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John F. Kennedy


In office
January 20, 1961 – November 22, 1963
Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson
Preceded by Dwight D. Eisenhower
Succeeded by Lyndon B. Johnson

In office
January 3, 1953 – December 22, 1960
Preceded by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
Succeeded by Benjamin A. Smith

Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Massachusetts's 11th district
In office
January 3, 1947 – January 3, 1953
Preceded by James Michael Curley
Succeeded by Thomas P. O'Neill, Jr.

Born May 29, 1917(1917-05-29)
Brookline, Massachusetts
Died November 22, 1963 (aged 46)
Dallas, Texas
Birth name John Fitzgerald Kennedy
Political party Democratic
Spouse(s) Jacqueline Lee Bouvier Kennedy
Children Arabella Kennedy
Caroline Bouvier Kennedy
John Fitzgerald Kennedy, Jr.
Patrick Bouvier Kennedy
Alma mater Harvard University (B.S.)[1]
Religion Roman Catholic
Signature
Military service
Allegiance United States of America
Service/branch United States Navy
Years of service 1941–1945
Rank US-O3 insignia.svg Lieutenant
Unit Motor Torpedo Boat PT-109
Battles/wars World War II
Solomon Islands campaign
Awards Navy and Marine Corps Medal ribbon.svg Navy and Marine Corps Medal
Purple Heart BAR.svg Purple Heart
American Defense Service ribbon.svg American Defense Service Medal
American Campaign Medal ribbon.svg American Campaign Medal
Asiatic-Pacific Campaign ribbon.svg Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal with 3 bronze stars
World War II Victory Medal ribbon.svg World War II Victory Medal[2]

John Fitzgerald "Jack" Kennedy (May 29, 1917 – November 22, 1963), often referred to by his initials JFK, was the 35th President of the United States, serving from 1961 until his assassination in 1963.

After Kennedy's military service as commander of the Motor Torpedo Boat PT-109 during World War II in the South Pacific, his aspirations turned political. With the encouragement and grooming of his father, Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr., Kennedy represented Massachusetts's 11th congressional district in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1947 to 1953 as a Democrat, and served in the U.S. Senate from 1953 until 1960. Kennedy defeated then Vice President and Republican candidate Richard Nixon in the 1960 U.S. presidential election, one of the closest in American history. He was the second-youngest President (after Theodore Roosevelt), the first President born in the 20th century, and the youngest elected to the office, at the age of 43.[3][4] Kennedy is the first and only Catholic and the first Irish American president, and is the only president to have won a Pulitzer Prize.[5] Events during his administration include the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the building of the Berlin Wall, the Space Race, the African American Civil Rights Movement and early stages of the Vietnam War.

Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, in Dallas, Texas. Lee Harvey Oswald was charged with the crime but was shot and killed two days later by Jack Ruby before he could be put on trial. The FBI, the Warren Commission, and the House Select Committee on Assassinations concluded that Oswald was the assassin, with the HSCA allowing for the probability of conspiracy based on disputed acoustic evidence. The event proved to be an important moment in U.S. history because of its impact on the nation and the ensuing political repercussions. Today, Kennedy continues to rank highly in public opinion ratings of former U.S. presidents.[6]

Contents

Early life and education

Kennedy was born at 83 Beals Street in Brookline, Massachusetts on Tuesday, May 29, 1917, at 3:00 p.m.,[7] the second son of Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr., and Rose Fitzgerald; Rose, in turn, was the eldest child of John "Honey Fitz" Fitzgerald, a prominent Boston political figure who was the city's mayor and a three-term member of Congress. Kennedy lived in Brookline for his first ten years of life. He attended Brookline's public Edward Devotion School from kindergarten through the beginning of 3rd grade, then Noble and Greenough Lower School and its successor, the Dexter School, a private school for boys, through 4th grade. In September 1927, Kennedy moved with his family to a rented 20-room mansion in Riverdale, Bronx, New York City, then two years later moved five miles (8 km) northeast to a 21-room mansion on a six-acre estate in Bronxville, New York, purchased in May 1929. He was a member of Scout Troop 2 at Bronxville from 1929 to 1931 and was to be the first Boy Scout to become President.[8] Kennedy spent summers with his family at their home in Hyannisport, Massachusetts, also purchased in 1929, and Christmas and Easter holidays with his family at their winter home in Palm Beach, Florida, purchased in 1933. In his primary school years, he attended Riverdale Country School, a private school for boys in Riverdale, for 5th through 7th grade.

For 8th grade in September 1930, the 13-year old Kennedy was sent fifty miles away to Canterbury School, a lay Roman Catholic boarding school for boys in New Milford, Connecticut. In late April 1931, he had appendicitis requiring an appendectomy, after which he withdrew from Canterbury and recuperated at home.

In September 1931, Kennedy was sent to The Choate School (now Choate Rosemary Hall), an elite boys boarding school in Wallingford, Connecticut, for his 9th through 12th grade years. His older brother Joe Jr., was already at Choate, two years ahead of him, a football star and leading student in the school. Jack thus spent his first years at Choate in his brother's shadow. He reacted with rebellious behavior that attracted a coterie. Their most notorious stunt was to explode a toilet seat with a powerful firecracker. In the ensuing chapel assembly the autocratic headmaster, George St. John, brandished the toilet seat and spoke of certain "muckers" who would "spit in our sea." The defiant Jack Kennedy took the cue and named his group "The Muckers Club." Kennedy remained close friends to the end of his life with several of his Choate fellows, including especially Kirk LeMoyne "Lem" Billings. Throughout his years at Choate, Kennedy was beset by health problems, culminating in 1934 with his emergency hospitalization at Yale-New Haven Hospital from January until March. In June 1934 he was admitted to the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota and diagnosed with colitis. When Kennedy graduated from Choate in June 1935 his superlative in The Brief, the school yearbook (of which he had been business manager), was "Most likely to Succeed."[9]

In September 1935, he sailed on the SS Normandie on his first trip abroad with his parents and his sister Kathleen to London with the intent of studying for a year with Professor Harold Laski at the London School of Economics (LSE) as his elder brother Joe had done. Mystery surrounds his time at LSE and there is uncertainty about how long he spent there before returning to America. In October 1935, Kennedy enrolled late and spent six weeks at Princeton University. He was then hospitalized for two months' observation for possible leukemia at Peter Bent Brigham Hospital in Boston in January and February 1936. He recuperated at the Kennedy winter home in Palm Beach in March and April, spent May and June working as a ranch hand on a 40,000-acre (160 km²) cattle ranch outside Benson, Arizona, and in July and August raced sailboats at the Kennedy summer home in Hyannisport.

In September 1936 he enrolled as a freshman at Harvard College, where he produced that year's annual Freshman Smoker, called by a reviewer "an elaborate entertainment, which included in its cast outstanding personalities of the radio, screen and sports world."[10] He tried out for the football, golf, and swimming teams. He earned a spot on the varsity swim team.[11] He resided in Winthrop House during his sophomore through senior years, again following two years behind his elder brother, Joe. In early July 1937, Kennedy took his convertible, sailed on the SS Washington to France, and spent ten weeks driving with a friend through France, Italy, Germany, Holland, and England. In late June 1938, Kennedy sailed with his father and his brother Joe on the SS Normandie to spend July working with his father, recently appointed U.S. Ambassador to the Court of St. James's by President Roosevelt, at the American embassy in London, and August with his family at a villa near Cannes. From February through September 1939, Kennedy toured Europe, the Soviet Union, the Balkans, and the Middle East to gather background information for his Harvard senior honors thesis. He spent the last ten days of August in Czechoslovakia and Germany before returning to London on September 1, 1939, the day Germany invaded Poland. On September 3, 1939, Kennedy and his family were in attendance at the Strangers Gallery of the House of Commons to hear speeches in support of the United Kingdom's declaration of war on Germany. Kennedy was sent as his father's representative to help with arrangements for American survivors of the SS Athenia, before flying back to the U.S. on Pan Am's Dixie Clipper from Foynes, Ireland to Port Washington, New York on his first transatlantic flight at the end of September.

In 1940, Kennedy completed his thesis, "Appeasement in Munich," about British participation in the Munich Agreement. He initially intended his thesis to be private, but his father encouraged him to publish it as a book. He graduated cum laude from Harvard with a degree in international affairs in June 1940, and his thesis was published in July 1940 as a book entitled Why England Slept, and became a bestseller.[12] From September to December 1940, Kennedy was enrolled and audited classes at the Stanford Graduate School of Business. In early 1941, he helped his father complete the writing of a memoir of his three years as an American ambassador. In May and June 1941, Kennedy traveled throughout South America.

Military service

President Kennedy had the coconut made into a paperweight. It sat on his desk in the Oval Office. The message reads: "NAURO ISL…COMMANDER…NATIVE KNOWS POS'IT…HE CAN PILOT…11 ALIVE…NEED SMALL BOAT…KENNEDY"

In the spring of 1941, Kennedy volunteered for the U.S. Army, but was rejected, mainly because of his troublesome back. Nevertheless, in September of that year, the U.S. Navy accepted him, because of the influence of the director of the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI), a former naval attaché to Joseph Kennedy. As an ensign, Kennedy served in the office which supplied bulletins and briefing information for the Secretary of the Navy. It was during this assignment that the attack on Pearl Harbor occurred. He attended the Naval Reserve Officer Training Corps and Motor Torpedo Boat Squadron Training Center before being assigned for duty in Panama and eventually the Pacific theater. He participated in various commands in the Pacific theater and earned the rank of lieutenant, commanding a patrol torpedo (PT) boat.[13]

Lt. Kennedy on his navy patrol boat, the PT-109

On August 2, 1943, Kennedy's boat, the PT-109, was taking part in a nighttime patrol near New Georgia in the Solomon Islands when it was rammed by the Japanese destroyer Amagiri.[14][15] Kennedy was thrown across the deck, injuring his already-troubled back.[16] Nonetheless, Kennedy gathered his men together and swam, towing a badly-burned crewman by using a life jacket strap he clenched in his teeth.[17] He towed the wounded man to an island and later to a second island from where his crew was subsequently rescued.[18] For these actions, Kennedy received the Navy and Marine Corps Medal under the following citation:

For extremely heroic conduct as Commanding Officer of Motor Torpedo Boat 109 following the collision and sinking of that vessel in the Pacific War Theater on August 1–2, 1943. Unmindful of personal danger, Lieutenant (then Lieutenant, Junior Grade) Kennedy unhesitatingly braved the difficulties and hazards of darkness to direct rescue operations, swimming many hours to secure aid and food after he had succeeded in getting his crew ashore. His outstanding courage, endurance and leadership contributed to the saving of several lives and were in keeping with the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service.

