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The Right Honourable
 The Viscount Cecil of Chelwood 
CH PC QC


In office
30 May 1915 – 10 January 1919
Monarch George V
Prime Minister H. H. Asquith (until 5 December 1915)
David Lloyd George
Preceded by Neil Primrose
Succeeded by Cecil Harmsworth

In office
25 May 1923 – 22 January 1924
Monarch George V
Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin (1st ministry)
Preceded by Austen Chamberlain
Succeeded by J. R. Clynes

In office
10 November 1924 – 19 October 1927
Monarch George V
Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin (2nd ministry)
Preceded by Josiah Wedgwood
Succeeded by Baron Cushendum

Born 14 September 1864(1864-09-14)
Died 24 November 1958 (aged 94)
Political party Conservative
Spouse(s) Lady Eleanor Lambton
Alma mater University College, Oxford, England
Profession Lawyer
Awards Nobel Peace Prize

Edgar Algernon Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 1st Viscount Cecil of Chelwood CH, PC, QC (14 September 1864 – 24 November 1958), known as Lord Robert Cecil from 1868 to 1923,[1] was a lawyer, politician and diplomat in the United Kingdom. He was one of the architects of the League of Nations and a defender of it, whose service to the organisation saw him awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1937.

Contents

Early life and legal career

Cecil was the sixth child and third son of Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (three times Prime Minister in 1885, 1886–1892, and 1895–1902). He was educated at home until he was thirteen and then spent four years at Eton College. He claimed in his autobiography to have enjoyed his home education most. He studied law at University College, Oxford, where he became a well known debater. In 1887, he was admitted to the Bar (permitted to practise as a barrister). He was fond of saying that his marriage to Lady Eleanor Lambton in 1889 was the cleverest thing he had ever done.

From 1887 to 1906, Cecil practised civil law, including work in Chancery and parliamentary practice. On 15 June 1899, he was appointed as a Queen's Counsel (QC).[2] He also collaborated in writing a book, entitled Principles of Commercial Law.

Parliamentary and public service

At the 1906 general election, Cecil was elected as a Conservative Member of Parliament representing Marylebone East. He did not contest the Marylebone seat in either of the general elections in 1910 as a result of the Tariff Reform controversy. Instead he unsuccessfully contested Blackburn in the January election and Wisbech in the December election.[3] In 1911 he won a by-election in Hitchin, Hertfordshire as an Independent Conservative and served as its MP until 1923.[3]

Fifty years old at the outbreak of World War I and too old for military service, Cecil went to work for the Red Cross. Following the formation of the 1915 coalition government, he became Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs on 30 May 1915. He served in this post until 10 January 1919, additionally serving in the cabinet as Minister of Blockade between 23 February 1916 and 18 July 1918. He was responsible for devising procedures to bring economic and commercial pressure against the enemy.

On 25 May 1923, Cecil returned to the cabinet as Lord Privy Seal,[4][5] a position held by several members of his family.[6] He did not stand again in the general election of December 1923 and, after the Conservatives lost their majority, he was created Viscount Cecil of Chelwood, of East Grinstead in the County of Sussex on 28 December 1923.[7] He remained Lord Privy Seal until 22 February 1924,[8] when Ramsey MacDonald's minority Labour cabinet took office.

The Conservatives returned to power at the October 1924 general election and Cecil became Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.[9]

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League of Nations

In September 1916, he circulated a memorandum making proposals for the avoidance of war, which he says was the "first document from which sprang British official advocacy of the League of Nations."

Cecil was an Esperantist, and, in 1921, he proposed that the League of Nations adopt Esperanto as solution to the language problem.[10]

Encourage Home Industries.
Lord Robert Cecil. "I trust that after all we may secure at least your qualified support for our League of Nations?"
U.S.A. President-elect: "Why, what's the matter with ours?"
Cartoon from Punch magazine, 10 November 1920, depicting Cecil advocating a design for the League of Nations to Warren G. Harding

From the inception of the League, after World War I, to its demise in 1946, Cecil's public life was almost totally devoted to the League. At the Paris Peace Conference, he was the British representative in charge of negotiations for a League of Nations; from 1920 until 1922, he represented the Dominion of South Africa in the League Assembly; in 1923 he made a five-week tour of the United States, explaining the League to American audiences. In the Conservative administrations of 1923 to 1924, and 1924 to 1927 he was the minister responsible, under the jurisdiction of the Foreign Secretary, for British activities in League affairs.

