Pericles: Wikis


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ca. 495 – 429 BC
Marble portrait bust of Pericles — Roman copy of an original portrait by Kresilas (British Museum,. London)
Place of birth Athens
Place of death Athens
Allegiance Athens
Rank General (Strategos)
Battles/wars Battle in Sicyon and Acarnania (454 BC)
Second Sacred War (448 BC)
Expulsion of barbarians from Gallipoli (447 BC)
Samian War (440 BC)
Siege of Byzantium (438 BC)
Peloponnesian War (431–429 BC)

Pericles (also spelled Perikles) (c. 495 – 429 BC, Greek: Περικλῆς, meaning "surrounded by glory") was a prominent and influential statesman, orator, and general of Athens during the city's Golden Age—specifically, the time between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars. He was descended, through his mother, from the powerful and historically influential Alcmaeonid family.

Pericles had such a profound influence on Athenian society that Thucydides, his contemporary historian, acclaimed him as "the first citizen of Athens". Pericles turned the Delian League into an Athenian empire and led his countrymen during the first two years of the Peloponnesian War. The period during which he led Athens, roughly from 461 to 429 B.C, is sometimes known as the "Age of Pericles", though the period thus denoted can include times as early as the Persian Wars, or as late as the next century.

Pericles promoted the arts and literature; this was a chief reason Athens holds the reputation of being the educational and cultural centre of the ancient Greek world. He started an ambitious project that built most of the surviving structures on the Acropolis (including the Parthenon). This project beautified the city, exhibited its glory, and gave work to the people.[1] Furthermore, Pericles fostered Athenian democracy to such an extent that critics call him a populist.[2][3]


Early years

Pericles was born in 495 BC, in the deme of Cholargos just north of Athens.α[›] He was the son of the politician Xanthippus, who, although ostracized in 485–484 BC, returned to Athens to command the Athenian contingent in the Greek victory at Mycale just five years later. Pericles' mother, Agariste, was a scion of the powerful and controversial noble family of the Alcmaeonidae, and her familial connections played a crucial role in starting Xanthippus' political career. Agariste was the great-granddaughter of the tyrant of Sicyon, Cleisthenes, and the niece of the supreme Athenian reformer Cleisthenes, another Alcmaeonid.β[›][4] According to Herodotus and Plutarch, Agariste dreamed, a few nights before Pericles' birth, that she had borne a lion.[5][6] One interpretation of the anecdote treats the lion as a traditional symbol of greatness, but the story may also allude to the unusual size of Pericles' skull, which became a popular target of contemporary comedians.[6][7] (Although Plutarch claims that this deformity was the reason that Pericles was always depicted wearing a helmet, this is not the case; the helmet was actually the symbol of his official rank as strategos (general)).[8]

"Our polity does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to others than imitators ourselves. It is called a democracy, because not the few but the many govern. If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences; if to social standing, advancement in public life falls to reputation for capacity, class considerations not being allowed to interfere with merit; nor again does poverty bar the way, if a man is able to serve the state, he is not hindered by the obscurity of his condition."
Pericles' Funeral Oration as recorded by Thucydides, 2.37γ[›]; Thucydides disclaims verbal accuracy.

Pericles belonged to the local tribe of Acamantis (Ἀκαμαντὶς φυλὴ). His early years were quiet; the introverted young Pericles took to avoiding public appearances, instead preferring to devote his time to his studies.[9]

His family's nobility and wealth allowed him to fully pursue his inclination toward education. He learned music from the masters of the time (Damon or Pythocleides could have been his teacher)[10][11] and he is considered to have been the first politician to attribute great importance to philosophy.[9] He enjoyed the company of the philosophers Protagoras, Zeno of Elea and Anaxagoras. Anaxagoras in particular became a close friend and influenced him greatly.[10][12] Pericles' manner of thought and rhetorical charisma may have been in part products of Anaxagoras' emphasis on emotional calm in the face of trouble and skepticism about divine phenomena.[4] His proverbial calmness and self-control are also regarded as products of Anaxagoras' influence.[13]

Political career until 431 BC

Entering politics

In the spring of 472 BC, Pericles presented the Persae of Aeschylus at the Greater Dionysia as a liturgy, demonstrating that he was then one of the wealthier men of Athens.[4] Simon Hornblower has argued that Pericles' selection of this play, which presents a nostalgic picture of Themistocles' famous victory at Salamis, shows that the young politician was supporting Themistocles against his political opponent Cimon, whose faction succeeded in having Themistocles ostracized shortly afterwards.[14]

Plutarch says that Pericles stood first among the Athenians for forty years.[15] If this was so, Pericles must have taken up a position of leadership by the early 460s BC. Throughout these years he endeavored to protect his privacy and tried to present himself as a model for his fellow citizens. For example, he would often avoid banquets, trying to be frugal.[16][17]

In 463 BC Pericles was the leading prosecutor of Cimon, the leader of the conservative faction, who was accused of neglecting Athens' vital interests in Macedon.[18] Although Cimon was acquitted, this confrontation proved that Pericles' major political opponent was vulnerable.[19]

Ostracizing Cimon

Around 461 BC the leadership of the democratic party decided it was time to take aim at the Areopagus, a traditional council controlled by the Athenian aristocracy, which had once been the most powerful body in the state.[20] The leader of the party and mentor of Pericles, Ephialtes, proposed a sharp reduction of the Areopagus' powers. The Ecclesia (the Athenian Assembly) adopted Ephialtes' proposal without strong opposition.[21] This reform signalled the commencement of a new era of "radical democracy".[20] The democratic party gradually became dominant in Athenian politics and Pericles seemed willing to follow a populist policy in order to cajole the public. According to Aristotle, Pericles' stance can be explained by the fact that his principal political opponent, Cimon, was rich and generous, and was able to secure public favor by lavishly bestowing his sizable personal fortune.[18] The historian Loren J. Samons II argues, however, that Pericles had enough resources to make a political mark by private means, had he so chosen.[22]

In 461 BC, Pericles achieved the political elimination of this formidable opponent using the weapon of ostracism. The ostensible accusation was that Cimon betrayed his city by acting as a friend of Sparta.[23]

Even after Cimon's ostracism, Pericles continued to espouse and promote a populist social policy.[21] He first proposed a decree that permitted the poor to watch theatrical plays without paying, with the state covering the cost of their admission. With other decrees he lowered the property requirement for the archonship in 458–457 BC and bestowed generous wages on all citizens who served as jurymen in the Heliaia (the supreme court of Athens) some time just after 454 BC.[24] His most controversial measure, however, was a law of 451 BC limiting Athenian citizenship to those of Athenian parentage on both sides.[25]

"Rather, the admiration of the present and succeeding ages will be ours, since we have not left our power without witness, but have shown it by mighty proofs; and far from needing a Homer for our panegyrist, or other of his craft whose verses might charm for the moment only for the impression which they gave to melt at the touch of fact, we have forced every sea and land to be the highway of our daring, and everywhere, whether for evil or for good, have left imperishable monuments behind us."
Pericles' Funeral Oration as recorded by Thucydides (II, 41) γ[›]

Such measures impelled Pericles' critics to regard him as responsible for the gradual degeneration of the Athenian democracy. Constantine Paparrigopoulos, a major modern Greek historian, argues that Pericles sought for the expansion and stabilization of all democratic institutions.[26] Hence, he enacted legislation granting the lower classes access to the political system and the public offices, from which they had previously been barred on account of limited means or humble birth.[27] According to Samons, Pericles believed that it was necessary to raise the demos, in which he saw an untapped source of Athenian power and the crucial element of Athenian military dominance.[28] (The fleet, backbone of Athenian power since the days of Themistocles, was manned almost entirely by members of the lower classes.[29])

Cimon, on the other hand, apparently believed that no further free space for democratic evolution existed. He was certain that democracy had reached its peak and Pericles' reforms were leading to the stalemate of populism. According to Paparrigopoulos, history vindicated Cimon, because Athens, after Pericles' death, sank into the abyss of political turmoil and demagogy. Paparrigopoulos maintains that an unprecedented regression descended upon the city, whose glory perished as a result of Pericles' populist policies.[26] According to another historian, Justin Daniel King, radical democracy benefited people individually, but harmed the state.[30] On the other hand, Donald Kagan asserts that the democratic measures Pericles put into effect provided the basis for an unassailable political strength.[31] After all, Cimon finally accepted the new democracy and did not oppose the citizenship law, after he returned from exile in 451 BC.[32]

Leading Athens

Ephialtes' murder in 461 BC paved the way for Pericles to consolidate his authority.δ[›] Lacking any robust opposition after the expulsion of Cimon, the unchallengeable leader of the democratic party became the unchallengeable ruler of Athens. He remained in power almost uninterruptedly until his death in 429 BC.