In October 1943, Kennedy took command of Motor Torpedo Boat PT-59 which was converted from a torpedo boat to a gunboat. On the night of November 2, 1943, the PT-59 and PT-236 took part in the rescue of ambushed Marines on Choiseul Island.[19] Later, Kennedy was honorably discharged in early 1945, just a few months before Japan surrendered. Kennedy's other decorations in World War II included the Purple Heart, American Defense Service Medal, American Campaign Medal, Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal with three bronze service stars, and the World War II Victory Medal.[2]

The incident of the PT-109 was popularized when he became president and would be the subject of several magazine articles, books, comic books, TV specials, and a feature length movie, making the PT-109 one of the most famous U.S. Navy ships of the war. Scale models and even a G.I. Joe figure based on the incident were still being produced in the 2000s. The coconut which was used to scrawl a rescue message given to Solomon Islander scouts who found him was kept on his presidential desk and is still at the John F. Kennedy Library.

During his presidency, Kennedy privately admitted to friends that he didn't feel that he deserved the medals he had received, because the PT-109 incident had been the result of a botched military operation that had cost the lives of two members of his crew. When later asked by a reporter how he became a war hero, Kennedy (known for a sense of humor) joked: "It was involuntary. They sank my boat."[20]

In May 2002, a National Geographic expedition led by Robert Ballard, found what is believed to be the wreckage of the PT-109 in the Solomon Islands.[21]

Early political career

Senator John F. Kennedy in his Senate Office, 1959

After World War II, Kennedy had considered the option of becoming a journalist before deciding to run for political office. Prior to the war, he had not strongly considered becoming a politician as a career, because his family, especially his father, had already pinned its political hopes on his elder brother. Joseph, however, was killed in World War II, giving John seniority. When in 1946 U.S. Representative James Michael Curley vacated his seat in an overwhelmingly Democratic district to become mayor of Boston, Kennedy ran for the seat, beating his Republican opponent by a large margin. He was a congressman for six years but had a mixed voting record, often diverging from President Harry S. Truman and the rest of the Democratic Party. In 1952, he defeated incumbent Republican Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. for the U.S. Senate.

Kennedy married Jacqueline Lee Bouvier on September 12, 1953. Charles L. Bartlett, a journalist, introduced the pair at a dinner party.[22] Kennedy underwent several spinal operations over the following two years, nearly dying (in all he received the Roman Catholic Church's last rites four times during his life) and was often absent from the Senate. During his convalescence in 1956, he published Profiles in Courage, a book describing eight instances in which U.S. Senators risked their careers by standing by their personal beliefs. The book was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Biography in 1957.[23] From the time of publication, there have been rumors that this work was actually coauthored by his close adviser Ted Sorensen, who had joined his Senate office staff in 1953 and would serve as a speechwriter for Kennedy until his death. In May 2008, Sorensen confirmed these rumors in his autobiography.[24]

In the 1956 presidential election, presidential nominee Adlai Stevenson left the choice of a Vice Presidential nominee to the Democratic convention, and Kennedy finished second in that balloting to Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee. Despite this defeat, Kennedy received national exposure from that episode that would prove valuable in subsequent years. His father, Joseph Kennedy, Sr., pointed out that it was just as well that John did not get that nomination, as some people sought to blame anything they could on Roman Catholics, even though it was privately known that any Democrat would have trouble running against Eisenhower in 1956.

The Civil Rights Act of 1957 was put forward by President Eisenhower but he "conceded" there were aspects of it he didn't understand.[25] This led Southern senators to "emasculate" his bill.[26] Kennedy voted against letting the bill bypass the Senate Judiciary Committee, which was led by Senator James Eastland, a segregationist from Mississippi. Kennedy argued procedure should be followed and the bill could be voted on in the full Senate after a motion to discharge by the committee,[27] but his vote was seen by some as appeasement of Southern opponents.[28] Kennedy voted for Title III of the proposed act, which would have given the Attorney General injunctive powers, but Lyndon Johnson agreed to let the provision die as a compromise measure.[29] After consulting two Harvard legal scholars, Kennedy voted for Title IV, the "Jury Trial Amendment", which in cases of criminal contempt called for conviction by jury. Many civil rights advocates at the time criticized the vote as one that would lead to rendering the Act too weak.[30] A compromise final bill which Kennedy supported was passed in September.[31][32] Staunch segregationists such as senators James Eastland and John McClellan and Mississippi Governor James P. Coleman were early supporters of Kennedy's presidential campaign.[33] In 1958, Kennedy was re-elected to a second term in the United States Senate, defeating his Republican opponent, Boston lawyer Vincent J. Celeste, by a wide margin.

Senator Joseph McCarthy was a friend of the Kennedy family: Joseph Kennedy, Sr. was a leading McCarthy supporter; Robert F. Kennedy worked for McCarthy's subcommittee, and McCarthy dated Patricia Kennedy. In 1954, when the Senate was poised to condemn McCarthy, John Kennedy drafted a speech calling for McCarthy's censure, but never delivered it. When on December 2, 1954, the Senate rendered its highly publicized decision to censure McCarthy, Senator Kennedy was in the hospital. Though absent, Kennedy could have "paired" his vote against that of another senator, but chose not to; neither did he ever indicate then nor later how he would have voted. The episode damaged Kennedy's support in the liberal community, especially with Eleanor Roosevelt, as late as the 1956 and 1960 elections.[34]

1960 presidential election

On January 2, 1960, Kennedy officially declared his intent to run for President of the United States. In the Democratic primary election, he faced challenges from Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota and Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon. Kennedy defeated Humphrey in Wisconsin and West Virginia and Morse in Maryland and Oregon, although Morse's candidacy is often forgotten by historians. He also defeated token opposition (often write-in candidates) in New Hampshire, Indiana, and Nebraska. In West Virginia, Kennedy visited a coal mine and talked to mine workers to win their support; most people in that conservative, mostly Protestant state were deeply suspicious of Kennedy's Roman Catholicism. His victory in West Virginia cemented his credentials as a candidate with broad popular appeal. At the Democratic Convention, he gave the well-known "New Frontier" speech, which represented the changes America and the rest of the world would be going through.

John and Jackie Kennedy campaigning in Appleton, Wisconsin, March 1960

With Humphrey and Morse out of the race, Kennedy's main opponent at the convention in Los Angeles was Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas. Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic nominee in 1952 and 1956, was not officially running but had broad grassroots support inside and outside the convention hall. Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri was also a candidate, as were several favorite sons. On July 13, 1960, the Democratic convention nominated Kennedy as its candidate for President. Kennedy asked Johnson to be his Vice Presidential candidate, despite opposition from many liberal delegates and Kennedy's own staff, including Robert Kennedy. He needed Johnson's strength in the South to win what was considered likely to be the closest election since 1916. Major issues included how to get the economy moving again, Kennedy's Roman Catholicism, Cuba, and whether the Soviet space and missile programs had surpassed those of the U.S. To address fears that his Roman Catholicism would impact his decision-making, he famously told the Greater Houston Ministerial Association on September 12, 1960, "I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party candidate for President who also happens to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my Church on public matters — and the Church does not speak for me."[35] Kennedy also brought up the point of whether one-quarter of Americans were relegated to second-class citizenship just because they were Roman Catholic.

In September and October, Kennedy debated Republican candidate and Vice President Richard Nixon in the first televised U.S. presidential debates in U.S. history. During these programs, Nixon, nursing an injured leg and sporting "five o'clock shadow", looked tense and uncomfortable, while Kennedy appeared relaxed, leading the huge television audience to deem Kennedy the winner. Radio listeners, however, either thought Nixon had won or that the debates were a draw.[36] Nixon did not wear make-up during the initial debate, unlike Kennedy. The debates are now considered a milestone in American political history—the point at which the medium of television began to play a dominant role in national politics.[23] After the first debate Kennedy's campaign gained momentum and he pulled slightly ahead of Nixon in most polls. On Tuesday, November 8, Kennedy defeated Nixon in one of the closest presidential elections of the twentieth century. In the national popular vote Kennedy led Nixon by just two-tenths of one percent (49.7% to 49.5%), while in the Electoral College he won 303 votes to Nixon's 219 (269 were needed to win). Another 14 electors from Mississippi and Alabama refused to support Kennedy because of his support for the civil rights movement; they voted for Senator Harry F. Byrd, Sr. of Virginia.

Presidency

John F. Kennedy was sworn in as the 35th President at noon on January 20, 1961. In his inaugural address he spoke of the need for all Americans to be active citizens, famously saying, "Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country." He also asked the nations of the world to join together to fight what he called the "common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself." In closing, he expanded on his desire for greater internationalism: "Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you."[37]

Foreign policy

President Kennedy's foreign policy was dominated by American-Soviet relations. Much foreign policy revolved around proxy interventions in the context of the early stage Cold War.

Africa

John F. Kennedy gave a speech at Saint Anselm College on May 5, 1960, regarding America's conduct in the new realities of the emerging Cold War. Kennedy's speech detailed how American foreign policy should be conducted towards African nations, noting a hint of support for modern African nationalism by saying that "For we, too, founded a new nation on revolt from colonial rule"[38].

