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Slav redirects here. For other meanings see Slav (disambiguation).
Countries with majority Slavic ethnicities and at least one Slavic national language      West Slavic      East Slavic      South Slavic

Indo-European topics

Indo-European languages (list)
Albanian · Armenian · Baltic
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Indo-Iranian (Indo-Aryan, Iranian)
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extinct: Anatolian · Paleo-Balkans (Dacian,
Phrygian, Thracian) · Tocharian

Indo-European peoples
Europe: Balts · Slavs · Albanians · Italics · Celts · Germanic peoples · Greeks · Paleo-Balkans (Illyrians · Thracians · Dacians) ·

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Language · Society · Religion
Urheimat hypotheses
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Indo-European studies

The Slavic Peoples are an ethnic and linguistic branch of Indo-European peoples, living mainly in central and eastern Europe. From the early 6th century they spread to inhabit most of the Central and Eastern Europe and the Balkans.[1] Many settled later in Siberia[2] and Central Asia[3] or emigrated to other parts of the world.[4][5] Over half of Europe is, territorially speaking, inhabited by Slavic-speaking communities.[6]

Modern nations and ethnic groups called by the ethnonym "Slavs" are considerably genetically and culturally diverse and relations between them are varied, ranging from a sense of connection to feelings of mutual resentment.[7]

Slavic peoples are classified geographically and linguistically into West Slavic (including Czechs, Moravians, Poles, Slovaks and Sorbs), East Slavic (including Belarusians, Russians and Ukrainians)[8], and South Slavic (including Bosniaks, Bulgarians, Croats, Macedonians, Montenegrins, Serbs and Slovenes). For a more comprehensive list, see the section below on ethnocultural subdivisions.

According to a 2007 genetic study[9] based on Y-chromosome male haplogroups, Slavic men cluster into two main groups; one encompasses all Western-Slavic, Eastern-Slavic, and two Southern-Slavic male populations (western Croats, Slovenes), whilst the other group encompasses all remaining Southern Slavic men.



The word "Slav" is derived from the Middle English word "Sclave", which was imported from Medieval Latin Scalvus and Byzantine Greek Σκλάβος Sklábos (variant of Σλάβήνος Sklabēnos; plural: Σλάβήνοι Sklabēnoi), which originated in Proto-Slavic: slověninŭ. [10][11] Excluding the ambiguous mention by Ptolemy of tribes Slavanoi and Soubenoi, the earliest references of "Slavs" under this name are from the 6th century AD. The word is written variously as Σλάβήνοι Sklabenoi, Σκλαύηνοι Sklauenoi, or Σκλάβίνοι Sklabinoi in Byzantine Greek, and as Sclaueni, Sclavi, Sclauini, or Sthlaueni in Latin. The oldest documents written in Old Church Slavonic and dating from the 9th century attest Словѣне slověne to describe the Slavs around Thessalonica. Other early attestations include Old Russian Словене slověně "an East Slavic group near Novgorod", Slavutich "Dnieper river", and Croatian Slavonica, a river. [12]

The name is normally linked with the Slavic forms sláva "glory", "fame" or слово slovo "word, talk" (both akin to slušati "to hear" from the IE root *ḱlew-). Thus slověne would mean "people who speak (the same language)", i.e. people who understand each other, as opposed to the Slavic word for foreign nations, němci, meaning "mumbling, murmuring people" (from Slavic němъ - mumbling, mute).[13] For example, the Polish word Niemcy means "Germans" or "Germany" (as do its cognates in many other Slavic languages, including Russian and Ukrainian).

However, some scholars have advanced alternative theories as to the origin of the name. B.P. Lozinski argues that the word sláva once had the meaning of worshipper, in this context meaning practicer of a common Slavic religion, and from that evolved into an ethnonym.[14] S.B. Bernstein speculates that it derives from a reconstructed Proto-Indo-European *(s)lawos, cognate to Greek λαός laós "population, people", which itself has no commonly accepted etymology.[15] Meanwhile Max Vasmer and others suggest that the word originated as a river name (compare the etymology of the Volcae), comparing it with such cognates as Latin cluere "to cleanse, purge", a root not known to have been continued in Slavic, although it appears in other languages with similar meanings (cf. Greek κλύζειν klyzein "to wash", Old English hlūtor "clean, pure", Old Norse hlér "sea", Welsh clir "clear, clean", Lithuanian šlúoti "to sweep").

Proto-Slavic language

Area of Balto-Slavic dialectic continuum (purple) with proposed material cultures correlating to speakers Balto-Slavic in Bronze Age (white). Red dots= archaic Slavic hydronyms

Proto-Slavic, the ancestor language of all Slavic languages, branched off at some uncertain time in a disputed location from common Proto-Indo-European, passing through a Balto-Slavic stage in which it developed numerous lexical and morphophonological isoglosses with Baltic languages. In the framework of the Kurgan hypothesis, "the Indo-Europeans who remained after the migrations became speakers of Balto-Slavic".[16]

Proto-Slavic proper, or more commonly referred to as Common Slavic or Late Proto-Slavic, defined as the last stage of the language preceding the geographical split of the historical Slavic languages, was likely spoken during the 6th and 7th centuries CE on a vast territory from Novgorod to southern Greece. That language was unusually uniform, and on the basis of borrowings from foreign languages and Slavic borrowings into other languages, can't be said to have any recognizable dialects. Slavic linguistic unity lasted for at least 1-2 centuries more, as can been seen in Old Church Slavonic manuscripts which, though based on local Slavic speech of Thessaloniki in Macedonia, could still serve the purpose of the first common Slavic literary language.