First Peloponnesian War

"Phidias Showing the Frieze of the Parthenon to Pericles, Aspasia, Alcibiades and friends", by Sir Lawrence Alma-Tadema, 1868, Birmingham Museum & Art Gallery

Pericles made his first military excursions during the First Peloponnesian War, which was caused in part by Athens' alliance with Megara and Argos and the subsequent reaction of Sparta. In 454 BC he attacked Sicyon and Acarnania.[33] He then unsuccessfully tried to take Oeniadea on the Corinthian gulf, before returning to Athens.[34] In 451 BC, Cimon is said to have returned from exile and negotiated a five years' truce with Sparta after a proposal of Pericles, an event which indicates a shift in Pericles' political strategy.[35] Pericles may have realized the importance of Cimon's contribution during the ongoing conflicts against the Peloponnesians and the Persians. Anthony J. Podlecki argues, however, that Pericles' alleged change of position was invented by ancient writers to support "a tendentious view of Pericles' shiftiness".[36]

Plutarch states that Cimon struck a power-sharing deal with his opponents, according to which Pericles would carry through the interior affairs and Cimon would be the leader of the Athenian army, campaigning abroad.[37] If it was actually made, this bargain would constitute a concession on Pericles' part that he was not a great strategist. Kagan believes that Cimon adapted himself to the new conditions and promoted a political marriage between Periclean liberals and Cimonian conservatives.[32]

In the mid 450s the Athenians launched an unsuccessful attempt to aid an Egyptian revolt against Persia, which led to a prolonged siege of a Persian fortress in the Nile Delta. The campaign culminated in a disaster on a very large scale; the besieging force was defeated and destroyed.[38] In 451–450 BC the Athenians sent troops to Cyprus. Cimon defeated the Persians in the Battle of Salamis-in-Cyprus, but died of disease in 449 BC. Pericles is said to have initiated both expeditions in Egypt and Cyprus,[39] although some researchers, such as Karl Julius Beloch, argue that the dispatch of such a great fleet conforms with the spirit of Cimon's policy.[40]

Complicating the account of this complex period is the issue of the Peace of Callias, which allegedly ended hostilities between the Greeks and the Persians. The very existence of the treaty is hotly disputed, and its particulars and negotiation are equally ambiguous.[41] Ernst Badian believes that a peace between Athens and Persia was first ratified in 463 BC (making the Athenian interventions in Egypt and Cyprus violations of the peace), and renegotiated at the conclusion of the campaign in Cyprus, taking force again by 449–448 BC.[42] John Fine, on the other hand, suggests that the first peace between Athens and Persia was concluded in 450–449 BC, as a result of Pericles' strategic calculation that ongoing conflict with Persia was undermining Athens' ability to spread its influence in Greece and the Aegean.[41] Kagan believes that Pericles used Callias, a brother-in-law of Cimon, as a symbol of unity and employed him several times to negotiate important agreements.[43]

In the spring of 449 BC, Pericles proposed the Congress Decree, which led to a meeting ("Congress") of all Greek states in order to consider the question of rebuilding the temples destroyed by the Persians. The Congress failed because of Sparta's stance, but Pericles' real intentions remain unclear.[44] Some historians think that he wanted to prompt some kind of confederation with the participation of all the Greek cities; others think he wanted to assert Athenian pre-eminence.[45] According to the historian Terry Buckley the objective of the Congress Decree was a new mandate for the Delian League and for the collection of "phoros" (taxes).[46]

"Remember, too, that if your country has the greatest name in all the world, it is because she never bent before disaster; because she has expended more life and effort in war than any other city, and has won for herself a power greater than any hitherto known, the memory of which will descend to the latest posterity."
Pericles' Third Oration according to Thucydides (II, 64) γ[›]

During the Second Sacred War Pericles led the Athenian army against Delphi and reinstated Phocis in its sovereign rights on the oracle.[47] In 447 BC Pericles engaged in his most admired excursion, the expulsion of barbarians from the Thracian peninsula of Gallipoli, in order to establish Athenian colonists in the region.[4][48] At this time, however, Athens was seriously challenged by a number of revolts among its allies (or, to be more accurate, its subjects). In 447 BC the oligarchs of Thebes conspired against the democratic faction. The Athenians demanded their immediate surrender, but, after the Battle of Coronea, Pericles was forced to concede the loss of Boeotia in order to recover the prisoners taken in that battle.[9] With Boeotia in hostile hands, Phocis and Locris became untenable and quickly fell under the control of hostile oligarchs.[49] In 446 BC, a more dangerous uprising erupted. Euboea and Megara revolted. Pericles crossed over to Euboea with his troops, but was forced to return when the Spartan army invaded Attica. Through bribery and negotiations, Pericles defused the imminent threat, and the Spartans returned home.[50] When Pericles was later audited for the handling of public money, an expenditure of 10 talents was not sufficiently justified, since the official documents just referred that the money was spent for a "very serious purpose". Nonetheless, the "serious purpose" (namely the bribery) was so obvious to the auditors that they approved the expenditure without official meddling and without even investigating the mystery.[51] After the Spartan threat had been removed, Pericles crossed back to Euboea to crush the revolt there. He then inflicted a stringent punishment on the landowners of Chalcis, who lost their properties. The residents of Istiaia, meanwhile, who had butchered the crew of an Athenian trireme, were uprooted and replaced by 2,000 Athenian settlers.[51] The crisis was brought to an official end by the Thirty Years' Peace (winter of 446–445 BC), in which Athens relinquished most of the possessions and interests on the Greek mainland which it had acquired since 460 BC, and both Athens and Sparta agreed not to attempt to win over the other state's allies.[49]

Final battle with the conservatives

In 444 BC, the conservative and the democratic factions confronted each other in a fierce struggle. The ambitious new leader of the conservatives, Thucydides (not to be confused with the historian of the same name), accused Pericles of profligacy, criticizing the way he spent the money for the ongoing building plan. Thucydides managed, initially, to incite the passions of the ecclesia in his favor, but, when Pericles, the leader of the democrats, took the floor, he put the conservatives in the shade. Pericles responded resolutely, proposing to reimburse the city for all the expenses from his private property, under the term that he would make the inscriptions of dedication in his own name.[52] His stance was greeted with applause, and Thucydides suffered an unexpected defeat. In 442 BC, the Athenian public ostracized Thucydides for 10 years and Pericles was once again the unchallenged suzerain of the Athenian political arena.[52]

Bust of Pericles after Kresilas, Altes Museum, Berlin

Athens' rule over its alliance

Pericles wanted to stabilize Athens' dominance over its alliance and to enforce its pre-eminence in Greece. The process by which the Delian League transformed into an Athenian empire is generally considered to have begun well before Pericles' time,[53] as various allies in the league chose to pay tribute to Athens instead of manning ships for the league's fleet, but the transformation was speeded and brought to its conclusion by measures implemented by Pericles.[54] The final steps in the shift to empire may have been triggered by Athens' defeat in Egypt, which challenged the city's dominance in the Aegean and led to the revolt of several allies, such as Miletus and Erythrae.[55] Either because of a genuine fear for its safety after the defeat in Egypt and the revolts of the allies, or as a pretext to gain control of the League's finances, Athens transferred the treasury of the alliance from Delos to Athens in 454–453 BC.[56] By 450–449 BC the revolts in Miletus and Erythrae were quelled and Athens restored its rule over its allies.[57] Around 447 BC Clearchus proposed the Coinage Decree, which imposed Athenian silver coinage, weights and measures on all of the allies.[46] According to one of the decree's most stringent provisions, surplus from a minting operation was to go into a special fund, and anyone proposing to use it otherwise was subject to the death penalty.[58]

It was from the alliance's treasury that Pericles drew the funds necessary to enable his ambitious building plan, centered on the "Periclean Acropolis", which included the Propylaea, the Parthenon and the golden statue of Athena, sculpted by Pericles' friend, Phidias.[59] In 449 BC Pericles proposed a decree allowing the use of 9,000 talents to finance the major rebuilding program of Athenian temples.[46] Angelos Vlachos, a Greek Academician, points out that the utilization of the alliance's treasury, initiated and executed by Pericles, is one of the largest embezzlements in human history; this misappropriation financed, however, some of the most marvellous artistic creations of the ancient world.[60]

Samian War

A 20-drachma coin of the Hellenic Republic picturing Pericles

The Samian War was one of the last significant military events before the Peloponnesian War. After Thucydides' ostracism, Pericles was re-elected yearly to the generalship, the only office he ever officially occupied, although his influence was so great as to make him the de facto ruler of the state. In 440 BC Samos was at war with Miletus over control of Priene, an ancient city of Ionia on the foot-hills of Mycale. Worsted in the war, the Milesians came to Athens to plead their case against the Samians.[61] When the Athenians ordered the two sides to stop fighting and submit the case to arbitration at Athens, the Samians refused.[62] In response, Pericles passed a decree dispatching an expedition to Samos, "alleging against its people that, although they were ordered to break off their war against the Milesians, they were not complying".ε[›] In a naval battle the Athenians led by Pericles and the other nine generals defeated the forces of Samos and imposed on the island an administration pleasing to them.[62] When the Samians revolted against Athenian rule, Pericles compelled the rebels to capitulate after a tough siege of eight months, which resulted in substantial discontent among the Athenian sailors.[63] Pericles then quelled a revolt in Byzantium and, when he returned to Athens, gave a funeral oration to honor the soldiers who died in the expedition.[64]

Between 438-436 BC Pericles led Athens' fleet in Pontus and established friendly relations with the Greek cities of the region.[65] Pericles focused also on internal projects, such as the fortification of Athens (the building of the "middle wall" about 440 BC), and on the creation of new cleruchies, such as Andros, Naxos and Thurii (444 BC) as well as Amphipolis (437–436 BC).[66]

Personal attacks

Aspasia of Miletus (c. 469 BC – c. 406 BC), Pericles' companion

Pericles and his friends were never immune from attack, as preeminence in democratic Athens was not equivalent to absolute rule.[67] Just before the eruption of the Peloponnesian war, Pericles and two of his closest associates, Phidias and his companion, Aspasia, faced a series of personal and judicial attacks.

Phidias, who had been in charge of all building projects, was first accused of embezzling gold intended for the statue of Athena and then of impiety, because, when he wrought the battle of the Amazons on the shield of Athena, he carved out a figure that suggested himself as a bald old man, and also inserted a very fine likeness of Pericles fighting with an Amazon.[68] Pericles' enemies also found a false witness against Phidias, named Menon.