Cuba and the Bay of Pigs Invasion

Prior to Kennedy's election to the presidency, the Eisenhower Administration created a plan to overthrow the Fidel Castro regime in Cuba. Central to such a plan, which was structured and detailed by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) with approval from the US Military [39] but with minimal input from the United States Department of State, was the arming of a counter-revolutionary insurgency composed of anti-Castro Cubans.[40] U.S.-trained Cuban insurgents, led by CIA paramilitary officers from the Special Activities Division,[41] were to invade Cuba and instigate an uprising among the Cuban people in hopes of removing Castro from power. On April 17, 1961, Kennedy ordered the previously planned invasion of Cuba to proceed. With support from the CIA, in what is known as the Bay of Pigs Invasion, 1,500 U.S.-trained Cuban exiles, called "Brigade 2506," returned to the island in the hope of deposing Castro. However, Kennedy ordered the invasion to take place without U.S. air support. By April 19, 1961, the Cuban government had captured or killed the invading exiles, and Kennedy was forced to negotiate for the release of the 1,189 survivors. The failure of the plan originated in a lack of dialog among the military leadership, a result of which was the complete lack of naval support in the face of organized artillery troops on the island who easily incapacitated the exile force as it landed on the beach.[40] After twenty months, Cuba released the captured exiles in exchange for $53 million worth of food and medicine. Furthermore, the incident made Castro wary of the U.S. and led him to believe that another invasion would occur.[42]

Cuban Missile Crisis

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Meeting Nikita Khrushchev in 1961

The Cuban Missile Crisis began on October 14, 1962, when American U-2 CIA spy planes took photographs of a Soviet intermediate-range ballistic missile site under construction in Cuba. The photos were shown to Kennedy on October 16, 1962. The United States would soon be posed with a serious nuclear threat. Kennedy faced a dilemma: if the U.S. attacked the sites, it might lead to nuclear war with the U.S.S.R., but if the U.S. did nothing, it would endure the threat of nuclear weapons being launched from close range. Because the weapons were in such proximity, the U.S. might have been unable to retaliate if they were launched pre-emptively. Another consideration was that the U.S. would appear to the world as weak in its own hemisphere.

Many military officials and cabinet members pressed for an air assault on the missile sites, but Kennedy ordered a naval quarantine in which the U.S. Navy inspected all ships arriving in Cuba. He began negotiations with the Soviets and ordered the Soviets to remove all defensive material that was being built on Cuba. Without doing so, the Soviet and Cuban peoples would face naval quarantine. A week later, he and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev reached a basically cordial, lasting agreement. Khrushchev agreed to remove the missiles subject to U.N. inspections if the U.S. publicly promised never to invade Cuba and quietly removed US missiles stationed in Turkey. Following this crisis, which brought the world closer to nuclear war than at any point before or since, Kennedy was more cautious in confronting the Soviet Union.

Latin America and communism

Arguing that "those who make peaceful revolution impossible, will make violent revolution inevitable,"[43] Kennedy sought to contain communism in Latin America by establishing the Alliance for Progress, which sent foreign aid to troubled countries in the region and sought greater human rights standards in the region. He worked closely with Governor of Puerto Rico Luis Muñoz Marín for the development of the Alliance of Progress, as well as developments in the autonomy of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.

Peace Corps

As one of his first presidential acts, Kennedy asked Congress to create the Peace Corps.[4] Through this program, Americans volunteer to help underdeveloped nations in areas such as education, farming, health care, and construction.

Vietnam

The extent of Kennedy's involvement in Vietnam remained classified until the release of the Pentagon Papers in 1971.[44] In Southeast Asia, Kennedy followed Eisenhower's lead by using limited military action as early as 1961 to fight the Communist forces led by Ho Chi Minh. Proclaiming a fight against the spread of Communism, Kennedy enacted policies providing political, economic, and military support for the unstable French-installed South Vietnamese government, which included sending 16,000 military advisors and U.S. Special Forces to the area. Kennedy also authorized the use of free-fire zones, napalm, defoliants, and jet planes.[citation needed] U.S. involvement in the area escalated until Lyndon Johnson, his successor, directly deployed regular U.S. forces for fighting the Vietnam War.

By July 1963, Kennedy faced a crisis in Vietnam: despite increased U.S. support, the South Vietnamese military was only marginally effective against pro-Communist Viet Minh and Viet Cong forces. Regarding Ngo Dinh Diem, the Roman Catholic President of South Vietnam, as insufficiently anti-Communist, the U.S. gave secret assurances of non-interference for an impending coup d'état.[45] On November 1, 1963, South Vietnamese generals overthrew the Diem government, arresting and soon killing Diem (though the circumstances of his death were obfuscated).[46] Kennedy sanctioned Diem's overthrow.[47] One reason to support the coup was a fear that Diem might negotiate a neutralist coalition government which included Communists, as had occurred in Laos in 1962. Dean Rusk, Secretary of State, remarked "This kind of neutralism…is tantamount to surrender."

During his time in office, Kennedy increased the number of U.S. military in Vietnam from 800 to 16,300. It remains a point of some controversy among historians whether or not Vietnam would have escalated to the point it did had Kennedy served out his full term and been re-elected in 1964.[48] Fueling the debate are statements made by Kennedy and Johnson's Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara that Kennedy was strongly considering pulling out of Vietnam after the 1964 election. In the film "The Fog of War", not only does McNamara say this, but a tape recording of Lyndon Johnson confirms that Kennedy was planning to withdraw from Vietnam, a position Johnson states he strongly disapproved of.[49] Additional evidence is Kennedy's National Security Action Memorandum (NSAM) 263, dated October 11, 1963, which ordered withdrawal of 1,000 military personnel by the end of 1963.[50][51] Nevertheless, given the stated reason for the overthrow of the Diem government, such action would have been a policy reversal, but Kennedy was generally moving in a less hawkish direction in the Cold War since his acclaimed speech about World Peace at American University the previous June 10, 1963.[52] According to historian Lawrence Freedman, regarding Kennedy's statements about withdrawing from Vietnam, it was, "less of a definite decision than a working assumption, based on a hope for stability rather than an expectation of chaos".[53]

After Kennedy's assassination, the new President Lyndon B. Johnson immediately reversed his predecessor's order to withdraw 1,000 military personnel by the end of 1963 with his own NSAM 273 on November 26, 1963.[54]

American University speech

Kennedy delivers the commencement speech at American University, June 10, 1963.
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On June 10, 1963, Kennedy delivered the commencement address at American University in Washington, D.C., proclaiming that "The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war," but cautioning that, "We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just."

West Berlin speech

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Kennedy delivering his speech in Berlin
Kennedy meeting with West Berlin governing mayor Willy Brandt, March 1961

Under simultaneous and opposing pressures from the Allies and the Soviets, Germany was divided. The Berlin Wall separated West and East Berlin, the latter being under the control of the Soviets. On June 26, 1963, Kennedy visited West Berlin and gave a public speech criticizing communism. Kennedy used the construction of the Berlin Wall as an example of the failures of communism: "Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in." The speech is known for its famous phrase "Ich bin ein Berliner". Nearly five-sixths of the population was on the street when Kennedy said the famous phrase.[55] He remarked to aides afterwards: "We'll never have another day like this one."[56][57]

Nuclear Test Ban Treaty

Troubled by the long-term dangers of radioactive contamination and nuclear weapons proliferation, Kennedy pushed for the adoption of a Limited or Partial Test Ban Treaty, which prohibited atomic testing on the ground, in the atmosphere, or underwater, but did not prohibit testing underground. The United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union were the initial signatories to the treaty. Kennedy signed the treaty into law in August 1963.

Ireland

President Kennedy in motorcade in the Republic of Ireland on June 27, 1963

On the occasion of his visit to the Republic of Ireland in 1963, President Kennedy joined with Irish President Éamon de Valera to form The American Irish Foundation. The mission of this organization was to foster connections between Americans of Irish descent and the country of their ancestry. Kennedy furthered these connections of cultural solidarity by accepting a grant of armorial bearings from the Chief Herald of Ireland. Kennedy had near-legendary status in Ireland, due to his ancestral ties to the country. Irish citizens who were alive in 1963 often have very strong memories of Kennedy's momentous visit.[58] He also visited the original cottage at Dunganstown, near New Ross, where previous Kennedys had lived before emigrating to America, and said: "This is where it all began …" On December 22, 2006, the Irish Department of Justice released declassified police documents that indicated that Kennedy was the subject of three death threats during this visit. Though these threats were determined to be hoaxes, security was heightened.[59]

Iraq

In 1963, the Kennedy administration backed a coup against the government of Iraq headed by General Abdel Karim Kassem, who five years earlier had deposed the Western-allied Iraqi monarchy. The CIA helped the new Ba'ath Party government led by Abdul Salam Arif in ridding the country of suspected leftists and Communists. In a Baathist bloodbath, the government used lists of suspected Communists and other leftists provided by the CIA, to systematically murder untold numbers of Iraq's educated elite—killings in which Saddam Hussein himself is said to have participated. The victims included hundreds of doctors, teachers, technicians, lawyers, and other professionals as well as military and political figures.[60][61][62] According to an op-ed in the New York Times, the U.S. sent arms to the new regime, weapons later used against the same Kurdish insurgents the U.S. supported against Kassem and then abandoned him. American and UK oil and other interests, including Mobil, Bechtel, and British Petroleum, were conducting business in Iraq.[60]

Domestic policy

Kennedy called his domestic program the "New Frontier". It ambitiously promised federal funding for education, medical care for the elderly, economic aid to rural regions, and government intervention to halt the recession. Kennedy also promised an end to racial discrimination. In 1963, he proposed a tax reform which included income tax cuts, but this was not passed by Congress until 1964, after his death. Few of Kennedy's major programs passed Congress during his lifetime, although, under his successor Johnson, Congress did vote them through in 1964–65.