Homeland debate

The location of the Slavic homeland was a subject to considerable debate. Serious candidates were cultures on the territories of modern Belarus, Poland, European Russia and Ukraine. The proposed frameworks are:

Historical distribution of the Slavic languages. The larger shaded area is the Prague-Penkov-Kolochin complex of cultures of the sixth to seventh centuries, likely corresponding to the spread of Slavic-speaking tribes of the time. The smaller shaded area indicates the core area of Slavic river names (after Mallory & Adams (1997:524ff).
  1. Lusatian culture hypothesis: The pre-Proto-Slavs were present in north-eastern Central Europe since at least the late 2nd millennium BCE, and were the bearers of the Lusatian culture and later still the Przeworsk culture (2nd century BCE to 4th century CE) and the later still Chernyakhov culture (2nd-5th centuries CE).
  2. Milograd culture hypothesis: The pre-Proto-Slavs (or Balto-Slavs) were the bearers of the Milograd culture (700 BCE to the 100 CE) of northern Ukraine and southern Belarus.
  3. Chernoles culture hypothesis: The pre-Proto-Slavs were the bearers of the Chernoles culture (750–200 BCE) of northern Ukraine.
  4. Tributary of Danube postulated by Oleg Trubachyov[17]

The starting point in the autochtonic/allochtonic debate was the year 1745, when Johann Christoph de Jordan published De Originibus Slavicis. From the 19th century onwards, the debate became politically charged, particularly in connection with the history of the Partitions of Poland and German imperialism known as Drang nach Osten. The question as to whether Germanic or Slavic peoples were indigenous on the land east of the Oder river was used by factions to pursue their respective German and Polish political claims to governance of those lands.

But in 2007 after continuous archeological debates, Genetics was applied and it finally solved the question of locating the Slavic homeland. After studying[18] parental lineages of several Slavic populations with the aim of locating the Slavic homeland, it was found that all studied present Slavic populations trace their genetic roots to the present Ukrainian Slavic population, proving right archeological theories that were suggesting that Slavic homeland was located on territory of present day Ukraine.

Earliest accounts

Slavic lands c. 500-550 CE

Pliny the Elder and Ptolemy mention a tribe of the Veneti around the river Vistula. The lands east of the Rhine, Elbe, Oder, and west of the Vistula river were referred to as Magna Germania by Tacitus in AD 98. Tacitus states that they were tall, blonde to brown haired, long-skulled.

"Indeed, some of them do not wear even a shirt or a cloak, but gathering their trews up as far as to their private parts they enter into battle with their opponents. And both the two peoples have also the same language, an utterly barbarous tongue. Nay further, they do not differ at all from one another in appearance. For they are all exceptionally tall and stalwart men, while their bodies and hair are neither very fair or blond, nor indeed do they incline entirely to the dark type, but they are all slightly ruddy in color."

Romans occupied the land west of the Rhine. From Romanticism, the allochthonic school theorem is that the 6th century authors re-applied this ethnonym to hitherto unknown Slavic tribes, whence the later designation "Wends" for Slavic tribes, and medieval legends purporting a connection between Poles and Vandals.

The Slavs under name of Venethi, the Antes and the Sclaveni make their first appearance in Byzantine records in the early 6th century. Byzantine historiographers under Justinian I (527-565), such as Procopius of Caesarea, Jordanes and Theophylact Simocatta describe tribes emerging from the area of the Carpathian Mountains, the lower Danube and the Black Sea, invading the Danubian provinces of the Eastern Empire.

Jordanes mentions that the Venethi sub-divided into three groups: the Venethi, the Antes and the Sklavens (Sclovenes, Sklavinoi). The Byzantine term Sklavinoi was loaned as Saqaliba by medieval Arab historiographers.

Scenarios of ethnogenesis

Areas of Slavic 'homeland', according to Mallory

The Globular Amphora culture stretches from the middle Dniepr to the Elbe in the late 4th and early 3rd millennia BC. It has been suggested as the locus of a Germano-Balto-Slavic continuum (compare Germanic substrate hypothesis), but the identification of its bearers as Indo-Europeans is uncertain. The area of this culture contains numerous tumuli - typical for IE originators.

The Chernoles culture (8th to 3rd c. BC, sometimes associated with the "Scythian farmers" of Herodotus) is "sometimes portrayed as either a state in the development of the Slavic languages or at least some form of late Indo-European ancestral to the evolution of the Slavic stock."[19] The Milograd culture (700 BC - 100 AD), centered roughly on present-day Belarus, north of the contemporaneous Chernoles culture, has also been proposed as ancestral to either Slavs or Balts.

The ethnic composition of the bearers of the Przeworsk culture (2nd c. BC to 4th c. AD, associated with the Lugii) of central and southern Poland, northern Slovakia and Ukraine, including the Zarubintsy culture (2nd c. BC to 2nd c. AD, also connected with the Bastarnae tribe) and the Oksywie culture are other candidates.

The area of southern Ukraine is known to have been inhabited by Scythian and Sarmatian tribes prior to the foundation of the Gothic kingdom. Early Slavic stone stelae found in the middle Dniestr region are markedly different from the Scythian and Sarmatian stelae found in the Crimea.

Daily Life of Eastern Slavs, by Sergei Ivanov.

The (Gothic) Wielbark Culture displaced the eastern Oksywie part of the Przeworsk culture from the 1st century AD. While the Chernyakhov culture (2nd to 5th c. AD, identified with the multi-ethnic kingdom established by the Goths immigrating from the Wielbark culture) leads to the decline of the late Sarmatian culture in the 2nd to 4th centuries, the western part of the Przeworsk culture remains intact until the 4th century, and the Kiev culture flourishes during the same time, in the 2nd-5th c. AD. This latter culture is recognized as the direct predecessor of the Prague-Korchak and Pen'kovo cultures (6th-7th c. AD), the first archaeological cultures the bearers of which are indisputably identified as Slavic. Proto-Slavic is thus likely to have reached its final stage in the Kiev area; there is, however, substantial disagreement in the scientific community over the identity of the Kiev culture's predecessors, with some scholars tracing it from the Ruthenian Milograd culture, others from the "Ukrainian" Chernoles and Zarubintsy cultures and still others from the "Polish" Przeworsk culture. The Kiev culture was overrun by the Huns around 370 AD, which may have triggered the Proto-Slavic expansion to the historical locations of the Slavic languages.