Aspasia, who was noted for her ability as a conversationalist and adviser, was accused of corrupting the women of Athens in order to satisfy Pericles' perversions.[69][70][71][72] The accusations against her were probably nothing more than unproven slanders, but the whole experience was very bitter for Pericles. Although Aspasia was acquitted thanks to a rare emotional outburst of Pericles, his friend, Phidias, died in prison and another friend of his, Anaxagoras, was attacked by the ecclesia for his religious beliefs.[68]

Beyond these initial prosecutions, the ecclesia attacked Pericles himself by asking him to justify his ostensible profligacy with, and maladministration of, public money.[70] According to Plutarch, Pericles was so afraid of the oncoming trial that he did not let the Athenians yield to the Lacedaemonians.[70] Beloch also believes that Pericles deliberately brought on the war to protect his political position at home.[73] Thus, at the start of the Peloponnesian War, Athens found itself in the awkward position of entrusting its future to a leader whose pre-eminence had just been seriously shaken for the first time in over a decade.[9]

Peloponnesian War

The causes of the Peloponnesian War have been much debated, but many ancient historians lay the blame on Pericles and Athens. Plutarch seems to believe that Pericles and the Athenians incited the war, scrambling to implement their belligerent tactics "with a sort of arrogance and a love of strife".στ[›] Thucydides hints at the same thing, believing the reason for the war was Spartas fear of Athenian power and growth. However, as he is generally regarded as an admirer of Pericles, Thucydides has been criticised for bias towards Sparta.ζ[›]

Prelude to the war

Anaxagoras and Pericles by Augustin-Louis Belle (1757–1841)

Pericles was convinced that the war against Sparta, which could not conceal its envy of Athens' pre-eminence, was inevitable if not to be welcomed.[74] Therefore he did not hesitate to send troops to Corcyra to reinforce the Corcyraean fleet, which was fighting against Corinth.[75] In 433 BC the enemy fleets confronted each other at the Battle of Sybota and a year later the Athenians fought Corinthian colonists at the Battle of Potidaea; these two events contributed greatly to Corinth's lasting hatred of Athens. During the same period, Pericles proposed the Megarian Decree, which resembled a modern trade embargo. According to the provisions of the decree, Megarian merchants were excluded from the market of Athens and the ports in its empire. This ban strangled the Megarian economy and strained the fragile peace between Athens and Sparta, which was allied with Megara. According to George Cawkwell, a praelector in ancient history, with this decree Pericles breached the Thirty Years Peace "but, perhaps, not without the semblance of an excuse".[76] The Athenians' justification was that the Megarians had cultivated the sacred land consecrated to Demeter and had given refuge to runaway slaves, a behavior which the Athenians considered to be impious.[77]

After consultations with its allies, Sparta sent a deputation to Athens demanding certain concessions, such as the immediate expulsion of the Alcmaeonidae family including Pericles and the retraction of the Megarian Decree, threatening war if the demands were not met. The obvious purpose of these proposals was the instigation of a confrontation between Pericles and the people; this event, indeed, would come about a few years later.[78] At that time, the Athenians unhesitatingly followed Pericles' instructions. In the first legendary oration Thucydides puts in his mouth, Pericles advised the Athenians not to yield to their opponents' demands, since they were militarily stronger.[79] Pericles was not prepared to make unilateral concessions, believing that "if Athens conceded on that issue, then Sparta was sure to come up with further demands".[80] Consequently, Pericles asked the Spartans to offer a quid pro quo. In exchange for retracting the Megarian Decree, the Athenians demanded from Sparta to abandon their practice of periodic expulsion of foreigners from their territory (xenelasia) and to recognize the autonomy of its allied cities, a request implying that Sparta's hegemony was also ruthless.[81] The terms were rejected by the Spartans, and, with neither side willing to back down, the two sides prepared for war. According to Athanasios G. Platias and Constantinos Koliopoulos, professors of strategic studies and international politics, "rather than to submit to coercive demands, Pericles chose war".[80] Another consideration that may well have influenced Pericles' stance was the concern that revolts in the empire might spread if Athens showed herself weak.[82]

First year of the war (431 BC)

The Parthenon, a masterpiece prompted by Pericles, from the south

In 431 BC, while peace already was precarious, Archidamus II, Sparta's king, sent a new delegation to Athens, demanding that the Athenians submit to Sparta's demands. This deputation was not allowed to enter Athens, as Pericles had already passed a resolution according to which no Spartan deputation would be welcomed if the Spartans had previously initiated any hostile military actions. The Spartan army was at this time gathered at Corinth, and, citing this as a hostile action, the Athenians refused to admit their emissaries.[83] With his last attempt at negotiation thus declined, Archidamus invaded Attica, but found no Athenians there; Pericles, aware that Sparta's strategy would be to invade and ravage Athenian territory, had previously arranged to evacuate the entire population of the region to within the walls of Athens.[84]

No definite record exists of how exactly Pericles managed to convince the residents of Attica to agree to move into the crowded urban areas. For most, the move meant abandoning their land and ancestral shrines and completely changing their lifestyle.[85] Therefore, although they agreed to leave, many rural residents were far from happy with Pericles' decision.[86] Pericles also gave his compatriots some advice on their present affairs and reassured them that, if the enemy did not plunder his farms, he would offer his property to the city. This promise was prompted by his concern that Archidamus, who was a friend of his, might pass by his estate without ravaging it, either as a gesture of friendship or as a calculated political move aimed to alienate Pericles from his constituents.[87]

"For heroes have the whole earth for their tomb; and in lands far from their own, where the column with its epitaph declares it, there is enshrined in every breast a record unwritten with no tablet to preserve it, except that of the heart."
Pericles' Funeral Oration as recorded by Thucydides (2.43) γ[›]

In any case, seeing the pillage of their farms, the Athenians were outraged, and they soon began to indirectly express their discontent towards their leader, who many of them considered to have drawn them into the war. Even when in the face of mounting pressure, Pericles did not give in to the demands for immediate action against the enemy or revise his initial strategy. He also avoided convening the ecclesia, fearing that the populace, outraged by the unopposed ravaging of their farms, might rashly decide to challenge the vaunted Spartan army in the field.[88] As meetings of the assembly were called at the discretion of its rotating presidents, the "prytanies", Pericles had no formal control over their scheduling; rather, the respect in which Pericles was held by the prytanies was apparently sufficient to persuade them to do as he wished.[89] While the Spartan army remained in Attica, Pericles sent a fleet of 100 ships to loot the coasts of the Peloponnese and charged the cavalry to guard the ravaged farms close to the walls of the city.[90] When the enemy retired and the pillaging came to an end, Pericles proposed a decree according to which the authorities of the city should put aside 1,000 talents and 100 ships, in case Athens was attacked by naval forces. According to the most stringent provision of the decree, even proposing a different use of the money or ships would entail the penalty of death. During the autumn of 431 BC, Pericles led the Athenian forces that invaded Megara and a few months later (winter of 431–430 BC) he delivered his monumental and emotional Funeral Oration, honoring the Athenians who died for their city.[91]

Last military operations and death

In 430 BC, the army of Sparta looted Attica for a second time, but Pericles was not daunted and refused to revise his initial strategy.[92] Unwilling to engage the Spartan army in battle, he again led a naval expedition to plunder the coasts of the Peloponnese, this time taking 100 Athenian ships with him.[93] According to Plutarch, just before the sailing of the ships an eclipse of the sun frightened the crews, but Pericles used the astronomical knowledge he had acquired from Anaxagoras to calm them.[94] In the summer of the same year an epidemic broke out and devastated the Athenians.[95] The exact identity of the disease is uncertain, and has been the source of much debate.η[›] In any case, the city's plight, caused by the epidemic, triggered a new wave of public uproar, and Pericles was forced to defend himself in an emotional final speech, a rendition of which is presented by Thucydides.[96] This is considered to be a monumental oration, revealing Pericles' virtues but also his bitterness towards his compatriots' ingratitude.[9] Temporarily, he managed to tame the people's resentment and to ride out the storm, but his internal enemies' final bid to undermine him came off; they managed to deprive him of the generalship and to fine him at an amount estimated between 15 and 50 talents.[97] Ancient sources mention Cleon, a rising and dynamic protagonist of the Athenian political scene during the war, as the public prosecutor in Pericles' trial.[97]

Nevertheless, within just a year, in 429 BC, the Athenians not only forgave Pericles but also re-elected him as strategos.θ[›] He was reinstated in command of the Athenian army and led all its military operations during 429 BC, having once again under his control the levers of power.[9] In that year, however, Pericles witnessed the death of both his legitimate sons from his first wife, Paralus and Xanthippus, in the epidemic. His morale undermined, he burst into tears and not even Aspasia's companionship could console him. He himself died of the plague in the autumn of 429 BC.

Just before his death, Pericles' friends were concentrated around his bed, enumerating his virtues during peace and underscoring his nine war trophies. Pericles, though moribund, heard them and interrupted them, pointing out that they forgot to mention his fairest and greatest title to their admiration; "for", said he, "no living Athenian ever put on mourning because of me".[98] Pericles lived during the first two and a half years of the Peloponnesian War and, according to Thucydides, his death was a disaster for Athens, since his successors were inferior to him; they preferred to incite all the bad habits of the rabble and followed an unstable policy, endeavoring to be popular rather than useful.[99] With these bitter comments, Thucydides not only laments the loss of a man he admired, but he also heralds the flickering of Athens' unique glory and grandeur.