Economy

Kennedy ended a period of tight fiscal policies, loosening monetary policy to keep interest rates down and encourage growth of the economy.[63] Kennedy presided over the first government budget to top the $100 billion mark, in 1962, and his first budget in 1961 led to the country's first non-war, non-recession deficit.[64] The economy, which had been through two recessions in three years and was in one when Kennedy took office, accelerated notably during his brief presidency. Despite low inflation and interest rates, GDP had grown by an average of only 2.2% during the Eisenhower presidency (scarcely more than population growth at the time), and had declined by 1% during Eisenhower's last twelve months in office.[65] Stagnation had taken a toll on the nation's labor market, as well: unemployment had risen steadily from under 3% in 1953 to 7%, by early 1961.[66]

The economy turned around and prospered during the Kennedy administration. GDP expanded by an average of 5.5% from early 1961 to late 1963,[65] while inflation remained steady at around 1% and unemployment began to ease;[66][67] industrial production rose by 15% and motor vehicle sales leapt by 40%.[68] This rate of growth in GDP and industry continued until around 1966, and has yet to be repeated for such a sustained period of time.[65]

Federal and military death penalty

As President, Kennedy oversaw the last pre-Furman federal execution,[69] and, as of 2008, the last military execution. Governor of Iowa Harold Hughes, a death penalty opponent, personally contacted Kennedy to request clemency for Victor Feguer,[70] who was sentenced to death by a federal court in Iowa, but Kennedy turned down the request[71] and Feguer was executed on March 15, 1963. Kennedy commuted a death sentence imposed by military court on seaman Jimmie Henderson on February 12, 1962, changing the penalty to life in prison.[72]

On March 22, 1962, Kennedy signed into law HR5143 (PL87-423), abolishing the mandatory death penalty for first degree murder in the District of Columbia, the only remaining jurisdiction in the United States with a mandatory death sentence for first degree murder, replacing it with life imprisonment with parole if the jury could not decide between life imprisonment and the death penalty, or if the jury chose life imprisonment by a unanimous vote.[73][74] The death penalty in the District of Columbia has not been applied since 1957, and has now been abolished.[75]

Civil rights

The turbulent end of state-sanctioned racial discrimination was one of the most pressing domestic issues of Kennedy's era. The United States Supreme Court had ruled in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional. However, many schools, especially in southern states, did not obey the Supreme Court's judgment. Segregation on buses, in restaurants, movie theaters, bathrooms, and other public places remained. Kennedy supported racial integration and civil rights, and during the 1960 campaign he telephoned Coretta Scott King, wife of the jailed Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., which perhaps drew some additional black support to his candidacy. John and Robert Kennedy's intervention secured the early release of King from jail.[76]

In September 1962, James Meredith tried to enroll at the University of Mississippi, but he was prevented from doing so by white students and other Mississippians. Robert Kennedy, then Attorney General, responded by sending some 400 U.S. Marshals, while President Kennedy reluctantly sent about 3,000 federal troops after the situation on campus turned violent.[77] Riots at the campus left two dead and dozens injured. Meredith finally enrolled in his first class. Kennedy also assigned federal marshals to protect Freedom Riders.

As President, Kennedy initially believed the grass roots movement for civil rights would only anger many Southern whites and make it even more difficult to pass civil rights laws through Congress, which was dominated by conservative Southern Democrats, and he distanced himself from it. As a result, many civil rights leaders viewed Kennedy as unsupportive of their efforts.[78]

On June 11, 1963, President Kennedy intervened when Alabama Governor George Wallace blocked the doorway to the University of Alabama to stop two African American students, Vivian Malone and James Hood, from enrolling. George Wallace moved aside after being confronted by federal marshals, Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach and the Alabama National Guard. That evening Kennedy gave his famous civil rights address on national television and radio.[79] Kennedy proposed what would become the Civil Rights Act of 1964.[80]

Kennedy signed the executive order creating the Presidential Commission on the Status of Women in 1961.[81] Commission statistics revealed that women were also experiencing discrimination. Their final report documenting legal and cultural barriers was issued in October 1963, a month before Kennedy's assassination.

Civil liberties

In 1963, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, who hated civil-rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr. and viewed him as an upstart troublemaker,[82] presented the Kennedy Administration with allegations that some of King's close confidants and advisers were communists. Concerned that the allegations, if made public, would derail the Administration's civil rights initiatives, Robert Kennedy warned King to discontinue the suspect associations, and later felt compelled to issue a written directive authorizing the FBI to wiretap King and other leaders of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, King's civil rights organization.[83] Although Kennedy only gave written approval for limited wiretapping of King's phones "on a trial basis, for a month or so"[84], Hoover extended the clearance so his men were "unshackled" to look for evidence in any areas of King's life they deemed worthy.[85] The wire tapping continued through June 1966 and was revealed in 1968.[86]

Due to a recession, Kennedy used the power of federal agencies to influence US Steel not to institute a price increase.[87] The Wall Street Journal wrote that the administration had set prices of steel "by naked power, by threats, by agents of the state security police."[88] Yale law professor Charles Reich wrote in The New Republic that the administration had violated civil liberties by calling a grand jury to indict US Steel so quickly.[88]

Immigration

John F. Kennedy initially proposed an overhaul of American immigration policy that later was to become the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, sponsored by Kennedy's brother Senator Edward Kennedy. It dramatically shifted the source of immigration from Northern and Western European countries towards immigration from Latin America and Asia and shifted the emphasis of selection of immigrants towards facilitating family reunification.[89] Kennedy wanted to dismantle the selection of immigrants based on country of origin and saw this as an extension of his civil rights policies.[90]

Space program

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Kennedy was eager for the United States to lead the way in the space race. Sergei Khrushchev says Kennedy approached his father, Nikita, twice about a "joint venture" in space exploration—in June 1961 and autumn 1963. On the first occasion, the Soviet Union was far ahead of America in terms of space technology. Kennedy first announced the goal for landing a man on the Moon in speaking to a Joint Session of Congress on May 25, 1961, saying

"First, I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the Moon and returning him back safely to the earth. No single space project in this period will be more impressive to mankind, or more important for the long-range exploration of space; and none will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish."[91]

Kennedy later made a speech at Rice University on September 12, 1962, in which he said

"No nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race for space."

and

"We choose to go to the Moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard."[92]

On the second approach to Khrushchev, the Ukrainian was persuaded that cost-sharing was beneficial and American space technology was forging ahead. The U.S. had launched a geostationary satellite and Kennedy had asked Congress to approve more than $25 billion for the Apollo Project.

Kennedy speaks at Rice University on September 12, 1962

Khrushchev agreed to a joint venture in late 1963, but Kennedy was assassinated before the agreement could be formalized. On July 20, 1969, almost six years after JFK's death, Project Apollo's goal was finally realized when men landed on the Moon.

Native American relations

Construction of the Kinzua Dam flooded 10,000 acres (4,047 ha) of Seneca nation land that they occupied under the Treaty of 1794, and forced approximately 600 Seneca to relocate to the northern shores upstream of the dam at Salamanca, New York. Kennedy was asked by the American Civil Liberties Union to intervene and halt the project but he declined citing a critical need for flood control. He did express concern for the plight of the Seneca, and directed government agencies to assist in obtaining more land, damages, and assistance to help mitigate their displacement.[93][94]

Assassination

JFK, Jackie, and the Connallys in the presidential limousine before the assassination

President Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas, at 12:30 p.m. Central Standard Time on November 22, 1963, while on a political trip to Texas to smooth over factions in the Democratic Party between liberals Ralph Yarborough and Don Yarborough (no relation) and conservative John Connally.[95] He was shot once in the upper back and was killed with a final shot to the head. He was pronounced dead at 1:00 p.m. Only 46, President Kennedy died younger than any U.S. president to date. Lee Harvey Oswald, an employee of the schoolbook depository from which the shots were suspected to have been fired, was arrested on charges of the murder of a local police officer and was subsequently charged with the assassination of Kennedy. He denied shooting anyone, claiming he was a patsy,[96][97] but was killed by Jack Ruby on November 24, before he could be indicted or tried. Ruby was then arrested and convicted for the murder of Oswald. Ruby successfully appealed his conviction and death sentence but became ill and died of cancer while the date for his new trial was being set.

President Johnson created the Warren Commission—chaired by Chief Justice Earl Warren—to investigate the assassination, which concluded that Oswald was the lone assassin. The results of this investigation are disputed by many.

Burial

On November 25, 1963, John F. Kennedy's body was buried in a small plot, (20 ft. by 30 ft.), in Arlington National Cemetery. Over a period of 3 years, (1964–1966), an estimated 16 million people had visited his grave. On March 14, 1967, Kennedy's body was moved to a permanent burial plot and memorial at Arlington National Cemetery. The funeral was officiated by Father John J. Cavanaugh.

The honor guard at JFK`s graveside was the 37th Cadet Class of the Irish Army. JFK was greatly impressed by the Irish Cadets on his last official visit to the Republic of Ireland, so much so that Jackie Kennedy requested the Irish Army to be the honor guard at the funeral.

Kennedy's wife, Jacqueline and their two deceased minor children were buried with him later. His brother, Senator Robert Kennedy, was buried nearby in June 1968. In August 2009 his brother, Senator Edward M. Kennedy, was also buried near his two brothers. JFK's grave is lit with an "Eternal Flame." Kennedy and William Howard Taft are the only two U.S. Presidents buried at Arlington.[98][99]

Administration, Cabinet and judicial appointments 1961–1963

The Kennedy Cabinet
OFFICE NAME TERM
President John F. Kennedy 1961–1963
Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson 1961–1963
State Dean Rusk 1961–1963
Treasury C. Douglas Dillon 1961–1963
Defense Robert S. McNamara 1961–1963
Justice Robert F. Kennedy 1961–1963
Postmaster General J. Edward Day 1961–1963
  John A. Gronouski 1963
Interior Stewart L. Udall 1961–1963
Agriculture Orville L. Freeman 1961–1963
Commerce Luther H. Hodges 1961–1963
Labor Arthur J. Goldberg 1961–1962
  W. Willard Wirtz 1962–1963
HEW Abraham A. Ribicoff 1961–1962
  Anthony J. Celebrezze 1962–1963


The official White House portrait of John F. Kennedy by Aaron Shikler

Judicial appointments

Supreme Court

Kennedy appointed the following Justices to the Supreme Court of the United States:

Other courts

In addition to his two Supreme Court appointments, Kennedy appointed 21 judges to the United States Courts of Appeals, and 102 judges to the United States district courts.

Image, social life and family

The Kennedy family in 1963.

John Kennedy met his future wife, Jacqueline Bouvier, when he was a congressman. They were married a year after he was elected senator, on September 12, 1953. Kennedy and his wife were younger in comparison to presidents and first ladies that preceded them, and both were popular in ways more common to pop singers and movie stars than politicians, influencing fashion trends and becoming the subjects of numerous photo spreads in popular magazines. Although Eisenhower had allowed presidential press conferences to be filmed for television, Kennedy was the first president to ask for them to be broadcast live and made good use of the medium.[100] Jacqueline brought new art and furniture to the White House, and directed a restoration. They invited a range of artists, writers and intellectuals to rounds of White House dinners, raising the profile of the arts in America. The Kennedy family is one of the most established political families in the United States, having produced a President, three senators, and multiple other Representatives, both on the federal and state level. Jack Kennedy's father, Joseph P. Kennedy was a prominent American businessman and political figure, serving in multiple roles, including Ambassador to the United Kingdom, from 1938 to 1940.