Haplogroup R1a Distribution
more detailed map of Haplogroup R1a distribution

The modern Slavic peoples come from a wide variety of genetic backgrounds. The frequency of Haplogroup R1a [20] ranges from 63.39% by the Sorbs, 56.4% in Poland and 54% in Ukraine, to 15.2% in Republic of Macedonia, 14.7% in Bulgaria and 12.1% in Herzegovina.[21] Haplogroup R1a may be connected to the spread of Proto-Indo-Europeans (see Kurgan hypothesis for more information).

A new study[9] studied several Slavic populations with the aim of localizing the Proto-Slavic homeland. The significant findings of this study are that:

  1. Two genetically distant groups of Slavic populations were revealed: One encompassing all Western-Slavic, Eastern-Slavic, and two Southern-Slavic populations (north-western Croats, Slovenes), and one encompassing all remaining Southern Slavs. According to the authors most Slavic populations have similar Y chromosome pools — R1a, and this similarity can be traced to an origin in the middle Dnieper basin of Ukraine during the Late Glacial Maximum 15 kya.[22]
  2. However, some southern Slavic populations such as Macedonians and Bulgarians are clearly separated from the tight DNA cluster of the rest of the Slavic populations. According to the authors this phenomenon is explained by "...contribution to the Y chromosomes of peoples who settled in the Balkan region before the Slavic expansion to the genetic heritage of Southern Slavs..."[22]

Northern Russian peoples are not of Slavic origins and distinguished by the presence of Y Haplogroup N in their genome. Postulated to originate from Central Asia, it is found at high rates in Finnic peoples. Its presence in Northern Russians[23] attests to the non-Slavic tribes mixing with Finnic tribes of northern Eurasia.

Slavic migrations

Slavic tribes, mid seventh century AD.
The "Sklavinias" in the Balkans, 7th - 8th centuries

According to eastern homeland theory prior to becoming known to the Roman world, Slavic speaking tribes were part of the many multi-ethnic confederacies of Eurasia - such as the Sarmatian, Hun and Gothic empires.[24] The Slavs emerged from obscurity when the westward movement of Germans in the 5th and 6th centuries AD (thought to be in conjunction with the movement of peoples from Siberia and Eastern Europe: Huns, and later Avars and Bulgars) started the great migration of the Slavs, who settled the lands abandoned by Germanic tribes fleeing the Huns and their allies: westward into the country between the Oder and the Elbe-Saale line; southward into Bohemia, Moravia, much of present day Austria, the Pannonian plain and the Balkans; and northward along the upper Dnieper river. Perhaps some Slavs migrated with the movement of the Vandals to Iberia and north Africa.[25]

Around the 6th century, Slavs appeared on Byzantine borders in great numbers.[26] The Byzantine records note that grass wouldn't regrow in places where the Slavs had marched through, so great were their numbers. After a military movement even the Peloponnese and Asia Minor were reported to have Slavic settlements.[27] This southern movement has traditionally been seen as an invasive expansion.[28] By the end of the 6th century, Slavs had settled the Eastern Alps region.

Early Slavic states

When their migratory movements ended, there appeared among the Slavs the first rudiments of state organizations, each headed by a prince with a treasury and a defense force. Moreover, it was the beginnings of class differentiation, and nobles pledged allegiance either to the Frankish/ Holy Roman Emperors or the Byzantine Emperors.

In the 7th century, the Frankish merchant Samo, who supported the Slavs fighting their Avar rulers, became the ruler of the first known Slav state in Central Europe, which, however, most probably did not outlive its founder and ruler. This provided the foundation for subsequent Slavic states to arise on the former territory of this realm with Carantania being the oldest of them. Very old also are the Principality of Nitra and the Moravian principality (see under Great Moravia). In this period, there existed central Slavic groups and states such as the Balaton Principality, but the subsequent expansion of the Magyars, as well as the Germanisation of Austria, separated the northern and southern Slavs. The First Bulgarian Empire, ruled by a core of Bulgars, was founded in AD 681. After their subsequent Slavicisation, it was instrumental in the spread of Slavic literacy and Christianity to the rest of the Slavic world.


Throughout their history, Slavs came into contact with non-Slavic groups. In the postulated "homeland" region (present-day Ukraine), they had contacts with Sarmatians and the Germanic Goths. After their subsequent spread, they began assimilating non-Slavic peoples. For example, in the Balkans, there were Paleo-Balkan peoples, such as Thracians, Illyrians and Greeks. Having lost their indigenous language due to persistent Hellenisation and the Roman conquest, what remained of the Thracians and Illyrians were completely absorbed into the Slavic tribes, the most notable exceptions being Romanians. Later invaders such as Bulgars and even Cumans mingled with the Slavs also, particularly in eastern parts (i.e. Bulgaria). Despite their cultural assimilation, one source states that only 15% of modern-day Bulgarians are of Slavic genetic origin, compared to 49% Thracian.[29]

In the western Balkans, south Slavs and Germanic Gepids intermarried with Avar invaders, eventually producing a Slavicised population. In central Europe, the Slavs intermixed with Germanic, Celtic and Raetian peoples, while the eastern Slavs encountered Uralic and Scandinavian peoples. Scandinavians (Varangians) and Finnic peoples were involved in the early formation of the Russian state but were completely Slavicised after a century. Some Finno-Ugric tribes in the north were also absorbed into the expanding Russian population.[23] At the time of the Magyar migration, the present-day Hungary was inhabited by Slavs, numbering about 200,000,[30] who were either assimilated or enslaved by the Magyars.[30] In the 11th and 12th centuries, constant incursions by nomadic Turkic tribes, such as the Kipchaks and the Pechenegs, caused a massive migration of East Slavic populations to the safer, heavily forested regions of the north.[31] In the Middle Ages, groups of Saxon ore miners settled in medieval Bosnia, Serbia and Bulgaria where they were Slavicised.

