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Sir Oswald Mosley, Bt.

Sir Oswald Mosley, Bt.

Member of Parliament
for Harrow
In office
1918 – 1924
Preceded by Harry Mallaby-Deeley
Succeeded by Sir Isidore Salmon

Member of Parliament
for Smethwick
In office
1926 – 1931
Preceded by John Davison
Succeeded by Roy Wise

Born 16 November 1896
London, England
Died 3 December 1980 (aged 84)
Orsay, France
Nationality British
Political party Conservative (until 1924)
Labour / Independent Labour Party (1924-1931)
New Party (1931-1932)
British Union of Fascists (1932-1940?)
Union Movement (1948?-1962)
National Party of Europe (1962-1980)
Spouse(s) Lady Cynthia Mosley (1920-1933)
Diana Mitford (1936-1980)
Children Vivien Mosley
Nicholas Mosley
Michael Mosley
(Oswald) Alexander Mosley
Max Mosley

Sir Oswald Ernald Mosley, 6th Baronet (16 November 1896 – 3 December 1980) was a British politician, known principally as the founder of the British Union of Fascists. He was a member of Parliament for Harrow from 1918 to 1923 and for Smethwick from 1926 to 1931.

Contents

Biography

Family and early life

Mosley was the eldest of three sons of Sir Oswald Mosley, 5th Baronet of Ancoats (1874–1928), and his wife Katharine Maud Edwards-Heathcote (1874–1950), the second child of Captain Justinian Edwards-Heathcote, of Market Drayton, Shropshire. Mosley's family were Anglo-Irish but his branch were prosperous landowners in Staffordshire.

Mosley was born at Rolleston Hall, near Burton-on-Trent. When his parents separated he was brought up by his mother, who initially went to live at Betton Hall near Market Drayton, and his paternal grandfather, Sir Oswald Mosley, 4th Baronet of Ancoats. Within the family and among intimate friends, he was always called "Tom". He lived for many years at Apedale Hall near Newcastle-under-Lyme.

He was educated at West Downs School and Winchester College. In January 1914 he entered the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst but was expelled in June for a "riotous act of retaliation" against a fellow student.[1] During World War I he was commissioned in the 16th The Queen's Lancers and fought on the Western Front. He transferred to the Royal Flying Corps as an observer but while showing off in front of his mother and sister he crashed, which left him with a permanent limp. He returned to the trenches before the injury was fully healed and, at the Battle of Loos, he passed out at his post from the pain. He spent the remainder of the war at desk jobs in the Ministry of Munitions and in the Foreign Office.[1]

Personal life

In May 1920 he married Lady Cynthia Curzon (known as 'Cimmie'), second daughter of George Curzon, Lord Curzon of Kedleston and Lord Curzon's first wife, the American mercantile heiress, the former Mary Victoria Leiter. Lord Curzon had to be persuaded that Mosley was a suitable husband, as he suspected Mosley was largely motivated by social advancement and her inheritance. The wedding was the social event of the year, attended by many branches of European royalty, including King George V and Queen Mary.

He had three children by Cynthia: Vivien (b. 1921), Nicholas Mosley (b. 1923), a successful novelist who wrote a biography of his father and edited his memoirs for publication, and Michael (b. 1932).

During this marriage he had an extended affair with his wife's younger sister Lady Alexandra Metcalfe, and with their stepmother, Grace Curzon, Marchioness Curzon of Kedleston, the American-born second wife and widow of Lord Curzon of Kedleston.

Cynthia died of peritonitis in 1933, after which Mosley married his mistress Diana Guinness, née Mitford, (one of the celebrated Mitford sisters). They married in secret in 1936, in the Berlin home of Nazi propaganda chief Joseph Goebbels. Adolf Hitler was one of the guests. By Diana Mitford, he had two sons: Alexander (b. 1938) and Max Mosley (b. 1940), who was president of the Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile (FIA) for 16 years.