During a naval conference of 1927 in Geneva, negotiations broke down after the United States refused to agree to the British argument that Britain needed a minimum of seventy cruisers to adequately defend the British Empire and its trade and communications. The cutting of British cruisers to fifty from seventy was proposed by the Americans in return for concessions over the size of cruisers and the calibre of their guns. Cecil was part of the British delegation at Geneva and resigned from the cabinet because the British government let the conference break down rather than reduce the number of Britain's cruisers.

Although an official delegate to the League as late as 1932, Cecil worked independently to mobilise public opinion in support of the League. He was president of the British League of Nations Union from 1923 to 1945, and joint founder and president, with a French Jurist, of the International Peace Campaign, known in France as Rassemblement universel pour la paix. Among his publications during this period were The Way of Peace (1928), a collection of lectures on the League; A Great Experiment (1941), a personalised account of his relationship to the League of Nations; and All the Way (1949), a more complete autobiography.

In the spring of 1946, he participated in the final meetings of the League at Geneva, ending his speech with the sentence: "The League is dead; long live the United Nations!"[11] He lived for thirteen more years, occasionally occupying his place in the House of Lords, and supporting international efforts for peace through his honorary life presidency of the United Nations Association.

Honours

Lord Cecil of Chelwood, 1929.

Cecil's career brought him many honours. In addition to his peerage, he was created Companion of Honour in 1956,[12] was elected chancellor of the University of Birmingham (1918–1944) and rector of the University of Aberdeen (1924–1927). He was given the Peace Award of the Woodrow Wilson Foundation in 1924. Most significantly, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1937. He was presented with honorary degrees by the Universities of Edinburgh, Oxford, Cambridge, Manchester, Liverpool, St Andrews, Aberdeen, Princeton, Columbia, and Athens.

He died on 24 November 1958 at his home at Chelwood Gate, Danehill near Haywards Heath.[13] He left no heirs and his Viscountcy became extinct.

References

  1. ^ As the younger son of a Marquess, Cecil held the curtesy title of "Lord", although he was not a peer in his own right until he was made a Viscount in 1923.
  2. ^ London Gazette: no. 27090, p. 3802, 1899-06-16. Retrieved on 2008-08-20.
  3. ^ a b Ceadel, Martin (2008). "Cecil, (Edgar Algernon) Robert Gascoyne – (known as Lord Robert Cecil), Viscount Cecil of Chelwood (1864–1958)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/32335. http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/32335. Retrieved 2008-09-24.  
  4. ^ London Gazette: no. 32828, p. 3741, 1923-05-29. Retrieved on 2008-08-20.
  5. ^ London Gazette: no. 32835, p. 4275, 1923-06-19. Retrieved on 2008-08-20.
  6. ^ Cecil's grandfather, father, brother, nephew and great great nephew also served as Lord Privy Seal.
  7. ^ London Gazette: no. 32892, p. 9107, 1923-12-28. Retrieved on 2008-08-20.
  8. ^ The Conservatives were the largest party following the 1923 election but did not have a majority of seats. The Conservative administration continued into January 1924 whilst the Labour party organised a government.
  9. ^ London Gazette: no. 32995, p. 8415, 1924-11-21. Retrieved on 2008-08-20.
  10. ^ Forster, Peter Glover (1982). The Language Movement. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 173. ISBN 90-279-3399-5. http://books.google.com/books?id=5kNB5YmeNj4C&pg=PA173&lpg=PA173&dq=%22robert+cecil%22+esperanto+-wikipedia.org&source=web&ots=kydPg8fVg9&sig=oE9u-HFU4pjmtlePO0nugWQ3H8s.  
  11. ^ "The end of the League of Nations". United Nations Office at Geneva. http://www.unog.ch/80256EE60057D930/(httpPages)/02076E77C9D0EF73C1256F32002F48B3?OpenDocument. Retrieved 2008-08-20.  
  12. ^ London Gazette: (Supplement) no. 40669, p. 27, 1956-01-02. Retrieved on 2008-08-20.
  13. ^ London Gazette: (Supplement) no. 41608, p. 472, 1959-01-16. Retrieved on 2008-08-20.
  • Some of this material is from: From Nobel Lectures, Peace 1926–1950, Frederick W. Haberman (editor), Elsevier Publishing Company, Amsterdam, 1972.