The Limes Saxoniae forming the border between the Saxons to the west and the Obotrites to the east

Polabian Slavs (Wends) settled in parts of England (Danelaw), apparently as Danish allies; Polabian-Pomeranian Slavs are also known to have even settled on Norse age Iceland. Saqaliba refers to the Slavic mercenaries and slaves in the medieval Arab world in North Africa, Sicily and Al-Andalus. Saqaliba served as caliph's guards.[32][33] In the 12th century, there was intensification of Slavic piracy. The Wendish Crusade was started against the Polabian Slavs in 1147, as a part of the Northern Crusades. Niklot, pagan chief of the Slavic Obodrites began his open resistance when Lothar III, Holy Roman Emperor invaded Slavic lands. In August 1160 Niklot was killed and German colonization (Ostsiedlung) of the Elbe-Oder region began. In Hanoverian Wendland, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Lusatia invaders started germanization. Early forms of germanization were described by German monks: Helmold in the manuscript Chronicon Slavorum and Adam of Bremen in Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum .[34] The Polabian language survived until the beginning of the 19th century in what is now the German state of Lower Saxony.[35]

Cossacks, although Slavic-speaking and Orthodox Christians, came from a mix of ethnic backgrounds, including Tatars and other Turks. Many early members of the Terek Cossacks were Ossetians.

The Gorals of southern Poland and northern Slovakia are partially descended from Romance-speaking Vlachs who migrated into the region from the 14th to 17th centuries and were absorbed into the local population.

The Slavs (green) in Southeastern Europe (1869)
Ethno-linguistic map of Austria–Hungary and surroundings, 1890
Ethnic map of European Russia (1898)

Conversely, some Slavs were assimilated into other populations. Although the majority continued south, attracted by the riches of the territory which would become Bulgaria, a few remained in the Carpathian basin and were ultimately assimilated into the Magyar or Romanian population. There is a large number of river names and other placenames of Slavic origin in Romania.[36] Similarly, the populations of the respective eastern parts of Austria and Germany, and to a much lesser extent eastern Italy, are to some degree made up of people with Slavic ancestry.

Modern Slavic history

As of 1878, there were only three free Slavic states in the world: Russian Empire, Serbia and Montenegro. An independent state of Bulgaria came into existence in 1908. In the entire Austro-Hungarian Empire of approximately 50 million people, about 23 million were Slavs. The Slavic peoples who were, for the most part, denied a voice in the affairs of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, were calling for national self-determination. During World War I, representatives of the Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes set up organizations in the Allied countries to gain sympathy and recognition.[37] In 1918, after World War I ended, the Slavs established such independent states as Czechoslovakia, the Second Polish Republic, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.

One of Hitler's ambitions at the start of World War II was to exterminate, expel, or enslave most or all East and West Slavs from their native lands so as to make living space for German settlers. This plan of genocide[38] was to be carried into effect gradually over a period of 25–30 years.

Because of the vastness and diversity of the territory occupied by Slavic people, there were several centers of Slavic consolidation. In the 19th century, Pan-Slavism developed as a movement among intellectuals, scholars, and poets, but it rarely influenced practical politics and didn't find support in some nations that had Slavic origins. Pan-Slavism became compromised when the Russian Empire started to use it as an ideology justifying its territorial conquests in Central Europe as well as subjugation of other ethnic groups of Slavic origins such as Poles and Ukrainians, and the ideology became associated with Russian imperialism. The common Slavic experience of communism combined with the repeated usage of the ideology by Soviet propaganda after World War II within the Eastern bloc (Warsaw Pact) was a forced high-level political and economic hegemony of the USSR dominated by Russians (although often not ethnically). A notable political union of the 20th century that covered most South Slavs was Yugoslavia, but it ultimately broke apart in the 1990s along with the Soviet Union.

The word "Slavs" was used in the national anthem of the Slovak Republic (1939–1945), Yugoslavia (1943–1992) and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1992–2003), later Serbia and Montenegro (2003–2006).

Religion and alphabet

Most Slavic populations gradually adopted Christianity between 6th and 10th century, and consequently their old pagan beliefs declined. See also Rodnovery.

The majority of contemporary Slavs who profess a religion are Eastern Orthodox (and/or Greek Catholic) and Roman Catholic. A very small minority are Protestant, mainly in the north. In the south, Bosniaks and some minority groups are Sunni Muslim. Religious delineations by nationality can be very sharp; in many Slavic ethnic groups the vast majority of religious people share the same religion. Some Slavs are atheist or agnostic: recent estimates suggest 18% in Russia.[39] and 59% in the Czech Republic.[40].

Mainly Eastern

Mainly Roman

Mainly Muslim:

Mainly Atheist or agnostic:

Religious mixtures:

The Orthodox/Catholic religious divisions become further exacerbated by the use of the Cyrillic alphabet by the Orthodox and Greek Catholics and of the Roman alphabet by Roman Catholics. However, the Serbian language and Montenegrin language can be written using both the Cyrillic and Roman alphabets. There is also a Latin script to write in Belarusian, called the Lacinka alphabet.

Ethnocultural subdivisions

Present-day distribution of Slavic languages and language groups.

Slavs are customarily divided along geographical lines into three major subgroups: East Slavs, West Slavs, and South Slavs, each with a different and a diverse background based on unique history, religion and culture of particular Slavic group within them. The East Slavs may all be traced to Slavic-speaking populations that were loosely organized under the Kievan Rus' empire beginning in the 10th century A.D. Almost all of the South Slavs can be traced to ethnic Slavs who mixed with the local European population of the Balkans (Illyrians, Dacians/Thracians, Greeks, Romans, Celts); with some Slavs of modern-day Bulgaria mixing with later invaders from the East, the Bulgars. They were particularly influenced by the Byzantine Empire and the Orthodox Church, although Catholicism and Latin influences were more pertinent in Dalmatia. The West Slavs and the Slovenes do not share either of these backgrounds, as they expanded to the West and integrated into the cultural sphere of Western (Roman Catholic) Christianity around this time also mixing with nearby Germanic tribes.

In addition there has been a tendency to consider the category of Northern Slavs. Presently this category is considered to be of East and West Slavs, in opposition to South Slavs, however in 19th century opinions about individual languages/ethnicities varied.