Outside on the White House lawn, the Kennedys established a swimming pool and tree house, while Caroline attended a preschool along with 10 other children inside the home.

The Kennedy brothers in Palm Beach, Florida, 1957

The president was closely tied to popular culture, emphasized by songs such as "Twisting at the White House." Vaughn Meader's First Family comedy album—an album parodying the President, First Lady, their family and administration—sold about four million copies. On May 19, 1962, Marilyn Monroe, with whom Kennedy likely had a long-term relationship, sang for the president at a large birthday party in Madison Square Garden. The charisma of Kennedy and his family led to the figurative designation of "Camelot" for his administration, credited by his wife to his affection for the contemporary Broadway musical of the same name.[101]

Behind the glamorous facade, the Kennedys also experienced many personal tragedies. Jacqueline had a miscarriage in 1955 and a stillbirth in 1956. Their newborn son, Patrick Bouvier Kennedy, died in August 1963. Kennedy had two children who survived infancy. One of the fundamental aspects of the Kennedy family is a tragic strain which has run through the family, as a result of the deaths of many of its members. John's eldest brother, Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr., died in World War II, at the age of 29. It was Joe Jr. who was originally to carry the family's hopes for the Presidency. Then of course both John himself, and his brother Robert died as a result of assassinations. Edward had brushes with death, the first in a plane crash and the second as a result of a car accident, known as the Chappaquiddick incident. Edward died, at age 77, on August 25, 2009 from the effects of a malignant brain tumor.

Years after his death, it was revealed that in September 1947, at age 30 and while in his first term in Congress, President Kennedy was diagnosed by Sir Daniel Davis at The London Clinic with Addison's disease, a rare endocrine disorder. In 1966, his White House doctor, Janet Travell, revealed that Kennedy also had hypothyroidism. The presence of two endocrine diseases, Addison's Disease and hypothyroidism, raises the possibility that Kennedy had autoimmune polyendocrine syndrome type 2 (APS 2).[102] Details of these and other medical problems were not publicly disclosed during Kennedy's lifetime.[103]

Caroline Bouvier Kennedy was born in 1957 and is the only surviving member of JFK's immediate family. John F. Kennedy, Jr. was born in 1960, just a few weeks after his father was elected. John died in 1999 when the small plane he was piloting crashed en route to Martha's Vineyard, killing him, his wife and his sister-in-law.[104]

In October 1951, during his third term as Massachusetts's 11th district congressman, the then 34-year-old Kennedy embarked on a seven-week Asian trip to India, Japan, Vietnam, and Israel with his then 25-year-old brother Robert (who had just graduated from law school four months earlier) and his then 27-year-old sister Patricia. Because of their eight-year separation in age, the two brothers had previously seen little of each other. This 25,000-mile (40,000 km) trip was the first extended time they had spent together and resulted in their becoming best friends in addition to being brothers. Robert was campaign manager for Kennedy's successful 1952 Senate campaign and later successful 1960 presidential campaign. The two brothers worked closely together from 1957 to 1959 on the Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in the Labor and Management Field when Robert was its chief counsel. During Kennedy's presidency, Robert served in his cabinet as Attorney General and was his closest advisor.

Kennedy is reported to have had affairs, with individuals including Marilyn Monroe[105] and Mimi Beardsley Alford, author of Once Upon A Secret.[106][107] Mary Pinchot Meyer, a serious paramour of JFK, claimed she was using LSD to change the awareness of men in power; her supplier was Timothy Leary, the LSD guru.[108]

Kennedy came in third (behind Martin Luther King, Jr. and Mother Teresa) in Gallup's List of Widely Admired People of the twentieth century.[109][110]

Legacy

Television became the primary source by which people were kept informed of events surrounding John F. Kennedy's assassination. Newspapers were kept as souvenirs rather than sources of updated information. In this sense it was the first major "tv news event" of its kind, the tv coverage uniting the nation, interpreting what went on and creating memories of this space in time. All three major U.S. television networks suspended their regular schedules and switched to all-news coverage from November 22 through November 25, 1963, being on the air for not more than 70 hours, and it was the longest uninterrupted news event on American tv until 9/11. The record was broken only just before 13:00 UTC, September 14, 2001, by which time the networks had been on for 72 hours straight, covering the terror attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon.[111] Kennedy's state funeral procession and the murder of Lee Harvey Oswald were all broadcast live in America and in other places around the world. The state funeral was the first of three in a span of 12 months: The other two were for General Douglas MacArthur and Herbert Hoover.

The assassination had an effect on many people, not only in the U.S. but also among the world population. Many vividly remember where they were when first learning of the news that Kennedy was assassinated, as with the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941 before it and the September 11 attacks after it. U.N. Ambassador Adlai Stevenson said of the assassination: "all of us… will bear the grief of his death until the day of ours." Many people have also spoken of the shocking news, compounded by the pall of uncertainty about the identity of the assassin(s), the possible instigators and the causes of the killing as an end to innocence, and in retrospect it has been coalesced with other changes of the tumultuous decade of the 1960s, especially the Vietnam War.

Special Forces have a special bond with Kennedy. "It was President Kennedy who was responsible for the rebuilding of the Special Forces and giving us back our Green Beret," said Forrest Lindley, a writer for the newspaper Stars and Stripes who served with Special Forces in Vietnam. This bond was shown at JFK's funeral. At the commemoration of the 25th anniversary of JFK's death, Gen. Michael D. Healy, the last commander of Special Forces in Vietnam, spoke at Arlington Cemetery. Later, a wreath in the form of the Green Beret would be placed on the grave, continuing a tradition that began the day of his funeral when a sergeant in charge of a detail of Special Forces men guarding the grave placed his beret on the coffin.

Ultimately, the death of President Kennedy and the ensuing confusion surrounding the facts of his assassination are of political and historical importance insofar as they marked a turning point and decline in the faith of the American people in the political establishment—a point made by commentators from Gore Vidal to Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. and implied by Oliver Stone in several of his films, such as his landmark 1991 JFK.

Kennedy's continuation of Presidents Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower's policies of giving economic and military aid to the Vietnam War preceded President Johnson's escalation of the conflict. This contributed to a decade of national difficulties and disappointment on the political landscape.

Many of Kennedy's speeches (especially his inaugural address) are considered iconic; and despite his relatively short term in office and lack of major legislative changes coming to fruition during his term, Americans regularly vote him as one of the best presidents, in the same league as Abraham Lincoln, George Washington, and Franklin D. Roosevelt. Some excerpts of Kennedy's inaugural address are engraved on a plaque at his grave at Arlington.

He was posthumously awarded the Pacem in Terris Award. It was named after a 1963 encyclical letter by Pope John XXIII that calls upon all people of goodwill to secure peace among all nations. Pacem in Terris is Latin for 'Peace on Earth.'

President Kennedy is the only president to have predeceased both his mother and father. He is also the only president to have predeceased a grandparent. His grandmother, Mary Josephine Hannon Fitzgerald, died in 1964, just over eight months after his assassination.

Memorials

Coat of Arms

In 1961, Kennedy was presented with a grant of arms for all the descendants of Patrick Kennedy from the Chief Herald of Ireland. The arms of the Kennedy family are black with three gold helmets depicted upon it, within a border that is divided into red and ermine segments, and strongly alludes to the symbols in the coats of arms of the O'Kennedys of Ormonde and the Fitzgeralds of Desmond from whom the family is believed to be descended. The crest is an armored hand holding four arrows between two olive branches, elements taken from the coat of arms of the United States of America and also symbolic of Kennedy and his brothers. The coat of arms is described in heraldic terms as, Sable three helmets in profile Or within a bordure per saltire gules and ermine, and the crest is, Between two olive branches a cubit sinister arm in armor erect the hand holding a sheaf of four arrows points upward all proper on a torse Or and sable, while the mantling is gules doubled argent.

Kennedy received a signet ring engraved with his arms for his forty-fourth birthday as a gift from his wife, and the arms were incorporated into the seal of the USS John F. Kennedy. Following his assassination, Kennedy was honored by the Canadian government by having a mountain, Mount Kennedy, named for him, which his brother, Robert Kennedy, climbed in 1965 to plant a banner of the arms at the summit.[112]

See also

References

  • Brauer, Carl. John F. Kennedy and the Second Reconstruction (1977)
  • Burner, David. John F. Kennedy and a New Generation (1988)
  • Casey, Shaun. The Making of a Catholic President: Kennedy vs. Nixon 1960 (2009)
  • Dallek, Robert (2003). An Unfinished Life : John F. Kennedy, 1917–1963. Brown, Little. ISBN 0-316-17238-3. 
  • Collier, Peter & Horowitz, David. The Kennedys (1984)
  • Cottrell, John. Assassination! The World Stood Still (1964)
  • Douglass, James W., JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why it Matters (Orbis Books, 2008), positive assessment
  • Donovan, Robert J. PT-109: John F. Kennedy in WW II, 40th Anniversary Edition, McGraw Hill (reprint), 2001, ISBN 0-07-137643-7
  • Fay, Paul B., Jr. The Pleasure of His Company (1966)
  • Freedman, Lawrence. Kennedy's Wars: Berlin, Cuba, Laos and Vietnam (2000)
  • Fursenko, Aleksandr and Timothy Naftali. One Hell of a Gamble: Khrushchev, Castro and Kennedy, 1958–1964 (1997)
  • Giglio, James. The Presidency of John F. Kennedy (1991), standard scholarly overview of policies
  • Goldzwig, Steven R. and Dionisopoulos, George N., eds. In a Perilous Hour: The Public Address of John F. Kennedy, text and analysis of key speeches (1995)
  • Harper, Paul, and Joann P. Krieg eds. John F. Kennedy: The Promise Revisited (1988), scholarly articles on presidency
  • Harris, Seymour E. The Economics of the Political Parties, with Special Attention to Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy (1962)
  • Heath, Jim F. Decade of Disillusionment: The Kennedy–Johnson Years (1976), general survey of decade
  • Hellmann, John. The Kennedy Obsession: The American Myth of JFK (1997), negative assessment
  • Hersh, Seymour. The Dark Side of Camelot (1997), highly negative assessment
  • House Select Committee on Assassinations. Final Assassinations Report (1979)
  • Kunz, Diane B. The Diplomacy of the Crucial Decade: American Foreign Relations during the 1960s (1994)
  • Manchester, William. Portrait of a President: John F. Kennedy in Profile (1967)
  • Manchester, William. The Death of a President: November 20-November 25 (1967)
  • Newman, John M., JFK and Vietnam: Deception, Intrigue, and the Struggle for Power (1992)
  • O'Brien, Michael. John F. Kennedy: A Biography (2005), the most detailed biography
  • Parmet, Herbert. Jack: The Struggles of John F. Kennedy (1980)
  • Parmet, Herbert. JFK: The Presidency of John F. Kennedy (1983)
  • Piper, Michael Collins. Final Judgment (2004: sixth edition). American Free Press
  • Reeves, Richard. President Kennedy: Profile of Power (1993), balanced assessment of policies
  • Reeves, Thomas. A Question of Character: A Life of John F. Kennedy (1991) hostile assessment of his character flaws
  • Schlesinger, Arthur, Jr. A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House (1965), by a close advisor
  • Schlesinger, Arthur, Jr. Robert Kennedy And His Times (2002 re-print)
  • Smith, Jean Edward. Kennedy and Defense: The Formative Years. Air University Review (March–April 1967)
  • Sorensen, Theodore. Kennedy (1966), by a close advisor