Mosley spent large amounts of his private fortune on the British Union of Fascists (BUF) and tried to establish it on a firm financial footing by negotiating, through Diana, with Adolf Hitler for permission to broadcast commercial radio to Britain from Germany. Mosley also reportedly in 1937 struck a deal with Francis William Lionel Collings Beaumont, the heir to the Seigneur of Sark, to set up a privately owned radio station on Sark.[2][3]

Elected Member of Parliament

By the end of World War I Mosley decided to go into politics as a Conservative Member of Parliament (MP), although he was only 21 years old and had not fully developed his politics. He was driven by a passionate conviction to avoid any future war and this motivated his career. Largely because of his family background, he was considered by several constituencies; a vacancy near the family estates seemed to be the best prospect. Unexpectedly, he was selected for Harrow first. In the general election of 1918 he faced no serious opposition and was elected easily. He was the youngest member of the House of Commons to take his seat (there was an abstentionist Sinn Féin MP who was younger). He soon distinguished himself as an orator and political player, one marked by extreme self-confidence. He made a point of speaking in the House of Commons without notes.[citation needed]

Crossing the floor

Mosley was at this time falling out with the Conservatives over the issue of Irish policy, and the use of the Black and Tans to suppress the Irish population. Eventually he 'crossed the floor' and sat as an Independent MP on the opposition side of the House of Commons. Having built up a following in his constituency, he retained it against a Conservative challenge in the 1922 and 1923 general elections. The liberal Westminster Gazette wrote that he was "the most polished literary speaker in the Commons, words flow from him in graceful epigrammatic phrases that have a sting in them for the government and the conservatives. To listen to him is an education in the English language, also in the art of delicate but deadly repartee. He has human sympathies, courage and brains."[4] By 1924 he was growing increasingly attracted to the Labour Party, which had just formed a government, and in March he joined. He immediately joined the Independent Labour Party (ILP) as well and allied himself with the left.

When the government fell in October, Mosley had to choose a new seat as he believed that Harrow would not re-elect him as a Labour candidate. He therefore decided to oppose Neville Chamberlain in Birmingham Ladywood. An energetic campaign led to a knife-edge result but Mosley was defeated by 77 votes. His period outside Parliament was used to develop a new economic policy for the ILP, which eventually became known as the Birmingham Proposals; they continued to form the basis of Mosley's economics until the end of his political career. In 1926, the Labour-held seat of Smethwick fell vacant and Mosley returned to Parliament after winning the resulting by-election on 21 December.[citation needed]

Mosley and his wife Cynthia were ardent Fabian Socialists in the 1920s and 1930s. Mosley appears in a list of names of Fabians from Fabian News and Fabian Society Annual Report 1929–31. He was Kingsway Hall lecturer in 1924 and Livingstone Hall lecturer in 1931.

Office

Mosley then made a bold bid for political advancement within the Labour Party. He was close to Ramsay MacDonald and hoped for one of the great offices of state, but when Labour won the 1929 general election he was appointed only to the post of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, de facto Minister without Portfolio, outside the Cabinet. He was given responsibility for solving the unemployment problem, but found that his radical proposals were blocked either by his superior James Henry Thomas or by the Cabinet.[citation needed]

Mosley was always impatient and eventually put forward a whole scheme in the 'Mosley Memorandum' to find it rejected by the Cabinet; he then resigned in May 1930. At the time, the weekly liberal paper The Nation described his move: "The resignation of Sir Oswald Mosley is an event of capital importance in domestic politics...We feel that Sir Oswald has acted rightly-as he has certainly acted courageously-in declining to share any longer in the responsibility for inertia."[4] He attempted to persuade the Labour Party Conference in October, but was defeated again. The memorandum called for high tariffs to protect British industries from international finance, for state nationalisation of industry and a programme of public works to solve unemployment. Thirty years later, in 1961, R. H. S. Crossman described the memorandum: "... this brilliant memorandum was a whole generation ahead of Labour thinking."[4]

New Party

Determined that the Labour Party was no longer suitable, Mosley quickly founded the New Party. Its early parliamentary contests, in the Ashton-under-Lyne by-election, 1931 and subsequent by-elections, were successful only in splitting the vote and allowing the Conservative candidate to win. Despite this, the organisation gained support among many Labour and Conservative MPs, who agreed with his corporatist economic policy - among those who agreed were Aneurin Bevan and Harold Macmillan. It also gained the endorsement of the Daily Mail newspaper. The New Party increasingly inclined to fascist policies, but Mosley was denied the opportunity to get his party established when the 1931 election was suddenly called. All its candidates, including Mosley, lost their seats. As the New Party gradually became more radical and authoritarian, many previous supporters defected from it. Shortly after the election, he was described by the Manchester Guardian:

"When Sir Oswald Mosley sat down after his Free Trade Hall speech in Manchester and the audience, stirred as an audience rarely is, rose and swept a storm of applause towards the platform-who could doubt that here was one of those root-and-branch men who have been thrown up from time to time in the religious, political and business story of England. First that gripping audience is arrested, then stirred and finally, as we have said, swept off its feet by a tornado of peroration yelled at the defiant high pitch of a tremendous voice." —Manchester Guardian[4]