Some of the following subdivisions remain debatable, particularly for smaller groups and national minorities.

East Slavs

West Slavs

Czech-Slovak group

Lechitic group

South Slavs

Eastern group

Western group

Notes to list of ethnocultural divisions

1 Also considered part of Rusyns
2 Considered transitional between Ukrainians and Belarusians
3 Also considered part of Ukrainians
4 The ethnic affiliation of the Lemkos has become an ideological conflict. It has been alleged that among the Lemkos the idea of "Carpatho-Ruthenian" nation is supported only by Lemkos residing in Transcarpathia and abroad[41]
5 Also considered part of Poles
6 Today, often considered part of Czechs, originally closer to Slovaks

7 Most Shopi self-declare as Bulgarians. Cognate with Torlaks.
8 Most Torlaks self-declare as Serbs. Cognate with Shopi.

10 Both occur widely in northeastern Croatia and also in northern Serbia; their Ikavian dialect is subequal as southern Croats in Hercegovina and Dalmatian mainland from where they once emigrated. Considered part of Croats by most of them, although recently (since Yugoslav disaster) some within Serbia consider themselves a separate peoples

11 These Gorani are a Slavic nation living mainly in Kosovo, Macedonia and Albania; not to be confound with other Gorani (or Gorinci) in the highlands of western Croatia (Gorski Kotar county).

12 A census category recognized as an ethnic group. Most Slavic Muslims (especially in Bosnia, Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia) now opt for Bosniak ethnicity, but some still use the "Muslim" designation.

13 This identity continues to be used by a minority throughout the former Yugoslav republics. The nationality is also declared by diasporans living in the USA and Canada. There are a multitude of reasons as to why people prefer this affiliation, some published on the article.

Note: Besides ethnic groups, Slavs often identify themselves with the local geographical region in which they live. Some of the major regional South Slavic groups include: Zagorci in northern Croatia, Istrijani in westernmost Croatia, Dalmatinci in southern Croatia, Boduli in Adriatic islands, Vlaji in hinterland of Dalmatia, Slavonci in eastern Croatia, Bosanci in Bosnia, Hercegovci in southern Bosnia (Herzegovina), Krajišnici in western Bosnia, Semberci in northeast Bosnia, Srbijanci in Serbia proper, Šumadinci in central Serbia, Vojvođani in northern Serbia, Sremci in Syrmia, Bačvani in northwest Vojvodina, Banaćani in Banat, Sandžaklije (Muslims in Serbia/Montenegro border), Kosovci in Kosovo, Crnogorci in Montenegro proper, Bokelji in southwest Montenegro, Trakiytsi in Upper Thracian Lowlands, Dobrudzhantsi in north-east Bulgarian region, Balkandzhii in Central Balkan Mountains, Miziytsi in north Bulgarian region, Warmiaks and Masurians in north-east Polish regions Warmia and Mazuria, Pirintsi[42] in Blagoevgrad Province, Ruptsi in the Rhodopes etc.

Another interesting note is that the very term Slavic itself was registered in the US census of 2000 by more than 127,000 residents.


  1. ^ Geography and ethnic geography of the Balkans to 1500
  2. ^ Fiona Hill, Russia — Coming In From the Cold?, The Globalist, 23 February 2004
  3. ^ Robert Greenall, Russians left behind in Central Asia, BBC News, 23 November 2005.
  4. ^ Terry Kirby, 750,000 and rising: how Polish workers have built a home in Britain, The Independent, 11 February 2006.
  5. ^ Poles in the United States, Catholic Encyclopedia
  6. ^ Barford 2001: 1
  7. ^ Bideleux 1998
  8. ^
  9. ^ a b Rębała et al. 2007
  10. ^
  11. ^
  12. ^
  13. ^ Votruba, Martin. "Slovak, Slavic, Slavonic...". Slovak Studies Program. University of Pittsburgh. Retrieved 2009-03-29. 
  14. ^ Lozinski B.P., The Name SLAV, Essays in Russian History, Archon Books, 1964.
  15. ^ Bernstein 1961
  16. ^ F. Kortlandt, The spread of the Indo-Europeans, p.4
  17. ^ Trubačev 1985
  18. ^ Rębała et al. 2007
  19. ^ James P. Mallory, "Chernoles Culture", EIEC
  20. ^ Semino et al. 2000
  21. ^ Peričić et al. 2005
  22. ^ a b Rębała et al. 2007: 408
  23. ^ a b Balanovsky et al. 2008
  24. ^ Velentin Sedov: Slavs in Middle Ages
  25. ^ Mallory & Adams "Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture
  26. ^ Mango 1980
  27. ^ Tachiaos 2001
  28. ^ Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou 1992: Middle Ages
  29. ^ iGENEA official site and literature therein
  30. ^ a b A Country Study: Hungary. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. Retrieved 2009-03-06. 
  31. ^ Klyuchevsky, Vasily (1987). The course of the Russian history. v.1: "Myslʹ. ISBN 5-244-00072-1. Retrieved 2009-10-09. 
  32. ^ Lewis 1994: ch. 1
  33. ^ Eigeland 1976
  34. ^ Wend – Britannica Online Encyclopedia
  35. ^ Polabian language
  36. ^ Alexandru Xenopol, Istoria românilor din Dacia Traiană, 1888, vol. I, p. 540
  37. ^ Austria-Hungary
  38. ^ Eichholtz 2004
  39. ^ 2007
  40. ^ Český statistický úřad 2006
  41. ^ Who are we, LEMKOs
  42. ^ Buchanan 2006: 11

Works consulted

External links

See also

1911 encyclopedia

Up to date as of January 14, 2010

From LoveToKnow 1911

SLAVS. Judged by the language test, and no other is readily available, the Sla y s are the most numerous race in Europe, amounting to some 140,000,000 souls. Outside Europe there are the Russians in Siberia, a mere extension of the main body, and a large number of emigrants settled in America, where, however, although most of the nationalities have their own newspapers, the second generation of immigrants tends to be assimilated.