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Parliament of the United Kingdom
Preceded by
Edmund Boulnois
Member of Parliament for Marylebone East
1906January 1910
Succeeded by
James Boyton
Preceded by
Alfred Peter Hillier
Member of Parliament for Hitchin
1911 – 1923
Succeeded by
Guy Molesworth Kindersley
Political offices
Preceded by
Neil Primrose
Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
1916 – 1919
Succeeded by
Cecil Harmsworth
Preceded by
New office
Minister of Blockade
1916 – 1918
Succeeded by
Sir Laming Worthington-Evans, Bt
Preceded by
Austen Chamberlain
Lord Privy Seal
1923 – 1924
Succeeded by
J. R. Clynes
Preceded by
Josiah Wedgwood
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
1924 – 1927
Succeeded by
The Lord Cushendun
Academic offices
Preceded by
Joseph Chamberlain
Chancellor of the University of Birmingham
1918 – 1944
Succeeded by
Anthony Eden
Preceded by
Robert Horne
Rector of the University of Aberdeen
1924 – 1927
Succeeded by
The Earl of Birkenhead
Peerage of the United Kingdom
New creation Viscount Cecil of Chelwood
1924 – 1958
Extinct

Quotes

Up to date as of January 14, 2010

From Wikiquote

In the end, the character and the prosperity of the nation depend on the character of the individuals that compose it...

Edgar Algernon Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 1st Viscount Cecil of Chelwood (14 September 186424 November 1958) was a lawyer, politician and diplomat. He was one of the architects of the League of Nations and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1937. Although both have been known as Lord Robert Cecil, he should not be confused with his father, Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, nor with the much earlier Robert Cecil, 1st Earl of Salisbury.

Sourced

The League is dead; long live the United Nations!
  • The great difficulty of all schemes for leagues of nations and the like has been to find an effective sanction against nations determined to break the peace.
    I will not now discuss at length the difficulties of joint armed action, but every one who has studied the question knows they are very great. It may be, however, that a league of nations, properly furnished with machinery to enforce the financial, commercial, and economic isolation of any nation determined to force its will upon the world by mere violence, would be a real safeguard for the peace of the world. In any case that is a subject that may well be studied by those sincerely anxious to put an end to the present system of International anarchy.
    • Official statement as Minister of the Blockade (31 August 1917)
  • The Germans really conceive of their country as always under war conditions in this respect. No one expects a belligerent to tell the truth and, to the German mind, they are always belligerent. The Germans take the view that war is only intensified peace.
    • Letter to Lord Londonderry (May 1938); published in Wings of Destiny (1943) by Marquess of Londonderry, p. 211
  • But supposing there is a German guarantee, of what is its value? It is unnecessary to accuse Germany of perfidy. Not only the Nazi Government but all previous German Governments from the time of Frederick the Great downwards have made their position perfectly clear. To them an international assurance is no more than a statement of present intention. It has no absolute validity for the future.
    • Letter to The Guardian after the Munich Agreement of 1938, as quoted in Plough My Own Furrow (1965) by Martin Gilbert, pp. 416-20,
  • The truth is, I was never a very good Party man. Probably but for the War of 1914, I should have gone on fairly comfortably as a Conservative official. But those four years burnt into me the insufferable conditions of international relations which made war the acknowledged method — indeed, the only fully authorized method — of settling international disputes. Thenceforth, the effort to abolish war seemed to me, and still seems to me, the only political object worth while.
    • A Great Experiment (1941), p. 189
  • The League is dead; long live the United Nations!
  • Let me beg my readers to do their utmost for the success of the Peace Ballot. There is no single thing which they can do of greater value for Peace. ... Every vote is wanted and may contribute to prevent war and save the lives of countless thousands of our fellow citizens.
    • As quoted in The Avoidable War : Lord Cecil and the Policy of Principle, 1933-1935 (1999) by J. Kenneth Brody, Ch. 11 : Voting For Peace, p. 173