Personal life

Pericles, following Athenian custom, was first married to one of his closest relatives, with whom he had two sons, Paralus and Xanthippus. This marriage, however, was not a happy one, and at some point near 445 BC, Pericles divorced his wife and offered her to another husband, with the agreement of her male relatives.[100] The name of his first wife is not known; the only information about her is that she was the wife of Hipponicus, before being married to Pericles, and the mother of Callias from this first marriage.[101]

"For men can endure to hear others praised only so long as they can severally persuade themselves of their own ability to equal the actions recounted: when this point is passed, envy comes in and with it incredulity."
Pericles' Funeral Oration as recorded by Thucydides (2.35) γ[›]

The woman he really adored was Aspasia of Miletus. She became Pericles' mistress and they began to live together as if they were married. This relationship aroused many reactions and even Pericles' own son, Xanthippus, who had political ambitions, did not hesitate to slander his father.[102] Nonetheless, these persecutions did not undermine Pericles' morale, although he had to burst into tears in order to protect his beloved Aspasia when she was accused of corrupting Athenian society. His greatest personal tragedy was the death of his sister and of both his legitimate sons, Xanthippus and Paralus, all affected by the epidemic, a calamity he never managed to overcome. Just before his death, the Athenians allowed a change in the law of 451 BC that made his half-Athenian son with Aspasia, Pericles the Younger, a citizen and legitimate heir,[103] a decision all the more striking in consideration that Pericles himself had proposed the law confining citizenship to those of Athenian parentage on both sides.[104]


Pericles marked a whole era and inspired conflicting judgments about his significant decisions, which is something normal for a political personality of his magnitude. The fact that he was at the same time a vigorous statesman, general and orator makes more complex the objective assessment of his actions.

Political leadership

An ostracon with Pericles' name written on it (c. 444–443 BC), Museum of the ancient Agora of Athens

Some contemporary scholars, for example Sarah Ruden, call Pericles a populist, a demagogue and a hawk,[105] while other scholars admire his charismatic leadership. According to Plutarch, after assuming the leadership of Athens, "he was no longer the same man as before, nor alike submissive to the people and ready to yield and give in to the desires of the multitude as a steersman to the breezes".[106] It is told that when his political opponent, Thucydides, was asked by Sparta's king, Archidamus, whether he or Pericles was the better fighter, Thucydides answered without any hesitation that Pericles was better, because even when he was defeated, he managed to convince the audience that he had won.[9] In matters of character, Pericles was above reproach in the eyes of the ancient historians, since "he kept himself untainted by corruption, although he was not altogether indifferent to money-making".[15]

Thucydides, an admirer of Pericles, maintains that Athens was "in name a democracy but, in fact, governed by its first citizen".[99] Through this comment, the historian illustrates what he perceives as Pericles' charisma to lead, convince and, sometimes, to manipulate. Although Thucydides mentions the fining of Pericles, he does not mention the accusations against Pericles but instead focuses on Pericles' integrity.ι[›][99] On the other hand, in one of his dialogues, Plato rejects the glorification of Pericles and quote as saying: "as I know, Pericles made the Athenians slothful, garrulous and avaricious, by starting the system of public fees".[107] Plutarch mentions other criticism of Pericles' leadership: "many others say that the people were first led on by him into allotments of public lands, festival-grants, and distributions of fees for public services, thereby falling into bad habits, and becoming luxurious and wanton under the influence of his public measures, instead of frugal and self-sufficing".[21]

Thucydides argues that Pericles "was not carried away by the people, but he was the one guiding the people".[99] His judgement is not unquestioned; some 20th century critics, such as Malcolm F. McGregor and John S. Morrison, proposed that he may have been a charismatic public face acting as an advocate on the proposals of advisors, or the people themselves.[108][109] According to King, by increasing the power of the people, the Athenians left themselves with no authoritative leader. During the Peloponnesian War, Pericles' dependence on popular support to govern was obvious.[30]

Military achievements

For more than 20 years Pericles led numerous expeditions, mainly naval ones. Being always cautious, he never undertook of his own accord a battle involving much uncertainty and peril and he did not accede to the "vain impulses of the citizens".[110] He based his military policy on Themistocles' principle that Athens' predominance depends on its superior naval power and believed that the Peloponnesians were near-invincible on land.[111] Pericles also tried to minimize the advantages of Sparta by rebuilding the walls of Athens. According to Josiah Ober, professor of classics in Princeton University, the strategy of rebuilding the walls radically altered the use of force in Greek international relations.[112]

"These glories may incur the censure of the slow and unambitious; but in the breast of energy they will awake emulation, and in those who must remain without them an envious regret. Hatred and unpopularity at the moment have fallen to the lot of all who have aspired to rule others."
Pericles' Third Oration as recorded by Thucydides (2.64) γ[›]

During the Peloponnesian War, Pericles initiated a defensive "grand strategy" whose aim was the exhaustion of the enemy and the preservation of the status quo.[113] According to Platias and Koliopoulos, Athens as the strongest party did not have to beat Sparta in military terms and "chose to foil the Spartan plan for victory".[113] The two basic principles of the "Periclean Grand Strategy" were the rejection of appeasement (in accordance with which he urged the Athenians not to revoke the Megarian Decree) and the avoidance of overextension.ια[›] According to Kagan, Pericles' vehement insistence that there should be no diversionary expeditions may well have resulted from the bitter memory of the Egyptian campaign, which he had allegedly supported.[114] His strategy is said to have been "inherently unpopular", but Pericles managed to persuade the Athenian public to follow it.[115] It is for that reason that Hans Delbrück called him one of the greatest statesmen and military leaders in history.[116] Although his countrymen engaged in several aggressive actions soon after his death,[117] Platias and Koliopoulos argue that the Athenians remained true to the larger Periclean strategy of seeking to preserve, not expand, the empire, and did not depart from it until the Sicilian Expedition.[115] For his part, Ben X. de Wet concludes his strategy would have succeeded had he lived longer.[118]

Critics of Pericles' strategy, however, have been just as numerous as its supporters. A common criticism is that Pericles was always a better politician and orator than strategist.[119] Donald Kagan called the Periclean strategy "a form of wishful thinking that failed", Barry S. Strauss and Josiah Ober have stated that "as strategist he was a failure and deserves a share of the blame for Athens' great defeat", and Victor Davis Hanson believes that Pericles had not worked out a clear strategy for an effective offensive action that could possible force Thebes or Sparta to stop the war.[120][121][122] Kagan criticizes the Periclean strategy on four counts: first that by rejecting minor concessions it brought about war; second, that it was unforeseen by the enemy and hence lacked credibility; third, that it was too feeble to exploit any opportunities; and fourth, that it depended on Pericles for its execution and thus was bound to be abandoned after his death.[123] Kagan estimates Pericles' expenditure on his military strategy in the Peloponnesian War to be about 2,000 talents annually, and based on this figure concludes that he would only have enough money to keep the war going for three years. He asserts that since Pericles must have known about these limitations he probably planned for a much shorter war.[124][125] Others, such as Donald W. Knight, conclude that the strategy was too defensive and would not succeed.[126]

On the other hand, Platias and Koliopoulos reject these criticisms and state that "the Athenians lost the war only when they dramatically reversed the Periclean grand strategy that explicitly disdained further conquests".[127] Hanson stresses that the Periclean strategy was not innovative, but could lead to a stagnancy in favor of Athens.[124] It is a popular conclusion that those succeeding him lacked his abilities and character.[128]

Oratorical skill

Painting of Hector Leroux (1682–1740), which portrays Pericles and Aspasia, admiring the gigantic statue of Athena in Phidias' studio

Thucydides' modern commentators are still trying to unravel the puzzle of Pericles' orations and to figure out if the wording belongs to the Athenian statesman or the historian.ιβ[›] Since Pericles never wrote down or distributed his orations,ιγ[›] no historians are able to answer this with certainty; Thucydides recreated three of them from memory and, thereby, it cannot be ascertained that he did not add his own notions and thoughts.ιδ[›] Although Pericles was a main source of his inspiration, some historians have noted that the passionate and idealistic literary style of the speeches Thucydides attributes to Pericles is completely at odds with Thucydides' own cold and analytical writing style.ιε[›] This might, however, be the result of the incorporation of the genre of rhetoric into the genre of historiography. That is to say, Thucydides could simply have used two different writing styles for two different purposes.

Kagan states that Pericles adopted "an elevated mode of speech, free from the vulgar and knavish tricks of mob-orators" and, according to Diodorus Siculus, he "excelled all his fellow citizens in skill of oratory".[129][130] According to Plutarch, he avoided using gimmicks in his speeches, unlike the passionate Demosthenes, and always spoke in a calm and tranquil manner.[131] The biographer points out, however, that the poet Ion reported that Pericles' speaking style was "a presumptuous and somewhat arrogant manner of address, and that into his haughtiness there entered a good deal of disdain and contempt for others".[131] Gorgias, in Plato's homonymous dialogue, uses Pericles as an example of powerful oratory.[132] In Menexenus, however, Socrates casts aspersions on Pericles' rhetorical fame, claiming ironically that, since Pericles was educated by Aspasia, a trainer of many orators, he would be superior in rhetoric to someone educated by Antiphon.[133] He also attributes authorship of the Funeral Oration to Aspasia and attacks his contemporaries' veneration of Pericles.[134]

Ancient Greek writers call Pericles "Olympian" and vaunt his talents; referring to him "thundering and lightening and exciting Greece" and carrying the weapons of Zeus when orating.[135] According to Quintilian, Pericles would always prepare assiduously for his orations and, before going on the rostrum, he would always pray to the Gods, so as not to utter any improper word.[136][137] Sir Richard C. Jebb concludes that "unique as an Athenian statesman, Pericles must have been in two respects unique also as an Athenian orator; first, because he occupied such a position of personal ascendancy as no man before or after him attained; secondly, because his thoughts and his moral force won him such renown for eloquence as no one else ever got from Athenians".[138]


Pericles' most visible legacy can be found in the literary and artistic works of the Golden Age, most of which survive to this day. The Acropolis, though in ruins, still stands and is a symbol of modern Athens. Paparrigopoulos wrote that these masterpieces are "sufficient to render the name of Greece immortal in our world".[119]

In politics, Victor L. Ehrenberg argues that a basic element of Pericles' legacy is Athenian imperialism, which denies true democracy and freedom to the people of all but the ruling state.[139] The promotion of such an arrogant imperialism is said to have ruined Athens.[140] Pericles and his "expansionary" policies have been at the center of arguments promoting democracy in oppressed countries.[141][142]