Table of contents

Divisions and Distribution

The Sla y s are divided geographically into three main groups, Eastern, North-Western and Southern; linguistically also the same division is convenient.

The Russians stand by themselves as the Eastern group. They hold all the East European plain from the 27th meridian to the Urals, the Finnish and Tatar tribes making up but a small proportion of the population: beyond these limits to the east they stretch into central Siberia and thence in narrow bands along the rivers all the way to the Pacific; on the west the Ruthenians of Galicia form a wedge between the Poles and the Magyars and almost touch the 10th meridian. The Russians must number 100,000,000.

The North-Western group includes the Poles, about 15,000,000, in the basin of the Vistula; the Kashubes, about 200,000, on the coast north-west of Danzig; the High and Low Sorbs or Wends in Lusatia, 180,000 Sla y s completely surrounded by Germans; the Cechs (Czech, q.v.) in the square of Bohemia, making up with their eastern neighbours, the Moravians, a people of 6,000,000 in northern Austria surrounded on three sides by Germans. In the north of Hungary, connecting up Ruthenians, Poles and Moravians, but most closely akin to the latter, are 2,500,000 Slovaks. With the Sorbs, Poles and Kashubes are to be classed the now teutonized Sla y s of central Germany, who once stretched as far to the north-west as Riigen and Holstein and to the south-west to the Saale. They are generally called Polabs, of Sla y s on the Elbe, as their last survivors were found on that river in the eastern corner of Hanover.

The Southern Sla y s, Slovenes, Serbo-Croats (see Servia) and Bulgarians (see Bulgaria), are cut off from the main body by the Germans of Austria proper and the Magyars, both of whom occupy soil once Slavonic, and have absorbed much Slavonic blood, and by the Rumanians of Transylvania and the Lower Danube, who represent the original Dacians romanized. These Sla y s occupy the main mass of the Balkan Peninsula downwards from the Julian Alps and the line of the Muhr, Drave and Danube. North of this all three races have considerable settlements in southern Hungary. Their southern boundary is very ill-defined, various nationalities being closely intermingled. To the south-west the Sla y s march with the Albanians, to the south-east with the Turks, and to the south and along the Aegean coasts they have the Greeks as neighbours.

Although the Southern Sla y s fall into these three divisions, linguistically the separation is not sharp, nor does it coincide with the political frontiers. Roughly speaking, the eastern half of the peninsula is held by the Bulgarians, some 5,000,000 in number, the western half by the Serbo-Croats, of whom there must be about 8,000,000. This is the most divided of the Slavonic races; its members profess three forms of religion and use three alphabets - the Serbs and Bosnians being mostly Orthodox and using the Cyrillic alphabet, but including many Mussulmans; the Croats being Roman Catholics, writing with Latin letters; and the Dalmatians also Roman Catholics, but using, some of them, the ancient Glagolitic script for their Slavonic liturgy. The language also falls into three dialects independent of the religions, and across all these lines run the frontiers of the political divisions - the kingdom of Servia (more correctly written Serbia); the kingdom of Montenegro; the Turkish provinces of Old Servia and Novibazar, still in Turkish hands; those of Bosnia and Herzegovina, annexed by Austria; the coast-line and islands of Istria and Dalmatia, which also form part of Austria; and the kingdom of Croatia, which is included in the dominion of Hungary, to say nothing of outlying colonies in Hungary itself and in Italy. In the extreme north-west, in Carniola, in the southern parts of Styria and Carinthia, and over the Italian border in the province of Udine and the Vale of Resia live the Slovenes, something under 1,500,000, much divided dialectically. Between the Slovenes and the Croats there are transition dialects, and about 1840 there was an attempt (Illyrism) to establish a common literary language. In Macedonia and along the border are special varieties of Bulgarian, some of which approach Servian. Akin to the Macedonians were the Slays, who once occupied the whole of Greece and left traces in the placenames, though they long ago disappeared among the older population. Akin to the Slovenes were the old inhabitants of Austria and south-west Hungary before the intrusion of the Germans and Magyars.


This distribution of the Sla y s can be accounted for historically. In spite of traditions (e.g. the first Russian chronicle of Pseudo-Nestor) which bring them from the basin of the Danube, most evidence goes to show that when they formed one people they were settled to the north-east of the Carpathians in the basins of the Vistula, Pripet and Upper Dnestr (Dniester). To the N. they had their nearest relatives, the ancestors of the Baltic tribes, Prussians, Lithuanians and Letts; to the E. Finns; to the S.E. the Iranian population of the Steppes of Scythia; to the S.W., on the other side of the Carpathians, various Thracian tribes; to the N.W. the Germans; between the Germans and Thracians they seem to have had some contact with the Celts, but this was not the first state of things, as the Illyrians, Greeks and Italians probably came between. This location, arrived at by a comparison of the fragmentary accounts of Slavonic migrations and their distribution in historic time, is confirmed by its agreement with the place taken by the Slavonic language among the other Indo-European languages (see below), and by what we know of the place-names of eastern Europe, in that for this area they seem exclusively Slavonic, outside it the oldest names belong to other languages. The archaeological evidence is not yet cleared up, as, for the period we have to consider, the late neolithic and early bronze age, the region above defined is divided between three different cultures, represented by the fields of urns in Lusatia and Silesia, cist graves with cremation in Poland, and the poor and little-known graves of the Dnepr (Dnieper) basin. This variety may to some extent be due to the various cultural influences to which the same race was exposed, the western division lying on the route between the Baltic and Mediterranean, the central being quite inaccessible, the eastern part in time showing in its graves the influence of the Steppe people and the Greek colonies in Scythia. There is a gradual transition to cemeteries with Roman objects which shade off into such as are certainly Slavonic.