The Future of Civilization (1938)

Nobel Lecture (1 June 1938)
No doubt the work has not succeeded; but I like to believe that it has not been altogether lost. We have laid a foundation on which, ultimately, we may build something in the nature of reform.
  • I was brought up from my earliest youth to believe in the enormous importance of peace. I have often heard my father, the late Lord Salisbury, say that, though he did not see how it was possible under the then existing circumstances to avoid wars altogether, yet he had never been able to satisfy himself that they were in principle morally defensible.
    Indeed, particularly in the latter part of his life, he made more than one speech in which he expressed the hope that, by some international combination, wars could in the future be prevented. He did not hesitate to express his belief that some such organization as we have since then attempted and erected in the League of Nations might furnish the solution of what he conceived to be the terrific evil of war.
  • During the earlier years of the League we were fortunate in having many statesmen of outstanding ability who were convinced supporters of international cooperation under the League Covenant. ... It is enough to say that under the leadership of those great men the first ten years of the League of Nations was a period of almost unbroken prosperity. The League moved from strength to strength. It established its organization and its Secretariat — a very remarkable achievement which has worked extremely well. Then, too, came the Permanent Court of International Justice, which has also been a very marked success and which, I trust, will establish ultimately the rule of law in all international affairs.
  • In 1932 when the Disarmament Conference, after many years of preparation, at last assembled, it really looked as if we were approaching something like stabilized conditions in the world. I am still convinced that with a little more courage and foresight, particularly among those who were directing the policy of the so-called Great Powers, we might have achieved a limitation of international armaments, with all the enormously beneficial consequences which that would have given us. ... No doubt the work has not succeeded; but I like to believe that it has not been altogether lost. We have laid a foundation on which, ultimately, we may build something in the nature of reform. And I am perfectly satisfied that the attempt to limit and reduce armaments by international action must be resumed and the sooner the better, if the world is to be saved from a fresh and bloody disaster.
File:German dead at Verdun.jpg
When one comes to try and analyse why the League succeeded so well in its first ten years of existence, no doubt the chief reason must be found in the immense horror which the War of 1914 had created amongst the human race.
  • When one comes to try and analyse why the League succeeded so well in its first ten years of existence, no doubt the chief reason must be found in the immense horror which the War of 1914 had created amongst the human race. Almost all those engaged in the work at Geneva had personal knowledge of the vast slaughter and destruction which the war had produced. Many had been face to face with what looked like a vivid danger of relapse into barbarism in their own countries, and there was a tremendous urge to discover some effective prevention of future wars. It was under the impulse of these feelings that we worked in those days and that we made our appeal, not in vain, for the support of the public opinion of the world.
  • In my own country, and perhaps in some others, the workers for the League of Nations are sometimes reproached with attaching too much importance to collective security and the forcible prevention of war. That only shows how short people's memories are in political affairs. As a matter of fact, during the first ten years of the League very little was said about these subjects. We dwelt on the social and humanitarian sides of the League. We urged disarmament and treaty revision. Great reliance — particularly in England — was placed not upon forcible action but upon public opinion. We preached — and, I am glad to say, preached successfully — the enormous importance of publicity in the actions of the League, so that the world might know not only what was being done but why it was being done at Geneva. We attached perhaps even too great importance to the conception that no nation would be so rash or so wicked as to set itself against the public opinion of the world.
We see the world as it is now, after these defeats of the League, and we can compare it with what it was six or seven years ago. The comparison is certainly depressing; the contrast is terrible.
  • Unfortunately, the Manchurian crisis arose at a time when those nations who might have been expected to have perceived most clearly the necessity of preventing aggression were themselves in a condition of great internal difficulties owing to the financial crisis of those days. ... And perhaps it was inevitable in such circumstances that our people should take little interest in any foreign questions.
    It was partly for these reasons, no doubt, that the conquest of Manchuria and the other northern provinces of China came to be consummated, and all the ambitious statesmen of the world were given an object lesson of how, in spite of the League and in spite of the Covenant, the old military policies could be successfully carried out.
    And may I venture to emphasize at this point a lesson which must never be forgotten: how much one problem in international affairs affects the whole conduct of those affairs. It was no doubt the failure of the League to check aggression in the Far East which first struck a blow at the whole system which we were trying to establish and which facilitated even greater attacks on international security.