Other analysts maintain an Athenian humanism illustrated in the Golden Age.[143] The freedom of expression is regarded as the lasting legacy deriving from this period.[144] Pericles is lauded as "the ideal type of the perfect statesman in ancient Greece" and his Funeral Oration is nowadays synonymous with the struggle for participatory democracy and civic pride.[119][145]

See also


^ α: Pericles' date of birth is uncertain; he could not have been born later than 492–1 and been of age to present the Persae in 472. He is not recorded as having taken part in the Persian Wars of 480–79; some historians argue from this that he was unlikely to have been born before 498, but this argument ex silentio has also been dismissed.[146] [20]
^ β: Plutarch says "granddaughter" of Cleisthenes,[6] but this is chronologically implausible, and there is consensus that this should be "niece".[4]
^ γ: Thucydides records several speeches which he attributes to Pericles; however, he acknowledges that: "it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said."[147]
^ δ: According to Aristotle, Aristodicus of Tanagra killed Ephialtes.[148] Plutarch cites an Idomeneus as saying that Pericles killed Ephialtes, but does not believe him—he finds it to be out of character for Pericles.[37]
^ ε: According to Plutarch, it was thought that Pericles proceeded against the Samians to gratify Aspasia of Miletus.[101]
^  στ: Plutarch describes these allegations without espousing them.[68] Thucydides insists, however, that the Athenian politician was still powerful.[149] Gomme and Vlachos support Thucydides' view.[150][151]
^ ζ: Vlachos maintains that Thucydides' narration gives the impression that Athens' alliance had become an authoritarian and oppressive empire, while the historian makes no comment for Sparta's equally harsh rule. Vlachos underlines, however, that the defeat of Athens could entail a much more ruthless Spartan empire, something that did indeed happen. Hence, the historian's hinted assertion that Greek public opinion espoused Sparta's pledges of liberating Greece almost uncomplainingly seems tendentious.[152] Geoffrey Ernest Maurice de Ste Croix, for his part, argues that Athens' imperium was welcomed and valuable for the stability of democracy all over Greece.[153] According to Fornara and Samons, "any view proposing that popularity or its opposite can be inferred simply from narrow ideological considerations is superficial".[154]
^ η: Taking into consideration its symptoms, most researchers and scientists now believe that it was typhus or typhoid fever and not cholera, plague or measles.[155][156]
^ θ: Pericles held the generalship from 444 BC until 430 BC without interruption.[67]
^ ι: Vlachos criticizes the historian for this omission and maintains that Thucydides' admiration for the Athenian statesman makes him ignore not only the well-grounded accusations against him but also the mere gossips, namely the allegation that Pericles had corrupted the volatile rabble, so as to assert himself.[157]
^  ια: According to Platias and Koliopoulos, the "policy mix" of Pericles was guided by five principles: a) Balance the power of the enemy, b) Exploit competitive advantages and negate those of the enemy, c) Deter the enemy by the denial of his success and by the skillful use of retaliation, d) Erode the international power base of the enemy, e) Shape the domestic environment of the adversary to your own benefit.[158]
^  ιβ: According to Vlachos, Thucydides must have been about 30 years old when Pericles delivered his Funeral Oration and he was probably among the audience.[159]
^  ιγ: Vlachos points out that he does not know who wrote the oration, but "these were the words which should have been spoken at the end of 431 BC".[159] According to Sir Richard C. Jebb, the Thucydidean speeches of Pericles give the general ideas of Pericles with essential fidelity; it is possible, further, that they may contain recorded sayings of his "but it is certain that they cannot be taken as giving the form of the statesman's oratory".[138] John F. Dobson believes that "though the language is that of the historian, some of the thoughts may be those of the statesman".[160] C.M.J. Sicking argues that "we are hearing the voice of real Pericles", while Ioannis T. Kakridis claims that the Funeral Oration is an almost exclusive creation of Thucydides, since "the real audience does not consist of the Athenians of the beginning of the war, but of the generation of 400 BC, which suffers under the repercussions of the defeat".[161][162] Gomme disagrees with Kakridis, insisting on his belief to the reliability of Thucydides.[155]
^  ιδ: That is what Plutarch predicates.[137] Nonetheless, according to the 10th century encyclopedia Suda, Pericles constituted the first orator who systematically wrote down his orations.[163] Cicero speaks about Pericles' writings, but his remarks are not regarded as credible.[164] Most probably, other writers used his name.[165]
^  ιε: Ioannis Kalitsounakis argues that "no reader can overlook the sumptuous rythme of the Funeral Oration as a whole and the singular correlation between the impetuous emotion and the marvellous style, attributes of speech that Thucydides ascribes to no other orator but Pericles".[9] According to Harvey Ynis, Thucydides created the Pericles' indistinct rhetorical legacy that has dominated ever since.[166]


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  • Fornara Charles W., Loren J. Samons II (1991). Athens from Cleisthenes to Pericles. Berkeley: University of California Press.  
  • Gomme, A. W. (A. Andrewes and K. J. Dover). An Historical Commentary on Thucydides (I-V). Oxford University Press (1945–1981). ISBN 0-19-814198-X.  
  • Hanson, Victor Davis (2007 (English Edition 2005)). How the Athenians and Spartans fought the Peloponnesian War (translated in Greek by Angelos Philippatos). Athens: Livanis Editions. ISBN 9-789-601414-95-9.  
  • Henri, Madeleine M. (1995). Prisoner of History. Aspasia of Miletus and her Biographical Tradition. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-508712-7.  
  • Hornblower, Simon (2002). The Greek World 479-323 BC. Routledge (UK). ISBN 0-415-15344-1.  
  • Hurwit, Jeffrey M. (2004). The Acropolis in the Age of Pericles. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-82040-5.  
  • Just, Roger (1991). Women in Athenian Law and Life. Routledge (UK). ISBN 0-415-05841-4.  
  • Kagan, Donald (1996). "Athenian Strategy in the Peloponnesian War". The Making of Strategy: Rules, States and Wars by Williamson Murray, Alvin Bernstein, MacGregor Knox. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-56627-4.  
  • Kagan, Donald (1974). The Archidamian War. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-0889-X.  
  • Kagan, Donald (1989). The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-9556-3.  
  • Kagan, Donald (2003). "War aims and resources (432–431)". The Peloponnesian War. Viking Penguin (Penguin Group). ISBN 0-670-03211-5.  
  • Kakridis, Ioannis Th. (1993). Interpretative Comments on the Pericles' Funeral Oration. Estia (in Greek).
  • Katula, Richard A. (2003). "The Origins of Rhetoric". A Synoptic History of Classical Rhetoric by James J. Murphy, Richard A. Katula, Forbes I. Hill, Donovan J. Ochs. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. ISBN 1-880393-35-2.  
  • King, J.D. (2005). Athenian Democracy and EmpirePDF (135 KiB).
  • Knight, D.W. (1970). "Thucydides and the War Strategy of Pericles". Mnemosyne 23: 150–160. doi:10.1163/156852570X00713.  
  • Libourel, Jan M. (October 1971). "The Athenian Disaster in Egypt". "American Journal of Philology" (The Johns Hopkins University Press) 92 (No.4): 605–615.  
  • Loraux, Nicole (2003). "Aspasie, l'étrangère, l'intellectuelle". La Grèce au Féminin (in French). Belles Lettres. ISBN 2-251-38048-5.  
  • Mattson, Kevin (1998). Creating a Democratic Public. Penn State Press. ISBN 0-271-01723-6.  
  • McGregor, Malcolm F. (1987). "Government in Athens". The Athenians and their Empire. The University of British Columbia Press. ISBN 0-7748-0269-3.  
  • Mendelson, Michael (2002). Many Sides: A Protagorean Approach to the Theory, Practice, and Pedagogy of Argument. Springer. ISBN 1-4020-0402-8.  
  • Miller, Laura (March 21, 2004). "My Favorite War". The Last Word (The New York Times). Retrieved 2008-06-07.  
  • Monoson, Sara (2000). Plato's Democratic Entanglements. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-04366-3.  
  • Morrison, J.S.; A. W. Gomme (1950). "Pericles Monarchos". Journal of Hellenic Studies 70: 76–77. doi:10.2307/629294.  
  • Ober, Josiah (1991). "National Ideology and Strategic Defence of the Population, from Athens to Star Wars". Hegemonic Rivalry: From Thucydides to the Nuclear Age. Westview Pr. ISBN 0-8133-7744-7.  
  • Ober, Josiah (1996). The Athenian Revolution. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-01095-1.  
  • Paparrigopoulos, Konstantinos (-Karolidis, Pavlos)(1925), History of the Hellenic Nation (Volume Ab). Eleftheroudakis (in Greek).
  • Platias Athanasios G., Koliopoulos Constantinos (2006). Thucydides on Strategy. Eurasia Publications. ISBN 960-8187-16-8.  
  • "Pericles". Oxford Classical Dictionary edited by Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth. 1996.  
  • "Pericles". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2002.  
  • Podlecki, A.J. (1997). Perikles and His Circle. Routledge (UK). ISBN 0-415-06794-4.  
  • Power, Edward J. (1991). A Legacy of Learning. SUNY Press. ISBN 0-7914-0610-5.  
  • Rhodes, P.J. (2005). A History of the Classical Greek World. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 0-631-22564-1.  
  • Ruden, Sarah (2003). Lysistrata. Hackett Publishing. ISBN 0-87220-603-3.  
  • Samons, Loren J. (2004). "The Peloponnesian War". What's Wrong with Democracy?. Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-23660-2.  
  • Sealey, Raphael (1976). "The Peloponnesian War". A History of the Greek City States, 700-338 B. C.. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-03177-6.  
  • Shrimpton, G. (1991). Theopompus The Historian. McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP. ISBN 0-7735-0837-6.  
  • Sicking, CMJ (1998). Distant Companions: Selected Papers. Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 90-04-11054-2.  
  • Smith, William (1855). "Death and Character of Pericles". A History of Greece. R. B. Collins.  
  • Starr, Chester G. (1991). A History of the Ancient World. Oxford University Press US. ISBN 0-19-506628-6.  
  • Ste Croix de, GEM (1955–1956). The Character of the Athenian Empire. Historia III.  
  • Ober Josiah, Strauss Barry S. (1990). The Anatomy of Error: Ancient Military Disasters and Their Lessons for Modern Strategists. St Martins Pr. ISBN 0-312-05051-8.  
  • Tuplin, Christopher J. (2004). Pontus and the Outside World. Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 90-04-12154-4.  
  • Vlachos, Angelos (1992). Remarks on Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War (Α΄-Δ΄). Volume I. Estia (in Greek).
  • Vlachos, Angelos (1974). Thucydides' bias. Estia (in Greek).
  • Wade-Grey, H.T. (July-September 1945). "The Question of Tribute in 449/8 B. C.". "Hesperia" (American School of Classical Studies at Athens) 14 (No.3): 212–229.  
  • Wet de, B.X. (1969). "This So-Called Defensive Policy of Pericles". Acta classica 12: 103–119.  
  • Yunis, Harvey (1996). Taming Democracy. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-8358-1.  