Footnotes

  1. ^ 5, 2008 "Error: no |title= specified when using {{Cite web}}" (HHTML). http://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2008/11/obama-joins-list-of-seven-presidents-with-harvard-degrees/=November 5, 2008. 
  2. ^ a b http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Resources/Archives/Reference+Desk/John+F.+Kennedy+Miscellaneous+Information.htm
  3. ^ Theodore Roosevelt was 9 months younger when he first assumed the presidency on September 14, 1901, but he was not elected to the presidency until 1904, when he was 46.
  4. ^ a b "The Sixties". Junior Scholastic. February 11, 1994. 
  5. ^ Pulitzer.org FAQ
  6. ^ American Experience: John F. Kennedy, PBS. Retrieved on February 25, 2007.
  7. ^ "John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic site" (HHTML). http://www.nps.gov/jofi/faqs.htm. Retrieved February 8, 2008. 
  8. ^ "John F. Kennedy Miscellaneous Information". JFK library. http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Resources/Archives/Reference+Desk/John+F.+Kennedy+Miscellaneous+Information.htm. Retrieved September 17, 2007. 
  9. ^ Nigel Hamilton, JFK: Reckless Youth (New York, 1992)
  10. ^ "Memorial Hall Auditorium Filled to Capacity at Annual Freshman Smoker," The Harvard Crimson, May 5, 1937
  11. ^ Donovan, Robert J. PT-109: John F. Kennedy in WW II, p. 7.
  12. ^ Kennedy, John F. (October 16, 1981). Why England Slept. Greenwood Press Reprint. ISBN 9780313228742. http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=24144268. ; Jean Edward Smith, "Kennedy and Defense: The Formative Years", Air University Review, (Mar-Apr, 1967)
  13. ^ "Lieutenant John F. Kennedy, USN". Naval Historical Center. June 18, 2002. http://www.history.navy.mil/faqs/faq60-2.htm. Retrieved September 17, 2007. 
  14. ^ Hove, Duane (2003) American Warriors: Five Presidents in the Pacific Theater of World War II Bard Street Press ISBN 1-57249-307-0
  15. ^ Hove, Duane T. "Five Presidents in the Pacific Theater of World War II". http://www.americanwarriorsfivepresidents.com/. Retrieved September 17, 2007. 
  16. ^ Donovan, Robert J. PT-109: John F. Kennedy in WW II, pp. 106-107.
  17. ^ Donovan, Robert J. PT-109: John F. Kennedy in WW II, pp. 123-124.
  18. ^ Donovan, Robert J. PT-109: John F. Kennedy in WW II, pp. 125-126, 141-142, 162-164.
  19. ^ Donovan, Robert J. PT-109: John F. Kennedy in WW II, pp. 172–184.
  20. ^ "John F. Kennedy and PT109". JFK library. http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Resources/JFK+in+History/John+F.+Kennedy+and+PT109.htm. Retrieved December 27, 2009. 
  21. ^ Ted Chamberlain (July 11, 2002) JFK's PT-109 Found, U.S. Navy Confirms (National Geographic News).
  22. ^ Cover story, Time magazine, January 20, 1961
  23. ^ a b Edward Smith, Dr. Jean (1967-03). "Kennedy and Defense The formative years". Air University Review. http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/airchronicles/aureview/1967/mar-apr/smith.html. Retrieved September 18, 2007. 
  24. ^ Wall Street Journal, May 9, 2008, p W3, review of Counselor, by Ted Sorensen.
  25. ^ O'Brien (2005) p 370.
  26. ^ O'Brien (2005) p 370.
  27. ^ O'Brien (2005) p 370,
  28. ^ O'Brien (2005) p 370.
  29. ^ O'Brien (2005) pp 370, 371.
  30. ^ O'Brien (2005) p 372.
  31. ^ O'Brien (2005) p 374.
  32. ^ Schlesinger (2002) (re-print), p 214.
  33. ^ T. Reeves, A Question of Character, p 140.
  34. ^ O'Brien (2005) pp 274–79, 394–99.
  35. ^ Kennedy, John F. (June 18, 2002). "Address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association". American Rhetoric. http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/jfkhoustonministers.html. Retrieved September 17, 2007. 
  36. ^ Tyner Allen, Erika. "The Kennedy-Nixon Presidential Debates, 1960". museum.tv. http://www.museum.tv/archives/etv/K/htmlK/kennedy-nixon/kennedy-nixon.htm. Retrieved September 18, 2007. 
  37. ^ "Inaugural Address of President John F. Kennedy". JFK library. January 20, 1961. http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Resources/Archives/Reference+Desk/Speeches/JFK/003POF03Inaugural01201961.htm. Retrieved September 18, 2007. 
  38. ^ http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Resources/Archives/Reference+Desk/Speeches/JFK/JFK+Pre-Pres/1960/002PREPRES12SPEECHES_60MAR05a.htm
  39. ^ Bay of Pigs: The Untold Story, By Peter Wyden, Published by Simon and Shuster,1979
  40. ^ a b Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy and His Times
  41. ^ Decision for Disaster Betrayal at the Bay of Pigs, Grayston L. Lynch, Publisher: Potomac Books, Inc.,Pub. Date: January 2000ISBN 9781574882377
  42. ^ Jean Edward Smith, "Bay of Pigs: The Unanswered Questions", The Nation, April 13, 1964
  43. ^ JFK's "Address on the First Anniversary of the Alliance for Progress," White House reception for diplomatic cors of the Latin American republics, March 13, 1962. Public Papers of the Presidents – John F. Kennedy (1962), p. 223.
  44. ^ Frum, David (2000). How We Got Here: The '70s. New York, New York: Basic Books. pp. 40–41. ISBN 0465041957. 
  45. ^ LeFeber, "America, Russia and the Cold War", p.233
  46. ^ "CIA Memo: "Press Version of How Diem and Nhu Died"" (PDF). Central Intelligence Agency Office of Current Intelligence. Central Intelligence Agency. November 12, 1963. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/vn28.pdf. Retrieved September 18, 2007. See also Arrest and assassination of Ngô Đình Diệm
  47. ^ Frum, David (2000). How We Got Here: The '70s. New York, New York: Basic Books. pp. 43–46. ISBN 0465041957. 
  48. ^ Ellis, Joseph J. (2000), "Making Vietnam History", Reviews in American History 28 (4): 625–629, doi:10.1353/rah.2000.0068 
  49. ^ The Fog of War: Eleven Lessons from the Life of Robert S. McNamara
  50. ^ NSAM 263, Oct. 11, 1963
  51. ^ See John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam: Deception, Intrigue, and the Struggle for Power (1992).
  52. ^ "1963 Commencement" June 10, 1963. Retrieved February 14, 2010
  53. ^ Lawrence Freedman, Kennedy's wars: Berlin, Cuba, Laos, and Vietnam (2002) p. 399
  54. ^ NSAM 273, Nov. 26, 1963
  55. ^ Air Force One: Planes and the Presidents: Flight II, hosted and narrated by Charlton Heston. AP White House Correspondent Frank Cormier said that 5/6 of the population was on the street when Kennedy gave that famous phrase.
  56. ^ Jean Edward Smith, The Defense of Berlin, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1963; Jean Edward Smith, The Wall as Watershed, Arlington, Virginia: Institute for Defense Analysis, 1966.
  57. ^ Walsh, Kenneth T. (2003). Air Force One: A History of the Presidents and Their Planes. New York: Hyperion. 
  58. ^ "1963: Warm welcome for JFK in Ireland". BBC. http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/june/27/newsid_4461000/4461115.stm. Retrieved October 4, 2007. 
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  61. ^ "The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq", Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978; Peter and Marion Sluglett, "Iraq Since 1958" London, I.B. Taurus, 1990
  62. ^ Regarding the CIA's "Health Alteration Committee's work in Iraq, see U.S. Senate's Church Committee Interim Report on Assassination, page 181, Note 1
  63. ^ Frum, David (2000). How We Got Here: The '70s. New York, New York: Basic Books. p. 293. ISBN 0465041957. 
  64. ^ Frum, David (2000). How We Got Here: The '70s. New York, New York: Basic Books. p. 324. ISBN 0465041957. 
  65. ^ a b c BEA: quarterly GDP figures by sector, 1953-1964
  66. ^ a b Bureau of Labor Statistics: Employment & Unemployment
  67. ^ Statistical Abstract of the United States: Historical price indices
  68. ^ Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1964
  69. ^ Executions 1790 to 1963
  70. ^ Carey Goldberg (May 6, 2001). "Federal Executions Have Been Rare but May Increase". The New York Times. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9800E3DF1F38F935A35756C0A9679C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=2. 
  71. ^ Letter from Kennedy to the Attorney General
  72. ^ Riechmann, Deb (July 29, 2008). "Bush: Former Army cook's crimes warrant execution". ABC News. Associated Press. http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/wireStory?id=5468945. Retrieved July 29, 2008. 
  73. ^ Whealan, Ronald E. (December 5, 2005). "March 22, 1962 - The White House Diary". John F. Kennedy Library. http://www.jfklibrary.org/White+House+Diary/1962/March/22.htm. Retrieved August 28, 2009. 
  74. ^ Whealan, Ronald E. (January 19, 2006). "Kennedy Legislative Record, Page 2 - Summary of the Three Year Kennedy Record (Legislation)". John F. Kennedy Presidential Library. http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Resources/Archives/Reference+Desk/jfk_leg_record2.html.htm. Retrieved August 28, 2009. 
  75. ^ "Norton Letter to U.S. Attorney Says Death Penalty Trial That Begins Today Part of Troubling and Futile Pattern". Office of Congresswoman Eleanor Holmes Norton. January 8, 2007. http://www.norton.house.gov/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=478. Retrieved August 28, 2009. 
  76. ^ Brown, Mitchell. "Martin Luther King, Jr. Chronology". Louisiana State University. http://www.lib.lsu.edu/hum/mlk/srs216.html. Retrieved September 20, 2007. 
  77. ^ Bryant, Nick (Autumn 2006). "Black Man Who Was Crazy Enough to Apply to Ole Miss". The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education (53): 71. 
  78. ^ Bryant, Nick (Autumn 2006). "Black Man Who Was Crazy Enough to Apply to Ole Miss". The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education (53): 60, 66. 
  79. ^ Kennedy, John F.. "Civil Rights Address". AmericanRhetoric.com. http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/jfkcivilrights.htm. Retrieved September 20, 2007. 
  80. ^ "Nation Celebrates Anniversary Of Landmark Civil Rights Law". US Department of State. http://www.america.gov/st/washfile-english/2004/June/20040624160152jmnamdeirf0.1434442.html. Retrieved 2008-11-214. 
  81. ^ Davis, F. (1999). Moving the mountain: The women's movement in America since 1960. Chicago: University of Illinois. See also: Martin, J. M. (2003). The presidency and women: Promise, performance, and illusion. College Station, Texas: Texas A&M.
  82. ^ "The FBI's War on King". American Public Radio. http://americanradioworks.publicradio.org/features/king/d1.html. 
  83. ^ Frum, David (2000). How We Got Here: The '70s. New York, New York: Basic Books. p. 41. ISBN 0465041957. 
  84. ^ Herst, Burton (2007). Bobby and J. Edger, Carroll & Graf: New York, New York. ISBN 0-78671-982-6. p 372
  85. ^ Herst, Burton, (2007) pp 372-374
  86. ^ Garrow, David J. (2002-07/08). "The FBI and Martin Luther King". The Atlantic Monthly. http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200207/garrow. 
  87. ^ "Smiting the Foe". TIME. April 20, 1962. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,873526-3,00.html. 
  88. ^ a b O'Brien, Michael. John F. Kennedy. Macmillan. http://books.google.com/books?id=gFRzBSBmGaIC&pg=PA645&lpg=PA645&dq=kennedy+steel+price+increase+fbi&source=web&ots=NAVCuXPhhp&sig=9esGMVdDa19Iz-pvv2FSn4b5fnk&hl=en&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=5&ct=result. 
  89. ^ Ludden, Jennifer. "Q&A: Sen. Kennedy on Immigration, Then & Now". NPR. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5393857. Retrieved September 20, 2007. 
  90. ^ "From Press Office: Senator John F. Kennedy, Immigration and Naturalization Laws, Hyannis Inn Motel, Hyannis, MA". americanpresidency.org. August 6, 1960. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=60440. Retrieved September 20, 2007. 
  91. ^ Kennedy, John F. (May 25, 1961). "Special Message to the Congress on Urgent National Needs Page 4". John F. Kennedy Library. http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Resources/Archives/Reference+Desk/Speeches/JFK/Urgent+National+Needs+Page+4.htm. Retrieved September 20, 2007. 
  92. ^ Kennedy, John F. (September 12, 1962). "President John F. Kennedy". Rice University. http://webcast.rice.edu/speeches/19620912kennedy.html. Retrieved September 20, 2007. 
  93. ^ Bilharz, Joy Ann (1998). The Allegany Senecas and Kinzua Dam: forced relocation through two generations. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. p. 55. ISBN 0-8032-1282-8. http://books.google.com/books?id=LhMW6prEUpIC&pg=PA54&lpg=PA54&dq=kinzua+dam+approval&source=bl&ots=vcICl5wfxe&sig=vqBxEuslwr5QDJ7Ljb94eUppidU&hl=en&ei=NzLdSqGsJIHCsQO4n5HXDw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=3&ved=0CA8Q6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=kinzua%20dam%20approval&f=false. Retrieved October 19, 2009. 
  94. ^ 320 - Letter to the President of the Seneca Nation of Indians Concerning the Kinzua Dam on the Allegheny River
  95. ^ 26, 2009#P12844 Life in Legacy
  96. ^ Lee Oswald claiming innocence (film), Youtube.com
  97. ^ Warren Commission Hearings, vol. 20, p. 366, Kantor Exhibit No. 3 — Handwritten notes made by Seth Kantor concerning events surrounding the assassination
  98. ^ This Day in History 1967: JFK’s body moved to permanent gravesite, History.com. Retrieved on April 8, 2008.
  99. ^ "Broadcast Yourself". YouTube. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8IHYSwK9Xac. Retrieved January 2, 2010. 
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  102. ^ Mandel, Lee R. (2009). "Endocrine and Autoimmune Aspects of the Health History of John F. Kennedy". Annals of Internal Medicine (151(5)): 350–354. http://www.annals.org/content/151/5/350.full#xref-ref-9-1. 
  103. ^ Online NewsHour with Senior Correspondent Ray Suarez and physician Jeffrey Kelman, Pres. Kennedy's Health Secrets, The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer transcript, November 18, 2002
  104. ^ "Kennedy Plane Found to Be Fully Functional". Washingtonpost.com. July 31, 1999. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/longterm/jfkjr/stories/kennedy073199.htm. Retrieved January 2, 2010. 
  105. ^ "The Secret Life of Marilyn Monroe by J Randy Taraborrelli". The Sunday Times. September 20, 2009. http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/tol/arts_and_entertainment/books/non-fiction/article6836903.ece. Retrieved October 13, 2009. 
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  111. ^ Carter, Bill (September 15, 2001). "Viewers Again Return To Traditional Networks". The New York Times: p. A14. http://www.nytimes.com/2001/09/15/us/after-the-attacks-television-viewers-again-return-to-traditional-networks.html?pagewanted=print. 
  112. ^ "John Fitzgerald Kennedy, 35th President of the United States". American Heraldry Society. http://www.americanheraldry.org/pages/index.php?n=President.Kennedy. Retrieved October 27, 2009. 