  • We see the world as it is now, after these defeats of the League, and we can compare it with what it was six or seven years ago. The comparison is certainly depressing; the contrast is terrible. And we have not yet reached a time when we can estimate the full material losses and human suffering which have been the direct result of the ambitions of one set of powers and the weakness of the others. Nor is there any purpose in attempting to do so. Let us, rather, examine where we now stand and what steps we ought to take in order to strengthen the international system and thrust back again the forces of reaction.
    In the first place, let us admit that the first ten years of the League were in a sense unnatural. The horror of war to which I have already alluded was necessarily far more vivid than it can be expected long to remain. That tremendous argument for peace, the horror of war, was a diminishing asset. Most of us, at that time, were, I think, quite well aware that unless we could get the international system into solidly effective working order in the first ten years, we were likely to have great difficulties in the succeeding period, and so it has proved.
People became callous. They thought war had been so often avoided that it would continue to be avoided...
  • Don't think that I underrate the very great debt we owe to the old diplomacy. Before the new system came into existence, diplomacy was the only protection we had against war; and its achievements were of the utmost importance and value to the human race. But perhaps it is natural that, with rare exceptions, the whole strength of this very powerful organization has been against the new ideas and new principles at Geneva. The old diplomat liked to move with deliberation, in secret, following well-established traditions and working through what he loved to describe as "the usual channels". To him, the open debate carried on, not by professional diplomats, but by politicians and statesmen having little regard for the use of the technical phraseology of diplomacy and intent merely on reaching results which would make diplomacy unnecessary, was offensive to all his instincts.
  • Professional opinion is almost inevitably against changes. It has been the operation of these and similar influences which has brought about, as I fear, a return to the old conception of what is called power diplomacy. To these conceptions, it is not too much to say, the idea of the complete opposition of war and peace was really foreign.
  • During all the period before 1914, Europe and, in a degree, the whole world lived under the perpetual shadow of war, as we are doing, I am afraid, at the present time. No doubt after it had been going on for a certain time, people became callous. They thought war had been so often avoided that it would continue to be avoided. But nevertheless, all international policy was carried on on the basis that sooner or later war might and probably would have to be faced. This has again become true, and it casts its shadow over every form of human activity. The civil life of every nation is deformed and weakened and obstructed by this threat of war. We are wasting gigantic sums, sums far greater than we have ever wasted before, on preparations for war, because war has again become a very present possibility and, at the same time, its horrors and dangers are enormously greater than they were before 1914.
The world is spending some three or four thousand million pounds sterling every year on preparations for what we all know will be, if it comes to pass, a tremendous danger to the whole of our civilization, whoever wins and whoever loses...
  • The world is spending some three or four thousand million pounds sterling every year on preparations for what we all know will be, if it comes to pass, a tremendous danger to the whole of our civilization, whoever wins and whoever loses. And again we see rising up as the active principle of policy the idea that might is right; that the only thing that counts in international affairs is force; that the virtues of truth and mercy and tolerance are really not virtues at all, but symptoms of the softness and feebleness of human nature; and that the old conception of blood and iron is the only thing that is really true and can really be trusted. Accompanied by and causing this kind of revival of reaction, we see the revival of that extreme form of nationalism which believes not only that your own nation is superior to other nations but that all other nations are degenerate and inferior, and that the only function of the government of each country is to provide for the safety and welfare of that country, without regard to what may happen to other countries, adopting the ancient, pernicious, and devilish text: "Everyone for himself and the devil take the hindmost."
    At present these doctrines have not been accepted by the great majority of the peoples of the world. And even in those countries where they have most acceptance, they are put forward with a certain hesitation and coupled with the advocacy of peace — but, alas, peace based on the triumph of nationalistic ideas.
Do not let us underrate the danger. It threatens everything we care for. For if it does succeed, it will not only bring us back to 1914 — in itself bad enough — but to something far worse even than that...