Further reading

  • Abbott, Evelyn (1898). Pericles and the Golden Age of Athens. G. P. Putnam's Sons.  
  • Brock Roger, Hodkinson Stephen (2003). Alternatives to Athens: Varieties of Political Organization and Community in Ancient Greece. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-925810-4.  
  • Gardner, Percy (1902). Ancient Athens.  
  • Grant, Arthur James (1893). Greece in the Age of Pericles. John Murray.  
  • Hesk, John (2000). Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-64322-8.  
  • Kagan, Donald (1991). Pericles of Athens and the Birth of Democracy. The Free Press. ISBN 0-684-86395-2.  
  • Lummis, Douglas C. (1997). Radical Democracy. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-8451-0.  
  • Ober, Josiah (2001). Political Dissent in Democratic Athens: Intellectual Critics of Popular Rule. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-08981-7.  
  • Rhodes, P.J. (2005). A History of the Classical Greek World: 478-323 BC. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 0-631-22565-X.  
  • Whibley, Leonard (1889). A History of the Classical Greek World: 478-323 BC. University Press.  
  • Gore Vidal, Creation (novel) for a fictional account of Pericles and a Persian view of the wars.

External links


Up to date as of January 14, 2010

From Wikiquote

The bravest are surely those who have the clearest vision of what is before them, glory and danger alike, and yet notwithstanding go out to meet it.

Pericles (ca. 495 BC - 429 BC, Greek : Περικλῆς) was an influential and important leader of Athens during the Athenian Golden Age (specifically, between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars), from the Alcmaeonidae family. The period from 461 BC to 379 BC is sometimes known as "The Age of Pericles".


  • Our love of what is beautiful does not lead to extravagance; our love of the things of the mind does not make us soft. We regard wealth as something to be properly used, rather than as something to boast about. As for poverty, no one need be ashamed to admit it, the real shame is in not taking practical measures to escape from it.
    • Thucydides, 2.40
  • Nor is it any longer possible for you to give up this empire ... Your empire is now like a tyranny: it may have been wrong to take it; it is certainly dangerous to let it go.
    • On the eve of war, as quoted in History of the Peloponnesian War by Thucydides
  • But the bravest are surely those who have the clearest vision of what is before them, glory and danger alike, and yet notwithstanding go out to meet it.
    • Pericles' Funeral Oration as quoted in History of the Peloponnesian War by Thucydides
  • The whole Earth is the Sepulchre of famous men; and their story is not graven only on Stone over their native earth, but lives on far away, without visible symbol, woven into the stuff of other men's lives.
    • As quoted in A Brief and True report concerning Williamsburg in Virginia by Rutherford Goodwin (1941), p. 125
  • Although only a few may originate a policy, we are all able to judge it.
    • As quoted in The Open Society and Its Enemies by Karl Popper (1966)
  • What you leave behind is not what is engraved in stone monuments, but what is woven into the lives of others.
    • As quoted in Flicker to Flame : Living with Purpose, Meaning, and Happiness (2006) by Jeffrey Thompson Parker, p. 118
  • We do not say a man who takes no interest in politics is a man who minds his own business; we say that he has no business here at all.
    • Pericles commenting the participation of Athenian citizens in politics.
    • As quoted in Models of democracy (2006) by David Held, Stanford University Press, p. 14


  • Freedom is the sure possession of those alone who have the courage to defend it.
  • Future ages will wonder at us, as the present age wonders at us now.
  • If Athens shall appear great to you, consider then that her glories were purchased by valiant men, and by men who learned their duty.
  • Instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all.
  • Just because you do not take an interest in politics doesn't mean politics won't take an interest in you.
  • Make up your mind that happiness depends on being free, and freedom depends on being courageous.
  • Time is the king of all men, he is their parent and their grave, and gives them what he will and not what they crave.
  • Wait for that wisest of all counselors, Time.

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1911 encyclopedia

Up to date as of January 14, 2010

From LoveToKnow 1911

PERICLES (49 0 -4 2 9 B.C.), Athenian statesman, was born about 490 B.C., the son of Xanthippus and Agariste. His fathers took a prominent part in Athenian politics, and in 479 held high command in the Greek squadron which annihilated the remnants of Xerxes' fleet at Mycale; through his mother, the niece of Cleisthenes, he was connected with the former tyrants of Sicyon and the family of the Alcmaeonidae. His early training was committed to the ablest and most advanced teachers of the day: Damon instructed him in music, Zeno the Eleatic revealed to him the powers of dialectic; the philosopher Anaxagoras, who lived in close friendship with Pericles, had great influence on his cast of thought and was commonly held responsible for that calm and undaunted attitude of mind which he preserved in the midst of the severest trials.

The first important recorded act of Pericles falls in 463, when he helped to prosecute Cimon on a charge of bribery, after the latter's Thasian campaign; but as the accusation could hardly have been meant seriously Pericles was perhaps put forward only as a lay-figure. Undue prominence has commonly been assigned to him in the attack upon the Areopagus in 462 or 461 (see Areopagus, Cimon). The Aristotelian Constitution of Athens shows conclusively that Pericles was not the leader of this campaign, for it expressly attributes the bulk of the reforms to Ephialtes (ch. 25), and mentions Ephialtes and Archestratus as the authors of the laws which the reactionaries of 404 sought to repeal (ch. 35): moreover, it was Ephialtes, 2 not Pericles, on whom the Conservatives took revenge as the author of their discomfiture. To Ephialtes likewise we must ascribe the renunciation of the Spartan alliance and the new league with Argos and Thessaly (461).

Not long after, however, when Ephialtes fell by the dagger, Pericles undoubtedly assumed the leading position in the state.

He must have been born before 485-484, in which years his father was ostracized. On the other hand, Plutarch describes him as 140s Cep, i.e. not yet 30, in 463.

The later eminence of Pericles has probably misled historians into exaggerating his influence at this time. Even the Const. Ath. (ch. 27) says that Pericles took " some " prerogatives from the Areopagus; this looks like a conjecture based on Arist. Pol. ii. 9 (12), 1273; a passage which really proves nothing. Plutarch, who is clearly blinded by Pericles' subsequent brilliance, makes him suddenly burst into prominence and hold the highest place for 4 o years (i.e. from 469); he degrades Ephialtes into a tool of Pericles.

The beginning of his ascendancy is marked by an unprecedented outward expansion of Athenian power. In continuance of Cimon's policy, 200 ships were sent to support the Egyptian insurgents against Persia (459),' while detachments operated against Cyprus and Phoenicia. At the same time Athens embarked on several wars in Greece Proper. An alliance with the Megarians, who were being hard pressed by their neighbours of Corinth, led to enmity with this latter power, and before long Epidaurus and Aegina were drawn into the struggle. On sea the Athenians, after two minor engagements, gained a decisive victory which enabled them to blockade Aegina. On land their general Myronides beat off two Corinthian attacks on Megara, which had been further secured by long walls drawn between the capital and its port Nisaea, nearly a mile distant. In 457 the Athenians and their allies ventured to intercept a Spartan force which was returning home from central Greece. At Tanagra in Boeotia a pitched battle was fought, in which both Pericles and the partisans of Cimon distinguished themselves. The Spartans were successful but did not pursue their advantage, and soon afterwards the Athenians, seizing their opportunity, sallied forth again, and, after a victory under Myronides at Oenophyta, obtained the submission of all Boeotia, save Thebes, and of Phocis and Locris. In 455 Tolmides ravaged Laconia and secured Naupactus on the Corinthian gulf; in 4544 Pericles himself defeated the Sicyonians, and made a descent upon Oeniadae at the mouth of the gulf, and in 453 conducted a cleruchy to the Thracian Chersonese. These years mark the zenith of Athenian greatness. Yet the drain on the country's strength was severe, and when news arrived in 453 that the whole of the Egyptian armament, together with a reserve fleet, had been destroyed by the Persians, a reaction set in, and Cimon, who was recalled on Pericles' motion (but see Cimon), was empowered to make peace with Sparta on the basis of the status quo. For a while the old anti-Persian policy again found favour in Athens, and Cimon led a great expedition against Cyprus; but on Cimon's death hostilities were suspended, and a lasting arrangement with Persia was brought about.° It was probably in order to mark the definite conclusion of the Persian War and to obtain recognition for Athens' work in punishing the Mede that Pericles now ° proposed a pan-Hellenic congress at Athens to consult about the rebuilding of the ruined temples and the policing of the seas; but owing to the refusal of Sparta the project fell through.