The physical type of the Sla y s is not sufficiently clear to help in throwing light upon the past of the race. Most of the modern Sla y s are rather short-headed, the Balkan Sla y s being tall and dark, those of central Europe dark and of medium height, the Russians on the whole rather short though the White and Little Russians are of medium height; in complexion the southern Russians are dark, the northern light, but with less decided colour than fair western Europeans. In spite of the prevalent brachycephaly of the modern Slays, measurements of skulls from cemeteries and ancient graves which are certainly Slavonic have shown, against all expectation, that the farther back we go the greater is the proportion of long heads, and the race appears to have been originally dolichocephalic and osteologically indistinguishable from its German, Baltic and Finnish neighbours. In its present seats it must have assimilated foreign elements, German and Celtic in central Europe, Finnish and Turkish in Great and Little Russia, all these together with Thracian and Illyrian in the Balkans; but how much the differences between the various Slavonic nations are due to admixture, how much to their new homes, has not been made clear.

In spite of the vast area which the Sla y s have occupied in historic times there is no reason to claim for them before the migrations a wider homeland than that above defined beyond the Carpathians; given favourable circumstances a nation multiplies so fast (e.g. the Anglo-Saxons in the last hundred and twenty years) that we can set no limits to the area that a comparatively small race could cover in the course of four centuries. Therefore the mere necessity of providing them with ancestors sufficiently numerous does not compel us to seek for the Slays among any of the populous nations of the ancient world. Various investigators have seen Sla y s in Scythians, Sarmatians, Thracians, Illyrians, and in fact in almost all the barbarous tribes which have been mentioned in the east of Europe, but we can refer most of such tribes to their real affinities much better than the ancients, and at any rate we can be sure that none of these were Slays.

There is no evidence that the Sla y s made any considerable migration from their first home until the 1st century A.D. Their first Transcarpathian seat lay singularly remote from the knowledge of the Mediterranean peoples. Herodotus (iv. 17, 51, 105) does seem to mention the Sla y s under the name of Neuri, at least the Neuri on the upper waters of the Dnestr are in the right place for Sla y s, and their lycanthropy suggests modern Slavonic superstitions; so we are justified in equating Neuri and Sla y s, though we have no direct statement of their identity. Other classical writers down to and including Strabo tell us nothing of eastern Europe beyond the immediate neighbourhood of the Euxine.

Pliny (N.H. iv. 97) is the first to give the Sla y s a name which can leave us in no doubt. He speaks of the Venedi (cf. Tacitus, Germania, 46, Veneti); Ptolemy (Geog. iii. 5.7, 8) calls them Venedae and puts them along the Vistula and by the Venedic gulf, by which he seems to mean the Gulf of Danzig: he also speaks of the Venedic mountains to the south of the sources of the Vistula, that is, probably the northern Carpathians. The name Venedae is clearly Wend, the name that the Germans have always applied to the Sla y s. Its meaning is unknown. It has been the cause of much confusion because of the Armorican Veneti, the Paphlagonian Enetae, and above all the EnetaeVenetae at the head of the Adriatic. Enthusiasts have set all of these down as Sla y s, and the last with some show of reason, as nowadays we have Slovenes just north of Venice. However, inscriptions in the Venetian language are sufficient to prove that it was not Slavonic. Other names in Ptolemy which almost certainly denote Slavonic tribes are the Veltae on the Baltic, ancestors of the Wiltzi, a division of the Polabs (q.v.), the Sulani and the Saboci, whose name is a Slavonic translation of the Transmontani of another source.

Unless we are to conjecture Stlavani for Ptolemy's Stavani, or to insist on the resemblance of his Suobeni to Slovene, the name Slav first occurs in Pseudo-Caesarius (Dialogues, ii. 110; Migne, P.G. xxxviii. 985, early 6th century), but the earliest definite account of them under that name is given by Jordanes (Getica, V. 34, 35, c. 550 A.D.): Dacia. .. ad coronae speciem arduis Alpibus emunita, iuxta quorum sinistrum latus, qui in aquilone vergit, ab ortu Vistulae fluminis per immensa spatia Venetharum populosa natio consedit. Quorum nomina licet nunc per varias familias et loca mutentur, principaliter tamen Sclaveni et Antes nominantur. Sclaveni a civitate Novietunense (Noviodunum, Isakca on the Danube Delta). .. usque ad Danasirum et in boream Viscla tenus commorantur. .. Antes vero, qui sent eorum fortissimi, qua Ponticum mare curvatur a Danastro extenduntur usque ad Danaprum; cf. xxiii. 119, where these tribes are said to form part of the dominions of Hermanrich. Sclaveni, or something like it, has been the regular name for the Sla y s from that day to this. The native form is Slovene; in some cases, e.g. in modern Russian under foreign influence, we have an a instead of the o. The combination sl was difficult to the Greeks and Romans and they inserted t, th or most commonly c, which continues to crop up. So too in Arabic Saqaliba, Saglab. The name has been derived from slovo, a word, or slava, glory, either directly or through the -sla y which forms the second element in so many Slavonic proper names, but no explanation is satisfactory. The word " slave " and its cognates in most European languages date from the time when the Germans supplied the slave-markets of Europe with Slavonic captives. The name Antes we find applied to the Eastern Sla y s by Jordanes; it may be another form of Wend. Antae is used by Procopius (B.G. iii. 14). He likewise distinguishes them from the Sclaveni, but says that both spoke the same language and both were formerly called Spori, which has been identified with Serb, the racial name now surviving in Lusatia and Servia. Elsewhere he speaks of the measureless tribes of the Antae; this appellation is used by the Byzantines until the middle of the 7th century. The sudden appearance in the 6th-century writers of definite names for the Sla y s and their divisions means that by then the race had made itself familiar to the Graeco-Roman world, that it had spread well beyond its original narrow limits, and had some time before come into contact with civilisation. This may have been going on since the 1st century A.D., and evidence of it has been seen in the southward movement of the Costoboci into northern Dacia (Ptolemy) and of the Carpi to the Danube (A.D. 200), but their Slavonic character is not established. A few ancient names on the Danube, notably that of the river Tsierna (Cerna, black), have a Slavonic look, but a coincidence is quite possible. The gradual spread of the Sla y s was masked by the wholesale migrations of the Goths, who for two centuries lorded it over the Sla y s, at first on the Vistula and then in south Russia. We hear more of their movements because they were more immediately threatening for the Empire. In dealing with Ptolemy's location of the Goths and Sla y s we must regard the former as superimposed upon the latter and occupying the same territories. This domination of the Goths was of enormous importance in the development of the Sla y s. By this we may explain the presence of a large number of Germanic loan words common to all the Slavonic languages, many of them words of cultural significance. " King, penny, house, loaf, earring " all appear in Slavonic; the words must have come from the Goths and prove their strong influence, although the things must have been familiar before. On the other hand " plough " is said to be Slavonic, but that is not certain. When the Huns succeeded the Goths as masters of central Europe, they probably made the Sla y s supply them with contingents. Indeed their easy victory may have been due to the dissatisfaction of the Sla y s. Priscus (Muller, F.H.G. iv. p. 69, cf. Jord. Get. xlix. 258) in his account of the camp of Attila mentions words which may be Slavonic, but have also been explained from German. After the fall of the Hunnish power the Eastern Goths and Gepidae pressed southwards and westwards to the conquest of the Empire, and the Lombards and Heruli followed in their tracks. When next we get a view of northern Germany we find it full of Sla y s, e.g. from Procopius (B.G. ii. 15) we know that they held the Mark of Brandenburg by 512; but this settlement was effected without attracting the attention of any contemporary writer. Modern historians seem to adopt their attitude to the process according to their view of the Sla y s; German writers, in their contempt for the Sla y s, mostly deny the possibility of their having forced German tribes to leave their homes, and assume that the riches of southern Europe attracted the latter so that they willingly gave up their barren northern plains; most Slavonic authors have taken the same view in accordance with the idealistic picture of the peaceful, kindly, democratic Sla y s who contrast so favourably with the savage Germans and their war-lords; but of late they have realised that their ancestors were no more peaceful than any one else, and have wished to put down to warlike pressure from the Sla y s all the southward movements of the German tribes, to whom no choice was left but to try to break through the Roman defences. A reasonable view is that the expansion of the Eastern Germans in the last centuries B.C. was made at the expense of the Sla y s, who, while no more peaceful than the Germans, were less capable than they of combining for successful war, so that Goths and others were dwelling among them and lording it over them; that the mutual competitions of the Germans drove some of these against the Empire, and when this had become weakened, so that it invited attack, some tribes and parts of tribes moved forward without any pressure from behind; this took away the strength of the German element, and the Sla y s, not improbably under German organization, regained the upper hand in their own lands and could even spread westwards at the expense of the German remnant.

