  214. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 222–223; 97–98; Hoak p. 46
  215. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 269–270; Hoak p. 45
  216. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 269–270; Ives pp. 122–123, 124
  217. ^ Wilson p. 21; Ives pp. 120–124; Loades 1996 p. ix
  218. ^ Ives p. 122
  219. ^ Loades 1996 p. 173; Ives pp. 104–105; Alford p. 139
  220. ^ Hoak pp. 44–45
  221. ^ Hoak p. 40; Alford p. 140; Ives pp. 124–125; Loades 1996 pp. 103–104, 155
  222. ^ Wilson p. 15
  223. ^ "The Dying Speech of John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland", www.tudorplace.com Retrieved 2010-01-03; Beer p. 163
  224. ^ Chapman 1958 pp. 101–102
  225. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 68
  226. ^ Ives p. 104
  227. ^ Ives pp. 26–27

References

  • Adams, Simon (2002): Leicester and the Court: Essays in Elizabethan Politics Manchester University Press ISBN 0719053250
  • Alford, Stephen (2002): Kingship and Politics in the Reign of Edward VI Cambridge University Press ISBN 9780521039710
  • Beer, B.L. (1973): Northumberland: The Political Career of John Dudley, Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northumberland The Kent State University Press ISBN 0873381408
  • Chapman, Hester (1962): Lady Jane Grey Jonathan Cape
  • Chapman, Hester (1958): The Last Tudor King: A Study of Edward VI Jonathan Cape
  • Dawson, Ian (1993): The Tudor Century 1485–1603 Thomas Nelson & Sons ISBN 0174350635
  • Erickson, Carolly (1995): Bloody Mary: The Life of Mary Tudor BCA
  • Guy, John (1990): Tudor England Oxford Paperbacks ISBN 0192852132
  • Hoak, Dale (1980): "Rehabilitating the Duke of Northumberland: Politics and Political Control, 1549–53" in Jennifer Loach; Robert Tittler (eds.): The Mid-Tudor Polity c. 1540–1560 Macmillan ISBN 0333245288 pp. 29–51, 201–203
  • Hutchinson, Robert (2006): The Last Days of Henry VIII: Conspiracy, Treason and Heresy at the Court of the dying Tyrant Phoenix ISBN 0753819368
  • Ives, Eric (2009): Lady Jane Grey: A Tudor Mystery Wiley-Blackwell ISBN 9781405194136
  • Loades, David (2003): Elizabeth I Hambledon Continuum ISBN 1852853042
  • Loades, David (1996): John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland 1504–1553 Clarendon Press ISBN 0198201931
  • Loades, David (2004): Intrigue and Treason: The Tudor Court, 1547–1558 Pearson/Longman ISBN 0582772265
  • MacCulloch, Diarmaid (2001): The Boy King: Edward VI and the Protestant Reformation Palgrave ISBN 0312238304
  • Merriman, Marcus (2005): The Rough Wooings: Mary Queen of Scots, 1542–1551 Tuckwell Press ISBN 9781862320901
  • Morris, Christopher (1966): The Tudors Fontana/Collins
  • Nichols, J.G. (ed.) (1850): The Chronicle of Queen Jane Camden Society [1]
  • Sil, N.P. (2001): Tudor Placemen and Statesmen: Select Case Histories Rosemont Publishing ISBN 0838639127
  • Starkey, David (2001): Elizabeth: Apprenticeship Vintage ISBN 0099286572
  • Tytler, P. F. (1839): England under the Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary vol.II Richard Bentley [2]
  • Wilson, Derek (1981): Sweet Robin: A Biography of Robert Dudley Earl of Leicester 1533–1588 Hamish Hamilton ISBN 0241101492

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Lord High Admiral
1543 – 1547
Succeeded by
The Lord Seymour of Sudeley
Preceded by
The Lord Seymour of Sudeley
Lord High Admiral
1549 – 1550
Succeeded by
The Lord Clinton
Preceded by
The Duke of Somerset
Lord Great Chamberlain
1549 – 1550
Succeeded by
The Marquess of Northampton
Preceded by
The Duke of Somerset
Earl Marshal
1551 – 1553
Succeeded by
The Duke of Norfolk
Preceded by
The Lord St John
Grand Master of the Household
1550 – 1553
Succeeded by
The Earl of Arundel
Preceded by
The Lord St John
Lord President of the Council
1550 – 1553
Succeeded by
The Earl of Arundel
Vacant Lord Lieutenant of Warwickshire
1550–1553
Vacant
Preceded by
The Earl of Rutland
Lord Warden of the Scottish Marches
1542 – 1543
Succeeded by
The Lord Parr
Preceded by
?
President of the Council in the Marches
1548 – 1550
Succeeded by
The Earl of Pembroke
Vacant Warden General of the Scottish Marches
1550 – 1553
Vacant
Court offices
Preceded by
?
Chief Trencher
1537 – ?
Succeeded by
?
Military offices
Preceded by
Sir Edward Guildford
Master of the Tower Armoury
1535 – 1544
Succeeded by
?
Vacant Governor of Boulogne
1544 – 1546
Succeeded by
?
Academic offices
Preceded by
The Duke of Somerset
Chancellor of the University of Cambridge
1552–1553
Succeeded by
The Bishop of Winchester
Peerage of England
New creation Duke of Northumberland
1st creation
1551 – 1553
Forfeit
Earl of Warwick
2nd creation
1547 – 1553
Succeeded by
John Dudley
Viscount Lisle
5th creation
1543 – 1553
Forfeit

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