Luis Carrero Blanco: Wikis


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Luis Carrero-Blanco

In office
June 9, 1973 – December 20, 1973
Vice President Torcuato Fernández-Miranda
Preceded by Francisco Franco
Succeeded by Torcuato Fernández-Miranda

In office
1967 – June 9, 1973
Preceded by Agustín Muñoz Grandes
Succeeded by Torcuato Fernández-Miranda

Born March 4, 1904(1904-03-04)
Santoña, Cantabria, Spain
Died December 20, 1973 (aged 69)
Nationality Spain
Political party Movimiento Nacional

Don Luis Carrero-Blanco, 1st Duke of Carrero-Blanco Grandee of Spain (4 March 1904, Santoña, Cantabria – 20 December 1973, Madrid) was a Spanish admiral and long-time ally of dictator Francisco Franco.



Luis Carrero Blanco entered the Escuela Naval Militar, the Spanish Naval Academy, in 1918 and participated in the Moroccan campaign of 1924-1926.

In 1929 he married María del Carmen Pichot y Villa, by whom he had four children.[1]

In July 1936, when the Spanish Civil War erupted, Carrero Blanco found himself behind the coalescing Republican line. Taking refuge in the embassy of Mexico and later that of France, he was able to sneak across the front and reach the Nationalist side in June 1937. Carrero Blanco then served in the Nationalist navy. After the Nationalist victory and subsequent installation of Generalísimo Francisco Franco as military dictator (Caudillo) of Spain, Carrero Blanco became one of his closest collaborators as well a chief of naval operations. He was said to be in opposition to Spain entering World War II on the side of the Axis powers, a notably different political position compared to some other Falangists. Carrero Blanco himself was a monarchist. Devoted to the Roman Catholic Church, he was close to Opus Dei.

With the infusion of American capital in the 1950s, the Franco regime's Falangist policies were liberalized, without relaxing authoritarian control. The Falange syndicalists resisted the economic opening of the regime to capitalistic influences, while the technocrats of Opus Dei "de-emphasized the role of the syndicates and favored increased competition as a means of achieving rapid economic growth. The technocrats prevailed, and members of Opus Dei assumed significant posts in Franco's 1957 cabinet" (U.S. Library of Congress). Carrero Blanco, without explicitly supporting political liberalization, aspired to economic integration with European markets. Carrero Blanco became a minister in Franco's regime in 1957.

Carrero Blanco was made vice-admiral (1963) and admiral in 1966; he held the post of vice-president of the state council from 1967 to 1973.

His political career reached its zenith on 8 June 1973 upon being named the Prime Minister of Spain and made a top deputy to Franco. It seemed as though it was only a matter of time before he would succeed the ailing dictator.

1973 assassination

Memorial plaque at the place of the assassination of Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco.

Within about six months of being named prime minister, Carrero Blanco was assassinated in Madrid by four Basque members of ETA, who carried out a bombing while he returned from Mass in a Dodge 3700. ETA placed 80-100 kg of explosives in a tunnel they had excavated under the street. The blast catapulted the vehicle over the Jesuit monastery in front of which it had run, and it landed on a second floor balcony on the other side.

In their manifesto, justifying the murder, ETA wrote:

"The execution in itself had an order and some clear objectives. From the beginning of 1951 Carrero Blanco practically occupied the government headquarters in the regime. Carrero Blanco symbolized better than anyone else the figure of "pure Francoism" and without totally linking himself to any of the Francoist tendencies, he covertly attempted to push Opus Dei into power. A man without scruples conscientiously mounted his own State within the State: he created a network of informers within the Ministries, in the Army, in the Falange, and also in Opus Dei. His police managed to put themselves into all the Francoist apparatus. Thus he made himself the key element of the system and a fundamental piece of the oligarchy's political game. On the other hand, he came to be irreplaceable for his experience and capacity to maneuver and because nobody managed as he did to maintain the internal equilibrium of Francoism [...]". [2]

This assassination, dubbed Operación Ogro, was in retaliation for the execution of five political opponents by the regime (including some members of ETA) and was applauded by many opponents of the Francoist government. Since Carrero Blanco could have become the most powerful figure in Spain upon Franco's passing, his death was instrumental in the transition toward a democratic government in that country.

The former ETA member now turned anti-nationalist author Jon Juaristi contends that ETA's goal with this particular killing was not democratization but a spiral of violence as an attempt to fully destabilize Spain, increase Franco's repression against Basque nationalism and subsequently put the average citizen in the Basque country in the situation where they would have had to accept the lesser evil in the form of ETA's reaction against Franco's unleashed repression.[3 ]

In his first speech to the Cortes on 12 February 1974, Carrero Blanco's successor, the new prime minister Carlos Arias Navarro, promised liberalizing reforms including the right to form political associations. Though he was denounced by hardliners within the regime, the transition had begun.