Fascism

After his failure in 1931 Mosley went on a study tour of the 'new movements' of Italy's Benito Mussolini and other fascists, and returned convinced that it was the way forward for him and for Britain. He determined to unite the existing fascist movements and created the British Union of Fascists (BUF) in 1932. The BUF was anti-communist and protectionist. It claimed membership as high as 50,000, and had the Daily Mail[5]and Daily Mirror[6] among its earliest supporters. Among his followers were the novelist Henry Williamson, military theorist J.F.C. Fuller and the future "Lord Haw Haw", William Joyce.

Mosley had found problems with disruption of New Party meetings, and instituted a corps of black-uniformed paramilitary stewards, nicknamed blackshirts. The party was frequently involved in violent confrontations, particularly with Communist and Jewish groups and especially in London. At a large Mosley rally at Olympia on 7 June 1934 mass brawling broke out when hecklers were removed by blackshirts, resulting in bad publicity. This and the Night of the Long Knives in Germany led to the loss of most of the BUF's mass support. The party was unable to fight the 1935 general election.

Plaque commemorating the Battle of Cable Street.

In October 1936 Mosley and the BUF attempted to march through an area with a high proportion of Jewish residents, and violence resulted between local and nationally organised protesters trying to block the march and police trying to force it through, since called the Battle of Cable Street. An eyewitness, Bill Fishman, 15 at the time of the battle, recalled: "I was moved to tears to see bearded Jews and Irish Catholic dockers standing up to stop Mosley. I shall never forget that as long as I live, how working-class people could get together to oppose the evil of racism."[7] At length Sir Philip Game the Police Commissioner disallowed the march from going ahead and the BUF abandoned it. Mosley continued to organise marches policed by the blackshirts, and the government was sufficiently concerned to pass the Public Order Act 1936, which, amongst other things, banned political uniforms and quasi-military style organisations and came into effect on 1 January 1937.

In the London County Council elections in 1937 the BUF stood in three of its East London strongholds, polling up to a quarter of the vote. Mosley then made most of the employees redundant, some of whom then defected from the party with William Joyce. As the European situation moved towards war, the BUF began nominating Parliamentary candidates and launched campaigns on the theme of Mind Britain's Business. After the outbreak of war he led the campaign for a negotiated peace. He was at first received well but, after the invasion of Norway, public opinion of him gave way to hostility and Mosley was nearly assaulted.[citation needed]

He was a friend of Edward VIII, who approved of the BUF campaign for Edward to keep his throne.[citation needed]

Internment

On 23 May 1940 Mosley, who had continued his peace campaign, was interned under Defence Regulation 18B, along with most active fascists in Britain, and the BUF was later proscribed. His wife Diana Mitford was also interned, shortly after the birth of their son Max; they lived together for most of the war in a house in the grounds of Holloway prison. Mosley used the time to read extensively on classical civilisations. Mosley refused visits from most BUF members, but on 18th March 1943 Dudley and Norah Elam (who had been released by then) accompanied Unity Mitford to see her sister Diana. Mosley agreed to be present because he mistakenly believed Diana and Unity's mother Lady Redesdale was accompanying Unity[8]. The Mosleys were released in November 1943, when Mosley was suffering with phlebitis, and spent the rest of the war under house arrest. On his release from prison he stayed with his sister-in-law Pamela Mitford, followed shortly by a stay at the Shaven Crown Hotel in Shipton-under-Wychwood. He then purchased Crux Easton, near Newbury, with Diana. He and his wife were the subject of much media attention.[9] The war ended what remained of his political reputation.

Post-war politics

After the war Mosley was contacted by his former supporters and persuaded to rejoin active politics. He formed the Union Movement, calling for a single nation-state covering the continent of Europe (known as Europe a Nation), and later attempted to launch a National Party of Europe to this end. The Union Movement's meetings were often physically disrupted, as Mosley's meetings had been before the war, and largely by the same opponents. This led to Mosley's decision, in 1951, to leave Britain and live in Ireland. He later moved to Paris. Of his decision to leave, he said, "You don't clear up a dungheap from underneath it."[citation needed]

Mosley briefly returned to Britain in order to fight the 1959 general election at Kensington North, shortly after the 1958 Notting Hill race riots. Concerns over immigration were beginning to come into the spotlight for the first time and Mosley led his campaign on this issue. When Mosley's final share of the vote was less than he expected, he launched a legal challenge to the election on the basis that the result had been rigged. The result was upheld. In 1961 he took part in a debate at University College London about Commonwealth immigration, seconded by a young David Irving.[10] He contested the 1966 general election at Shoreditch and Finsbury, where he fared even worse than he had in 1959. He wrote his autobiography, My Life (1968), and made a number of television appearances before retiring. In 1977, by which time he was suffering from Parkinson's disease, he was nominated for the post of Rector of the University of Glasgow. In the subsequent election he polled over 100 votes but finished bottom of the poll.