Pericles may now have hoped to resume his aggressive policy in Greece Proper, but the events of the following years completely disillusioned him. In 447 an Athenian army, which had marched into Boeotia to quell an insurrection, had to surrender in a body at Coronea, and the price of their ransom was the evacuation of Boeotia. Upon news of this disaster Phocis, Locris and Euboea revolted, and the Megarians massacred their Athenian garrison, while a Spartan army penetrated into Attica as far as Eleusis. In this crisis Pericles induced the Spartan leaders to retreat, apparently by means of. a bribe, and hastened to reconquer Euboea; but the other land possessions could not be recovered, and in a thirty years' truce which was arranged in 445 Athens definitely renounced her predominance in Greece Proper. Pericles' foreign policy henceforward underwent a profound change - to consolidate the naval supremacy, or to extend it by a cautious advance, remained his only ambition.

The chronology of these years down to 449 is not quite certain.

An abortive expedition to reinstate a Thessalian prince probably also belongs to this year; there is also evidence that Athens interfered in a war between Selinus and Segesta in Sicily about this time.

5 The " peace of Callias " is perhaps a fiction of the 4th century orators. All the earlier evidence goes to show that only an informal understanding was arrived at, based on the de facto inability of either power to cripple the other (see Cimon).

6 448 seems the most likely date. Before 460 Pericles' influence was as yet too small; 460-451 were years of war. After 445 Athens was hardly in a position to summon such a congress, and would not have sent to envoys out of 20 to northern and central Greece, where she had just lost all her influence; nor is it likely that the building of the Parthenon (begun not later than 447) was entered on before the congress.

While scouting the projects of the extreme Radicals for interfering in distant countries, he occasionally made a display of Athens' power abroad, as in his expedition to the Black Sea,' and in the colonization of Thruii, 2 which marks the resumption of a Western policy.

The peaceful development of Athenian power was interrupted by the revolt of Samos in 440. Pericles himself led out a fleet against the seceders and, after winning a first engagement, unwisely divided his armament and allowed one squadron to be routed. In a subsequent battle he retrieved this disaster, and after a long blockade reduced the town itself. A demand for help which the Samians sent to Sparta was rejected at the instance of the Corinthians.

Turning to Pericles' policy towards the members of the Delian League, we find that he frankly endeavoured to turn the allies into subjects (see Delian League). A special feature of his rule was the sending out of numerous cleruchies (q.v.), which served the double purpose of securing strategic points to Athens and converting the needy proletariate of the capital into owners of real property. The land was acquired either by confiscation from disaffected states or in exchange for a lowering of tribute. The chief cleruchies of Pericles are: Thracian Chersonese (453-452), Lemnos and Imbros, Andros, Naxos and Eretria (before 447); ' Brea in Thrace (446); Oreus (445); Amisus and Astacus in the Black Sea (after 440); Aegina (431).

In his home policy Pericles carried out more fully Ephialtes' project of making the Athenian people truly self-governing. His chief innovation was the introduction of payment from the public treasury for state service. Chief of all, he provided a remuneration of 1 to 2 obols a day for the jurymen, probably in 451.4 Similarly he created a"theoricon" fund which enabled poor citizens to attend the dramatic representations of the Dionysia. To him we may also attribute the 3 obols pay which the soldiers received during the Peloponnesian War in addition to the old-established provision-money. The archons and members of the boule, who certainly received remuneration in 411, and also some minor magistrates, were perhaps paid for the first time by Pericles. In connexion with this system of salaries should be mentioned a somewhat reactionary law carried by Pericles in 451, by which an Athenian parentage on both sides was made an express condition of retaining the franchise and with it the right of sitting on paid juries. The measure by which the archonship was opened to the third and (practically) to the fourth class of citizens (the Zeugitae and Thetes) may also be due to Pericles; the date is now known to be 457 (Const. Ath. 26; and see Archon).

The last years of his life were troubled by a new period of storm and stress which called for his highest powers of calculation and self-control. A conflict between Corcyra and Corinth, the second and third naval powers of Greece, led to the simultaneous appearance in Athens of an embassy from either combatant (433) Pericles had, as it seems, resumed of late a plan of Western expansion by forming alliances with Rhegium and Leontini, and the favourable position of Corcyra on the traderoute to Sicily and Italy, as well as its powerful fleet, no doubt helped to induce him to secure an alliance with that island, and so to commit an unfriendly act towards a leading representative of the Peloponnesian League. Pericles now seemed to have made up his mind that war with Sparta, the head of that ' The date can hardly be fixed; probably it was after 440.

It has been doubted whether Pericles favoured this enterprise, but among its chief promoters were two of his friends, Lampon the soothsayer and Hippodamus the architect. The oligarch Cratinus (in a frag. of the 43vy6,5er) violently attacks the whole project.

3 These dates are suggested by the decrease of tribute which the inscriptions prove for this year.

4 This is the date given by the Const. Ath., which also mentions a ocak[c/noA ds r v Socav-rwv] (Blass' restoration) in frag. c. 18.

The confused story of Philochorus and Plutarch, by which 4760 citizens were disfranchised or even sold into slavery in 445, when an Egyptian prince sent a largess of corn, may refer to a subsequent application of Pericles' law, though probably on a much milder scale than is here represented.

League, had become inevitable. In the following spring he fastened a quarrel upon Potidaea, a town in Chalcidice, which was attached by ancient bonds to Corinth, and in the campaign which followed Athenian and Corinthian troops came to blows. A further casus belli was provided by a decree forbidding the importation of Megarian goods into the Athenian Empire,' presumably in order to punish Megara for her alliance with Corinth (spring 432). The combined complaints of the injured parties led Sparta to summon a Peloponnesian congress which decided on war against Athens, failing a concession to Megara and Corinth (autumn 432). In this crisis Pericles persuaded the wavering assembly that compromise was useless, because Sparta was resolved to precipitate a war in any case. A further embassy calling upon the Athenians to expel the accursed family of the Alcmaeonidae, clearly aimed at Pericles himself as its chief representative, was left unheeded, and early in 431 hostilities began between Athens and Sparta and their respective allies (see Peloponnesian War).

At the same time, Pericles was being sorely hampered by his adversaries at home. The orthodox Conservatives and some democrats who were jealous of his influence, while afraid to beard the great statesman himself, combined to assail his nearest friends. The sculptor Pheidias was prosecuted on two vexatious charges (probably in 433), and before he could disprove the second he died under arrest. Anaxagoras was threatened with a law against atheists, and felt compelled to leave Athens. A scandalous charge against his mistress Aspasia, which he defeated by his personal intercession before the court, was taken very much to heart by Pericles. His position at home scarcely improved during the war. His policy of abandoning the land defence was unpopular with the land-owning section of the people, who from the walls of Athens could see their own property destroyed by the invaders. At the end of the first year of war (early in 430) Pericles made a great appeal to the pride of his countrymen in his well-known funeral speech. But in the ensuing summer, after a terrible outbreak of plague had ravaged the crowded city, the people became thoroughly demoralized. Pericles led a large squadron to harry the coasts of the Peloponnese, but met with little success. On his return the Athenians sued for peace, though without success, and a speech by Pericles had little effect on their spirits. Late in 430 they deposed him from his magistracy. In addition to this they prosecuted him on a charge of embezzlement, and imposed a fine of 50 talents. A revulsion of feeling soon led to his reinstatement, apparently with extraordinary powers. But the plague, which had carried off two of his sons and a sister, had left its mark also on Pericles himself. In the autumn of 429 he died' and was buried near the Academia, where Pausanias (150 A.D.) saw his tomb. A slightly idealized portrait of Pericles as strategus is preserved to us in the British Museum bust, No. 549, which is a good copy of the well-known bronze original by Cresilas.

If we now endeavour to give a general estimate of Pericles' character and achievements, it will be well to consider the many departments of his activity one by one. In his foreign policy Pericles differs from those statesmen of previous generations who sought above all the welfare of Greece as a whole. His standpoint was at all times purely Athenian. Nor did he combine great statesmanlike qualities with exceptional ability in the field. We may clearly distinguish two periods in his administration of foreign affairs. At first, joining to Cimon's antiPersian ambitions and Themistocles' schemes of Western expansion a new policy of aggression on the mainland, he endeavoured to push forward Athenian power in every direction, and engaged himself alike in Greece Proper, in the Levant and in Sicily. After Cimon's death he renounced the war against Persia, and the collapse of 447-445 had the effect of completing his change ' The general impression in Greece was that this decree was the proximate cause of the war. Tne scurrilous motives which Aristophanes suggests for this measure can be entirely disregarded.

s His dying boast, that " no Athenian had put on mourning through his doing," perhaps refers to his forbearance towards his political rivals, whom he refused to ruin by prosecution.

of attitude. Henceforward he repressed all projects of reckless enterprise, and confined himself to the gradual expansion and consolidation of the empire. It is not quite easy to see why he abandoned this successful policy in order to hasten on a war with Sparta, and neither the Corcyrean alliance nor the Megarian decree seems justified by the facts as known to us, though commercial motives may have played a part which we cannot now gauge. In his adoption of a purely defensive policy at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, he miscalculated the temper of the Athenians, whose morale would have been better sustained by a greater show of activity. But in the main his policy in 431-429 was sound, and the disasters of the war cannot fairly be laid to his charge. The foundation of cleruchies was an admirable device, which in many ways anticipated the colonial system of the Romans.

In his attitude towards the members of the Delian League Pericles likewise maintained a purely Athenian point of view. But he could hardly be said seriously to have oppressed the subject cities, and technically all the League money was spent on League business, for Athena, to whom the chief monuments in Athens were reared, was the patron goddess of the League. Under Pericles Athens also attained her greatest measure of commercial prosperity, and the activity of her traders all over the Levant, the Black Sea and the West, is attested not only by literary authority, but also by numerous Attic coins, vases, &c.