1978 reprisal assassination of Argala

One of the ETA members who had assassinated Carrero Blanco was himself assassinated by a car bomb in the south of France on December 21, 1978, by a Spanish far right group organized from inside the Navy (including one member of the CESID secret service, another one of the Servicio de Inteligencia Naval and the other belonging to the Alto Estado Mayor), which received assistance from former OAS member Jean Pierre Cherid, former Triple A Argentine member José María Boccardo and Italian neofascist Mario Ricci, member of Avanguardia Nazionale. Argala, as the ETA member was known, was the only one who could identify the mysterious man who handed up to ETA Carrero Blanco's schedule and itinerary. According to Leonidas, former member of the Spanish Army who participated to the bombing against Argala, "the explosives came from a u.s. base. I don't remember with exactitude if it was from Torrejón or Rota, but I do know that the Americans did not know what for they would be used. It was a personal favor they made to Pedro el Marino" (alias Pedro Martínez) who provided the explosives. Argala's assassination was claimed by the Batallón Vasco Español (BVE). However, according to Leonidas, "BVE, ATE or "Triple A" are only labels of convenience used by the same group [4].


He and his wife had five children:

  • Doña María del Carmen Carrero-Blanco y Pichot
  • Doña Angelines Carrero-Blanco y Pichot:
    • María Schoendorff y Carrero-Blanco
  • Don Guillermo Carrero-Blanco y Pichot
  • Don Luis Carrero-Blanco y Pichot (b. Cartagena, 28 March 1930), 2nd Duke of Carrero-Blanco Grandee of Spain, married on 21 December 1960 María de las Mercedes Martín-Artajo y Saracho (b. Madrid, 9 June 1936), and had descendants:
    • Don Luis Carrero-Blanco y Martín-Artajo (b. Cádiz, 13 October 1961)
    • Don Carlos Carrero-Blanco y Martín-Artajo (b. Madrid, 28 July 1963)
    • Don Pablo Carrero-Blanco y Martín-Artajo (b. Madrid, 5 January 1967)
    • Don Alberto Carrero-Blanco y Martín-Artajo (b. Cádiz, 12 May 1968)
    • Doña Lucía Carrero-Blanco y Martín-Artajo (b. Cádiz, 4 August 1971)
  • Don José Enrique Carrero-Blanco y Pichot (b. Palma de Mallorca, 1 May 1939), married on 9 March 1969 María Victoria Martínez-Hombre Capellán (b. Oviedo, 25 May 1945), and had descendants:
    • Don Luis Carrero-Blanco Martínez (b. Cádiz, 4 January 1974)
    • Don Julio Carrero-Blanco Martínez-Hombre (b. Cádiz, 25 July 1977)
    • Don José Enrique Carrero-Blanco Martínez-Hombre (b. Cartagena, 9 Juny 1981)


  1. ^
  2. ^ "En la siguiente declaración uno de los militantes del commando Txikía respondía a la pregunta de por qué se había ejecutado a Carrero Blanco: “La ejecución en sí tenía un alcance y unos objetivos clarísimos. A partir de 1951 Carrero ocupó prácticamente la jefatura del Gobierno en el Régimen. Carrero simbolizaba mejor que nadie la figura del «franquismo puro» y sin ligarse totalmente a ninguna de las tendencias franquistas, solapadamente trataba de empujar al Opus Dei al poder. Hombre sin escrúpulos montó concienzudamente su propio Estado dentro del Estado: creó una red de informadores dentro de los Ministerios, del Ejército, de la Falange y aún dentro del Opus Dei. Su policía logró meterse en todo el aparato franquista. Así fue convirtiéndose en el elemento clave del sistema y en una pieza fundamental del juego político de la oligarquía. Por otra parte llegó a ser insustituible por su experiencia y capacidad de maniobra y porque nadie lograba como él mantener el equilibrio interno del franquismo […]".
  3. ^ Sacra Némesis: Nuevas historias de nacionalistas vascos, pages 143-145, Jon Juaristi, Editorial Espasa Calpe, 1999, ISBN 84-239-7791-9
  4. ^ Argala, Jose Miguel Beñaran Ordeñana


  • Julen Agirre; Operation Ogro: The Execution of Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco; Quadrangle; ISBN 0-8129-0552-0
  • Tusell, Javier: "Carrero, eminencia gris del régimen de Franco" (Carrero, gray expert of Franco´s regime), Temas de Hoy, 1993, 478 págs., [32] págs. de lám.; 23 cm, Serie: Grandes temas; 18

External links

Political offices
Preceded by
Francisco Franco Bahamonde
President of the Government of Spain
Succeeded by
Torcuato Fernández-Miranda (acting)




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