Death

Mosley died of natural causes on 3 December 1980 in his Orsay home, aged 84. He was cremated in Paris and his ashes were scattered on the pond at Orsay. His papers are housed at the University of Birmingham Special Collections.

Cultural impact

Mosley's rising influence before the Second World War provoked alarm and reaction against would-be populist dictators by major cultural figures of the time:

  • Aldous Huxley's Point Counter Point features Everard Webley, a character modelled on Mosley.
  • A character in the novel The Holy Terror (1939) by H. G. Wells is a bombastic British fascist with an aristocratic background, strikingly similar to Mosley.
  • "Sir Roderick Spode" in P.G. Wodehouse's novels parodies Mosley. Spode, a blustering bully who is described as an "amateur dictator", heads a British fascist "Black Shorts" organization.

Mosley's attempts to promote his views after the war resulted in continued critical reaction:

Bibliography

  • My Life, Mosley's autobiography.
  • Oswald Mosley, Robert Skidelsky
  • Fascism in Britain, Richard Thurlow
  • Blackshirt, Stephen Dorril, Viking Publishing, ISBN 0-670-86999-6
  • Rules of the Game, Beyond the Pale, Nicholas Mosley, ISBN 0-7126-6536-6
  • Haw-Haw: the tragedy of William and Margaret Joyce, Nigel Farndale, Macmillan, London, 2005
  • Hurrah for the Blackshirts!': Fascists and Fascism in Britain between the Wars, Martin Pugh, Random House, 2005, ISBN 0-224-06439-8

References

  1. ^ a b Philip Rees. Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890. University Press. Cambridge.
  2. ^ Amato quotes national archive document HO 283/11, which states that among the property seized following Mosley's arrest by the British government in 1940 was correspondence between Mosley and Beaumont dating from 1937. Amato, Joseph Anthony (2002). Rethinking home: a case for writing local history. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 278–79. 9780520232938. http://books.google.com/books?id=3b2g1RD5fUAC&pg=PA278&lpg=PA278&dq=buster+beaumont&source=bl&ots=aPWKwoQf1R&sig=0OeG8fWMUMCJVNC1_vs73-huxpY&hl=en&ei=TRcoSrnNIIzm6gOaqIipAQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=5#PPA278,M1. 
  3. ^ Barnes, James J.; Patience P. Barnes (2005). Nazis in pre-war London, 1930-1939: the fate and role of German party members and British sympathizers. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. 9781845190538. http://books.google.com/books?id=RvzUAubHJ9IC&pg=PA139&dq=beaumont+station+sark#PPA139,M1. 
  4. ^ a b c d Mosley, Diana (1977). A Life of Contrasts. Hamish Hamilton. 
  5. ^ "Daily Mail". British Newspapers Online. http://www.britishpapers.co.uk/midmarket/daily-mail. 
  6. ^ Chris Horrie, Revealed: the fascist past of the Daily Mirror, The Independent, 11 November 2003
  7. ^ Day the East End said 'No pasaran' to Blackshirts by Audrey Gillan, The Guardian, 30 September 2006. Retrieved 23 October 2006.
  8. ^ McPherson & McPherson 2010, Mosley's Old Suffragette: A Biography of Norah Elam
  9. ^ Rules of the Game, Beyond the Pale by Nicholas Mosley p503
  10. ^ http://www.fpp.co.uk/online/08/03/images/Mosley_at_UCL.gif
  11. ^ 'Worst' historical Britons list
  12. ^ Not The Nine O'Clock News: "Baronet Oswald Ernald Mosley", Some of the Corpses are Amusing
  13. ^ Thomson, Graeme (2004). Complicated Shadows: The Life and Music of Elvis Costello. New York: Canongate. ISBN 9781841957968. 