  • Do not let us underrate the danger. It threatens everything we care for. For if it does succeed, it will not only bring us back to 1914 — in itself bad enough — but to something far worse even than that. For instance, it is now apparently part of the normal doctrine of those who advocate this system that no distinction can be made between combatants and non-combatants, and that a perfectly legitimate and indeed necessary method of warfare will be the wholesale destruction of unfortified cities and their inhabitants. No doubt there will be countervailing efforts to prevent such things happening; but there is, at any rate, one section of military thought which believes that the only way to stop the bombardment of the cities belonging to one belligerent will be the bombardment of the cities belonging to the other.
The vast majority of the peoples of the world are against war and against aggression. If they make their wishes known and effective, war can be stopped.
  • The vast majority of the peoples of the world are against war and against aggression. If they make their wishes known and effective, war can be stopped. It all depends on whether they are willing to make the effort necessary for the purpose. For, that it will require an effort, no one who considers the history of the world on these subjects can doubt.
  • Collective effort can produce collective security and that if such effort is not made, it is because the will and the courage to make it are not there. It is therefore still more important than it ever was to realize that the real choice before us in this matter is: are we going to permit uncontrolled nationalism to dominate civilized Europe, or are we going to say that the European countries (I don't deal with the whole world, but it applies to that, too) are really part of one community with a common interest in international peace?
The acceptance of the principle of international cooperation is of immense importance for all states. Even the states which are most tempted to believe that they can stand by themselves have very much to gain by such cooperation. And for the smaller states — the weaker states — it is vital to all their hopes of liberty and justice.
  • No doubt there is a good deal that is attractive about the nationalist idea. It has a great history and it has a great deal of appeal to sentiment in itself admirable. But if we examine what it leads to, I do not doubt that we shall all agree that it must be rejected as a guiding principle of the nations of the world. For it necessarily leads to an exaggeration of the authority and dignity of the state to an extent which practically destroys individual action and individual responsibility. Nationalism leads to totalitarianism, and totalitarianism leads to idolatry. It becomes not a principle of politics but a new religion and, let me add, a false religion. It depends partly on a pseudoscientific doctrine of race which leads inevitably to the antithesis of all that we value in Christian morality.
    On the other hand, if we accept the view that all nations are interdependent, as individuals in any society are, we get precisely the opposite result. Such a principle leads to friendliness and good neighbourhood and, indeed, it is not too much to say that it leads to everything that we have hitherto understood as progress and civilization.
  • The acceptance of the principle of international cooperation is of immense importance for all states. Even the states which are most tempted to believe that they can stand by themselves have very much to gain by such cooperation. And for the smaller states — the weaker states — it is vital to all their hopes of liberty and justice.
    It is necessary, when we say all this, to remind ourselves that the difference between uncontrolled nationalism and international cooperation does not necessarily depend on the form of government prevailing in the different states. It depends on the spirit in which those governments operate. There have been autocracies which have shown themselves liberal and just, even to other countries. There have been democracies which have been inspired, apparently, by feelings of bitter hatred for all foreigners.
  • In some states of society it may even be that a form of dictatorship is necessary. No doubt in the hands of an able man it may possibly be more efficient than a democratic form of administration. But in the end, I am confident that a free government is best for free people. The old phrase, "Government of the people, by the people, for the people"*, represents a true ideal. It is best for the people as a whole. It is even more clearly the best for the development of the individual man and woman. And since in the end, the character and the prosperity of the nation depend on the character of the individuals that compose it, the form of government which best promotes individual development is the best for the people as a whole.
  • We have gained very much from foreign sources and even from foreign immigration. The modern conception of keeping out all alien immigrants may be an economic necessity, but I am satisfied it is a psychological evil. The democratic principle is just as important in international as in national affairs.
  • That these ideas will ultimately triumph, I have no doubt. Nor is it open to question that by the combined efforts of the peace-loving peoples they can be made to triumph now, before Europe has been again plunged into a fresh bloodbath.
    May Heaven grant that the statesmen of the world may realize this before it is too late and, by the exertion of the needed courage and prudence, restore again to the position of authority which it had only a few years ago, that great institution for the maintenance of peace on which the future of civilization so largely depends. I mean, of course, the League of Nations.

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