Media

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External links


Quotes

Up to date as of January 14, 2010
(Redirected to John F. Kennedy article)

From Wikiquote

The New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises — it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them.

John Fitzgerald Kennedy (29 May 191722 November 1963) was the 35th President of the United States, a brother of Robert F. Kennedy and Ted Kennedy, and the first husband of Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis.

Contents

Sourced

11 ALIVE NEED SMALL BOAT
  • After visiting these places, you can easily understand how that within a few years Hitler will emerge from the hatred that surrounds him now as one of the most significant figures who ever lived. He had boundless ambition for his country which rendered him a menace to the peace of the world, but he had a mystery about him in the way that he lived and in the manner of his death that will live and grow after him. He had in him the stuff of which legends are made.
  • The voters selected us, in short, because they had confidence in our judgement and our ability to excercise that judgement from a position where we could determine what were their own best interest, as a part of the nation's interest.
  • A man does what he must — in spite of personal consequences, in spite of obstacles and dangers, and pressures — and that is the basis of all human morality.
    • Profiles in Courage (1956)
  • The Chinese use two brush strokes to write the word "crisis". One brush stroke stands for danger; the other for opportunity. In a crisis, be aware of the danger — but recognize the opportunity.
  • The New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises — it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them.
    • Acceptance Speech as the Democratic presidential nominee (15 July 1960)
  • If by a "Liberal" they mean someone who looks ahead and not behind, someone who welcomes new ideas without rigid reactions, someone who cares about the welfare of the people — their health, their housing, their schools, their jobs, their civil rights, and their civil liberties — someone who believes we can break through the stalemate and suspicions that grip us in our policies abroad, if that is what they mean by a "Liberal," then I'm proud to say I'm a "Liberal."
I can assure you that every degree of mind and spirit that I possess will be devoted to the long-range interests of the United States and to the cause of freedom around the world.
  • Their platform, made up of left-over Democratic planks, has the courage of our old convictions. Their pledge is a pledge to the status quo — and today there can be no status quo.
  • If this nation is to be wise as well as strong, if we are to achieve our destiny, then we need more new ideas for more wise men reading more good books in more public libraries. These libraries should be open to all — except the censor. We must know all the facts and hear all the alternatives and listen to all the criticisms. Let us welcome controversial books and controversial authors. For the Bill of Rights is the guardian of our security as well as our liberty.
  • I can assure you that every degree of mind and spirit that I possess will be devoted to the long-range interests of the United States and to the cause of freedom around the world.
  • For of those to whom much is given, much is required. And when at some future date the high court of history sits in judgment on each of us, recording whether in our brief span of service we fulfilled our responsibilities to the state, our success or failure, in whatever office we hold, will be measured by the answers to four questions: First, were we truly men of courage… Second, were we truly men of judgment… Third, were we truly men of integrity… Finally were we truly men of dedication?
I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely.
  • Geography has made us neighbors. History has made us friends. Economics has made us partners. And necessity has made us allies. Those whom nature hath so joined together, let no man put asunder.
    • Address to the Canadian Parliament, (17 May 1961)

Listen to an original recording of this quote:

  • I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the Earth. No single space project in this period will be more impressive to mankind, or more important for the long-range exploration of space; and none will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish.
    • Speech to Special Joint Session of Congress (25 May 1961)
We must face problems which do not lend themselves to easy or quick or permanent solutions ... there cannot be an American solution to every world problem...
  • In short, we must face problems which do not lend themselves to easy or quick or permanent solutions. And we must face the fact that the United States is neither omnipotent nor omniscient, that we are only six percent of the world's population, that we cannot impose our will upon the other ninety-four percent of mankind, that we cannot right every wrong or reverse each adversity, and that therefore there cannot be an American solution to every world problem.
  • I wonder how it is with you, Harold? If I don't have a woman for three days, I get terrible headaches.
  • The great enemy of the truth is very often not the lie — deliberate, contrived and dishonest — but the myth — persistent, persuasive, and unrealistic.
    • Commencement address, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut (11 June 1962) [1]
  • Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.
    • Address to Latin American diplomats at the White House (13 March 1962) [2]
  • I think this is the most extraordinary collection of talent, of human knowledge, that has ever been gathered together at the White House, with the possible exception of when Thomas Jefferson dined alone.
  • We will not prematurely or unnecessarily risk the costs of a worldwide nuclear war in which even the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouth — but neither shall we shrink from that risk any time it must be faced.
  • The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are; but it is one of the most consistent with our character and our courage as a nation and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high — but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and this is the path of surrender or submission. Our goal is not victory of might but the vindication of right — not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere and, we hope, around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved. Thank you, and good night.
As a free man, I take pride in the words "Ich bin ein Berliner."
  • Dante once said that the hottest places in hell are reserved for those who, in a period of moral crisis, maintain their neutrality.
    • At the signing of a charter establishing the German Peace Corps, Bonn, West Germany (24 June 1963), more information on the reference to Dante is here at Bartleby.com
  • The problems of the world cannot possibly be solved by skeptics or cynics whose horizons are limited by the obvious realities. We need men who can dream of things that never were and ask "why not?".
    • Speech delivered to the Dail (Parliament of Ireland) (28 June 1963)
  • Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe. When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.
    All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words "Ich bin ein Berliner."
  • The supreme reality of our time is our indivisibility as children of God and the common vulnerability of this planet.
    • Speech to a joint session of the Dail and the Seanad, Dublin, Ireland (28 June 1963)
  • I must say that though other days may not be so bright, as we look toward the future, that the brightest days will continue to be those we spent with you here in Ireland.
    • Speech at Eyre Square, Galway, Ireland (29 June 1963)
  • This is not the land of my birth, but it is the land for which I hold the greatest affection, and I certainly will come back in the springtime
When power leads men towards arrogance, poetry reminds him of his limitations...
  • I want to drink a cup of tea to all those Kennedys who went and all those Kennedys who stayed.
  • When power leads men towards arrogance, poetry reminds him of his limitations. When power narrows the areas of man's concern, poetry reminds him of the richness and diversity of his existence. When power corrupts, poetry cleanses. For art establishes the basic human truth which must serve as the touchstone of our judgment.
    The artist, however faithful to his personal vision of reality, becomes the last champion of the individual mind and sensibility against an intrusive society and an officious state. The great artist is thus a solitary figure. He has, as Frost said, a lover's quarrel with the world. In pursuing his perceptions of reality, he must often sail against the currents of his time. This is not a popular role. If Robert Frost was much honored in his lifetime, it was because a good many preferred to ignore his darker truths.
  • I was assured by every son of a bitch I checked with — all the military experts and the CIA — that the plan would succeed.
  • It really is true that foreign affairs is the only important issue for a president to handle, isn't? ... I mean, Who gives a shit if the minimum wage is $1.15 or $1.25 in comparison to something like this?
    • Comment to Richard Nixon, after the Bay of Pigs Invasion, as quoted in John F. Kennedy: The Presidential Portfolio : History as told through the collection of the John F. Kennedy Library and Museum (2000) by Charles Kenney
  • I think 'Hail to the Chief' has a nice ring to it.
    • When asked what his favorite song was, as quoted in The Ultimate Book of Useless Information (2007) by Noel Botham
  • I think when we talk about corporal punishment, and we have to think about our own children, and we are rather reluctant, it seems to me, to have other people administering punishment to our own children, because we are reluctant, it puts a special obligation on us to maintain order and to send children out from our homes who accept the idea of discipline. So I would not be for corporal punishment in the school, but I would be for very strong discipline at home so we don't place an unfair burden on our teachers.

Inaugural Address (1961)

Inaugural address, Washington D.C. (20 January 1961) - (Video file)
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
  • Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
  • The same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebearers fought — are still at issue around the globe — the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.
  • To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required — not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
  • So let us begin anew — remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
  • If a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
    All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
  • With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
  • In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility — I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it — and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
    And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you — ask what you can do for your country.
    My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Address before the Press (1961)

Address before the American Newspaper Publishers Association (27 April 1961) Audio

  • Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:
  • I appreciate very much your generous invitation to be here tonight. You bear heavy responsibilities these days and an article I read some time ago reminded me of how particularly heavily the burdens of present day events bear upon your profession. You may remember that in 1851 the New York Herald Tribune under the sponsorship and publishing of Horace Greeley, employed as its London correspondent an obscure journalist by the name of Karl Marx.
  • I want to talk about our common responsibilities in the face of a common danger. The events of recent weeks may have helped to illuminate that challenge for some; but the dimensions of its threat have loomed large on the horizon for many years. Whatever our hopes may be for the future--for reducing this threat or living with it--there is no escaping either the gravity or the totality of its challenge to our survival and to our security--a challenge that confronts us in unaccustomed ways in every sphere of human activity.
  • This deadly challenge imposes upon our society two requirements of direct concern both to the press and to the President--two requirements that may seem almost contradictory in tone, but which must be reconciled and fulfilled if we are to meet this national peril. I refer, first, to the need for a far greater public information; and, second, to the need for far greater official secrecy.
  • The very word "secrecy" is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed the dangers which are cited to justify it. Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it. And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment. That I do not intend to permit to the extent that it is in my control. And no official of my Administration, whether his rank is high or low, civilian or military, should interpret my words here tonight as an excuse to censor the news, to stifle dissent, to cover up our mistakes or to withhold from the press and the public the facts they deserve to know.
  • We are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy. That relies on primarily on covet means for expanding its fear of influence. On infiltration instead of invasion. On subversion instead of elections. On intimidation instead of free choice, on guerillas by night instead of armies by day. It is a system which has conscripted, vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly nit highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific, and political operations. Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is printed, no secret is revealed.
  • It requires a change in outlook, a change in tactics, a change in missions--by the government, by the people, by every businessman or labor leader, and by every newspaper. For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies primarily on covert means for expanding its sphere of influence--on infiltration instead of invasion, on subversion instead of elections, on intimidation instead of free choice, on guerrillas by night instead of armies by day. It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific and political operations.
  • Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced, not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is printed, no secret is revealed. It conducts the Cold War, in short, with a war-time discipline no democracy would ever hope or wish to match.
  • Nevertheless, every democracy recognizes the necessary restraints of national security--and the question remains whether those restraints need to be more strictly observed if we are to oppose this kind of attack as well as outright invasion.
  • And so it is to the printing press--to the recorder of man's deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news--that we look for strength and assistance, confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.

UN speech (1961)

Address before the General Assembly of the United Nations (25 September 1961)
Mankind must put an end to war or war will put an end to mankind.
  • Mankind must put an end to war or war will put an end to mankind.
  • Conformity is the jailer of freedom and the enemy of growth.
  • Today, every inhabitant of this planet must contemplate the day when this planet may no longer be habitable. Every man, woman and child lives under a nuclear sword of Damocles, hanging by the slenderest of threads, capable of being cut at any moment by accident, or miscalculation, or by madness. The weapons of war must be abolished before they abolish us.
  • Terror is not a new weapon. Throughout history it has been used by those who could not prevail, either by persuasion or example. But inevitably they fail, either because men are not afraid to die for a life worth living, or because the terrorists themselves came to realize that free men cannot be frightened by threats, and that aggression would meet its own response. And it is in the light of that history that every nation today should know, be he friend or foe, that the United States has both the will and the weapons to join free men in standing up to their responsibilities.
  • I come here today to look across this world of threats to a world of peace. In that search we cannot expect any final triumph — for new problems will always arise. We cannot expect that all nations will adopt like systems — for conformity is the jailor of freedom, and the enemy of growth. Nor can we expect to reach our goal by contrivance, by fiat or even by the wishes of all.
    But however close we sometimes seem to that dark and final abyss, let no man of peace and freedom despair. For he does not stand alone. If we all can persevere, if we can in every land and office look beyond our own shores and ambitions, then surely the age will dawn in which the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

Rice University speech (1962)

There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again.
Address at Rice University on the Nation's Space Effort, Houston, TX (12 September 1962)
  • The greater our knowledge increases the greater our ignorace unfolds
  • If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race for space.
  • For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.
  • There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its hazards are hostile to us all. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again.
  • We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.
  • We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them. And they may be less public.
  • Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He said, "Because it is there." Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.

American University speech (1963)

Address at American University, Washington D.C. (10 June 1963)
If we cannot end now our differences, at least we can make the world safe for diversity.
  • I have, therefore, chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived — yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.
    What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children — not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women — not merely peace in our time but peace for all time.
  • If we cannot end now our differences, at least we can make the world safe for diversity. For, in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's future. And we are all mortal.
  • I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary rational end of rational men. I realize that the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war — and frequently the words of the pursuer fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task.
  • To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint. Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility.
  • And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights — the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation — the right to breathe air as nature provided it — the right of future generations to a healthy existence?
  • The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough — more than enough — of war and hate and oppression. We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success.

UN speech (1963)

Address Before the 18th General Assembly of the United Nations (20 September 1963)
  • Finally, in a field where the United States and the Soviet Union have a special capacity - in the field of space - there is room for new cooperation, for further joint efforts in the regulation and exploration of space. I include among these possibilities a joint expedition to the moon. Space offers no problems of sovereignty; by resolution of this Assembly, the members of the United Nations have foresworn any claim to territorial rights in outer space or on celestial bodies, and declared that international law and the United Nations Charter will apply. Why, therefore, should man's first flight to the moon be a matter of national competition?

Misattributed

  • A revolution is coming — a revolution which will be peaceful if we are wise enough; compassionate if we care enough; successful if we are fortunate enough — But a revolution which is coming whether we will it or not. We can affect its character; we cannot alter its inevitability.

Quotes about Kennedy

  • Kennedy survived as an orator to the point of delivering his own funeral oration, since Theodore Sorensen continued to write speeches for his successor in the same style that had contributed so much toward the dead man’s public persona.
  • Kennedy was the only member of his administration who didn't want to send in a massive ground force [to Vietnam]. […] Kennedy was also making very friendly overtures to the Soviet Union and calling for a real Detente in the Cold War, and was even reconsidering developing normal relationships with Cuba.

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