See also

External links

Parliament of the United Kingdom
Preceded by
Harry Mallaby-Deeley
Member of Parliament for Harrow
19181924
Succeeded by
Sir Isidore Salmon
Preceded by
John Davison
Member of Parliament for Smethwick
19261931
Succeeded by
Roy Wise
Political offices
Preceded by
The Lord Cushendun
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
1929–1930
Succeeded by
Clement Attlee
Baronetage of Great Britain
Preceded by
Sir Oswald Mosley, 5th Baronet
Baronet
(of Ancoats)
1928–1980
Succeeded by
Nicholas Mosley

Quotes

Up to date as of January 14, 2010

From Wikiquote

Sir Oswald Ernald Mosley, 6th Baronet (November 16, 1896 – December 3, 1980) was a British politician principally known as the founder of the British Union of Fascists.

Contents

Sourced

  • We have lost the good old British spirit. Instead we have American journalism and black-shirted buffoons making a cheap imitation of ice-cream sellers.
    • In 1927 after his Labour Party meeting in Cambridge was broken-up by pro-Fascist undergraduates. The mention of "ice-cream sellers" was a reference to Italian immigrants who had opened ice-cream parlours.
  • Together in Britain we have lit a flame that the ages shall not extinguish. Guard that sacred flame my brother Blackshirts until it illuminates Britain and lights again the Paths of Mankind.
    • 'Comrades in Struggle' (June 1938)
  • A fight between several parties of the British people: Nothing of the kind! A fight between two or three big money combines, that and nothing else. Without the weight of money behind the party machines, in an electoral battle today determined purely by principle and by the number of active workers...British Union could fight and beat today the old parties over the whole electoral field. But you know and I know, the battle is nothing of the kind. The battle is between big money combines who spend a thousand pounds or more on every constituency they fight. Or when they speak democracy, they don't mean government by the people...they mean financial democracy, in which money counts and nothing but money.
    • Speech in Earls Court (July 1939).[1]
  • Living financially and economically on American charity, selling up the house to the Yanks when he won't pay any more charity out. Are you content to be occupied and protected by American aeroplanes? Are you content to be in the position of an old women, jipped by her young relations? You who were the greatest power on earth fifty years ago, and still can be! Why do I say, 'you still can be'? Because my friends I know you, I know the British people. I know that twice in my lifetime in the world war I fought in, in the world war the younger men fought in. We the British have put our effort, our energy of valor, of heroism, unequalled in the history of mankind.
    • Speech on 21 Novembver, 1960.[2]
  • [Fascism] was an explosion against intolerable conditions, against remediable wrongs which the old world failed to remedy. It was a movement to secure national renaissance by people who felt themselves threatened with decline into decadence and death and were determined to live, and live greatly.
    • Excerpt from My Life by Oswald Mosley (1968)
  • I am not, and never have been, a man of the right. My position was on the left and is now in the centre of politics.
    • Letter to The Times (26 April, 1968), p. 11.
  • ...the old axiom that 'all power corrupts' has doubtful validity, because it derives from our neglect of Plato's advice to find men carfully and train them by methods which make them fit for heroes.
    • Excerpt from Beyond the Pale by Nicholas Mosley

Unsourced

You go to bed one night. You wake up in the morning and you find the great champions of yesterday, side by side on the same front bench, arms round each others’ necks – dear old pals in the same national government. That’s the honesty of the front benches. They’ve always been all the same.

About Oswald Mosley

  • Tom Mosley is a cad and a wrong 'un and they will find it out.
    • Stanley Baldwin, 21 June 1929. "They" were the Labour Party which had recently won a general election.
    • Thomas Jones, Whitehall Diary: Volume II (1969), p. 195.
  • He is too 'logical' and if he had his way would attempt to presently 'Russianize'...our government.
    • Thomas Jones, 22 May 1930.
    • Thomas Jones, Whitehall Diary: Volume II (1969), p. 250.
  • No rising star in the political firmament ever shone more brightly than Sir Oswald Mosley. Since by general assent he could have become the leader of either the Labour or the Conservative Party. What Mosley so valiantly stood for could have saved this country from the Hungry Thirties and the Second World War.
  • The greatest comet of British politics in the twentieth century...an orator of the highest rank. He produced, almost unaided, a programme of economic reconstruction which surpassed anything offered by Lloyd George or, in the United States, by F. D. Roosevelt...He has continued fertile in ideas...A superb political thinker, the best of our age.
  • Did he not appear to you to be a public man of no little courage, no little candour and no little ability.
    • Lord Chief Justice Hewart

External links

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