Pericles' home policy has been much debated since ancient times. His chief enactments relate to the payment of citizens for State service. These measures have been interpreted as an appeal to the baser instincts of the mob, but this assumption is entirely out of keeping with all we know of Pericles' general attitude towards the people, over whom Thucydides says he practically ruled as a king. We must, then, admit that Pericles sincerely contemplated the good of his fellow-countrymen, and we may believe that he endeavoured to realize that ideal Athens which Thucydides sketches in the Funeral Speech - an Athens where free and intelligent obedience is rendered to an equitable code of laws, where merit finds its way to the front, where military efficiency is found along with a free development in other directions and strangles neither commerce nor art. In accordance with this scheme Pericles sought to educate the whole community to political wisdom by giving to all an active share in the government, and to train their aesthetic tastes by making accessible the best drama and music. It was most unfortunate that the Peloponnesian War ruined this great project by diverting the large supplies of money which were essential to it, and confronting the remodelled Athenian democracy, before it could dispense with his tutelage, with a series of intricate questions of foreign policy which, in view of its inexperience, it could hardly have been expected to grapple with successfully.

Pericles also incurred unpopularity because of his rationalism in religious matters; yet Athens in his time was becoming ripe for the new culture, and would have done better to receive it from men of his circle - Anaxagoras, Zeno, Protagoras and Meton - than from the more irresponsible sophists. The influence of Aspasia on Athenian thought, though denounced unsparingly by most critics, may indeed have been beneficial, inasmuch as it tended towards the emancipation of the Attic woman from the over-strict tutelage in which she was kept. As a patron of art Pericles was a still greater force. His policy in encouraging the drama has already been mentioned: among his friends he could count three of the greatest Greek writers - the poet Sophocles and the historians Herodotus and Thucydides. Pericles likewise is responsible for the epoch-making splendour of Attic art in his time, for had he not so fully appreciated and given such free scope to the genius of Pheidias, Athens would hardly have witnessed the raising of the Parthenon and other glorious structures, and Attic art could not have boasted a legion of first-rate sculptors of whom Alcamenes, Agoracritus and Paeonius are only the chief names. (See also Greek Art.) Of Pericles' personal characteristics we have a peculiarly full and interesting record. He was commonly compared to Olympian Zeus, partly because of his serene and dignified bearing, partly by reason of the majestic roll of the thundering eloquence, with its bold poetical imagery, with which he held friend and foe spellbound. The same dignity appeared in the grave beauty of his features, though the abnormal height of his cranium afforded an opportunity for ridicule of which the comedians made full use. In spite of an unusually large crop of scandals about him we cannot but believe that he bore an honourable character, and his integrity is vouched for by Thucydides in such strong terms as to exclude all further doubt on the question.

Ancient Authorities. -OUr chief source must always remain Thucydides (i. and ii. 1-65), whose insight into the character and ideals of Pericles places him far above all other authorities. The speeches which he puts into his mouth are of special value in disclosing to us Pericles' inmost thoughts and aspirations (i. 140-144; ii. 35-46; ii. 60-64). Thucydides alone shows sympathy with Pericles, though, as J. B. Bury points out (Ancient Greek Historians, 1909, pp. 1 33 seq.), he was by no means a blind admirer. Of other 5th-century sources, Aristophanes is obviously a caricaturist, pseudo-Xenophon (de republica Atheniensium) a mere party pamphleteer. Plato, while admiring Pericles' intellect, accuses him of pandering to the mob; Aristotle in his Politics and especially in the Constitution of Athens, which is valuable in that it gives the dates of Pericles' enactments as derived from an official document, accepts the same view. Plutarch (Pericles) gives many interesting details as to Pericles' personal bearing, home life, and patronage of art, literature and philosophy, derived in part from the old comic poets, Aristophanes, Cratinus, Eupolis, Hermippus, Plato and Teleclides; in part from the contemporary memoirs of Stesimbrotus and Ion of Chios. At the same time he reproduces their scandalous anecdotes in a quite uncritical spirit, and accepts unquestioningly the 4th-century tradition. He quotes Aristotle, Heraclides Ponticus, Aeschines Socraticus, Idomeneus of Lampsacus and Duris of Samos, and is also indebted through some Alexandrine intermediary to Ephorus and Theopompus. Diodorus (xi. and xii.), who copied Ephorus, contains nothing of value.

MODERN WORKS. - Historians are agreed that Pericles was one of the most powerful personalities of ancient times, and generally allow him to have been a man of probity. J. Beloch, Griech. Gesch. vols. i. and ii. (Strassburg and Bonn, 1893-1896), and Die attische Politik seit Perikles (Leipzig, 1884) takes the most disparaging view; E. Abbott, Greek Hist., vol. ii. (London, 1892), and M. Duncker, Gesch. d. Altertums, vols. viii., ix. (Leipzig, 1884-1886), are on the whole unfavourable; Adolf Schmidt, Das Perikleische Zeitalter (Jena, 1877), V. Duruy, History of Greece (Eng. trans., London, 1892), G. Busolt, Griech. Gesch., vol. iii. (Gotha, 1897, 1904), and E. Meyer, Gesch. d. Altertums, vols. iii. and iv. (Stuttgart,1901),Forschungen,vol.ii. (Halle, 1899; London, 1902), apportion praise and blame more equally; J. B. Bury and E. Curtius, Hist. of Greece (Eng. trans., vols. ii. and iii., London, 1869, 1870), A. Holm, Hist. of Greece (Eng. trans., vol. ii., London, 1895), W. Lloyd, The Age of Pericles (London, 1875), and especially G. Grote, Hist. of Greece, vols. iv. and v. (see also additional notes in the edition by J. M. Mitchell and M. Caspari, 1907) take a favourable view. For Pericles' buildings, see C. Wachsmuth, Gesch. d. Stadt Athen, i. 516-560 (Leipzig, 1874); E. A. Gardner, Ancient Athens (London, 1902), for his strategy, H. Delbriick, Die Strateg. d. Perikles (Berlin, 1890). See ATHENS: History; GREECE: Ancient History; and GREEK ART. (M. O. B. C.)

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  • enPR: /pērīklĕs/onta

Proper noun


  1. A Greek politician that existed during the ancient and the classical times.


  • Alsatian: Perikles m.
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    Ancient Greek: Περικλῆς (Periklēs) m.
    Modern Greek: Περικλής el(el) m. (Periklis)
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Proper noun


  1. Pericles


Proper noun


  1. Pericles


Proper noun


  1. Pericles

Simple English

ca. 495 – 429 BC
File:Perikles altes
Bust of Pericles after Cresilas, Altes Museum, Berlin
Place of birth Athens
Place of death Athens
Allegiance Athens
Rank General (Strategos)
Battles/wars Battle in Sicyon and Acarnania (454 BC)
Second Sacred War (448 BC)
Expulsion of barbarians from Gallipoli (447 BC)
Samian War (440 BC)
Siege of Byzantium (438 BC)
Peloponnesian War (431–429 BC)

Pericles or Perikles (ca. 495–429 BC, Greek: Περικλῆς, meaning "surrounded by glory") was a prominent and influential statesman. He also was an orator, and general of Athens. He lived between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars. He was descended, through his mother, from the Alcmaeonid family.

Pericles had a big influence on Athenian society. Thucydides, his contemporary historian, described him as "the first citizen of Athens". Pericles turned the Delian League into an Athenian empire and led his countrymen during the first two years of the Peloponnesian War. The period during which he led Athens, roughly from 461 to 429 BC, is sometimes known as the "Age of Pericles," though the period thus denoted can include times as early as the Persian Wars, or as late as the next century.

In Pericles late 20’s he sponsored a major dramatic production for the festival of Dionysus, and he also entertained the whole city. Pericles also got married and had 2 sons. They never found out his wife’s name. A decade later the people started to like him more and more. He got involved with the politics called Ephialtes. Pericles and Ephialtes took away the nobles powers and once they did that there would be consequences. For what they did Pericles’ ally Ephialtes was later assassinated.

Pericles promoted the arts and literature. This was a chief reason Athens holds the reputation of being the educational and cultural centre of the ancient Greek world. He started an ambitious project that built most of the surviving structures on the Acropolis (including the Parthenon). This project made the city more beautiful., It also showed its glory, and gave work to the people.[1] Furthermore, Pericles fostered Athenian democracy to such an extent that critics call him a populist.[2][3]



  1. L. de Blois, An Introduction to the Ancient World, 99
  2. S. Muhlberger, Periclean Athens.
  3. S. Ruden, Lysistrata, 80.

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  • Abbott, Evelyn (1898). Pericles and the Golden Age of Athens. G. P. Putnam's Sons. 
  • Brock Roger, Hodkinson Stephen (2003). Alternatives to Athens: Varieties of Political Organization and Community in Ancient Greece. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-925810-4. 
  • Gardner, Percy (1902). Ancient Athens. 
  • Grant, Arthur James (1893). Greece in the Age of Pericles. John Murray. 
  • Hesk, John (2000). Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-64322-8. 
  • Kagan, Donald (1991). Pericles of Athens and the Birth of Democracy. The Free Press. ISBN 0-684-86395-2. 
  • Lummis, Douglas C. (1997). Radical Democracy. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-8451-0. 
  • Ober, Josiah (2001). Political Dissent in Democratic Athens: Intellectual Critics of Popular Rule. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-08981-7. 
  • Rhodes, P.J. (2005). A History of the Classical Greek World: 478-323 BC. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 0-631-22565-X. 
  • Whibley, Leonard (1889). A History of the Classical Greek World: 478-323 BC. University Press. 
  • Gore Vidal, Creation (novel) for a fictional account of Pericles and a Persian view of the wars.

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