Almost as uncertain is the exact time when the Southern Slays began to move towards the Balkans. If already at the time of Trajan's conquests there were Sla y s in Dacia, it would account for the story in Ps. Nestor that certain Volchi or Vlachi, i.e. Romance speakers, had conquered the Sla y s upon the Danube and driven them to the Vistula, for the place that the name of Trajan has in Slavonic tradition, and for the presence of an agricultural population, the Sarmatae Limigantes subject to the nomad Sarmatae (q.v.), on the Theiss. In any case, we cannot say that the Sla y s occupied any large parts of the Balkan Peninsula before the beginning of the 6th century, when they appear in Byzantine history as a new terror; there seems to have been an invasion in the time of Justin, and another followed in 527 (Procopius, B.G. iii. 40 and Hist. Arc. 18). At the same time as the Sla y s, the Huns, the Bulgars, and after 558 the Avars, were also making invasions from the same direction. The first and last disappeared like all nomads, but the Bulgars, making themselves lords of one section of the Sla y s, gave it their own name. By 584 the Sla y s had overrun all Greece, and were the worst western neighbours of the Eastern Empire. Hence the directions how to deal with Sla y s in the Strategicum of the emperor Maurice (c. 600) and the Tactics of Leo.

By the end of the following century they were permanently settled throughout the whole of the Balkan Peninsula. (For their further history see Servia, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Dalmatia, Croatia-Slavonia.) These Southern Sla y s, though divided into nationalities, are closely akin to one another. There is no reason to think the Serbo-Croats an intrusive wedge, although Constantine Porphyrogenitus (De adm. Imp. 30-33) speaks of their coming from the north in the time of Heraclius - the middle of the 7th century. Their dialects shade into one another, and there is no trace of any influence of the North-Western group. Constantine was probably led astray by the occurrence of the same tribal names in different parts of the Slavonic world. Meanwhile the Southern Sla y s were cut off from the rest of the race by the foundation in the 6th century of the Avar kingdom in Pannonia, and after its destruction in the 7th, by the spread of the Germans south-eastwards, and finally by the incursion of another Asiatic horde, that of the Magyars, who have maintained themselves in the midst of Sla y s for a thousand years. Their conquests were made chiefly at the expense of the Slovenes and the Slovaks, and from their languages they have borrowed many words in forms which have now disappeared.

Of the history of the Eastern Sla y s, who were to become the Russian people, we know little before the coming of the Swedish Rus, who gave them their name and organization; we have but the mention of Antae acting in concert with the other Sla y s and the Avars in attacking the Empire on the lower Danube, and scattered accounts of Mussulman travellers, which show that they had reached the Don and Volga and stretched up northward to Lake Ilmen. The more southerly tribes were tributary to the Khazars. An exact definition of the territory occupied by each Slavonic people, and a sketch of its history from the time that it settled in its permanent abode, will be found either under its own name or under that of its country.

Culture and Religion

For all the works treating of Slavonic antiquities we cannot draw a portrait of the race and show many distinguishing features. Savage nations as described by the Greeks and Romans are mostly very much alike, and the testimony of language is not very easy to use. The general impression is one of a people which lived in small communistic groups, and was so impatient of authority that they scarcely combined for their own defence, and in spite of individual bravery only became formidable to others when cemented together by some alien element: hence they all at one time or another fell under an alien yoke; the last survivals of Slavonic licence being the vee of Novgorod, and the Polish diet with its unpractical regard for any minority. The Sla y s were acquainted with the beginnings of the domestic arts, and were probably more given to agriculture than the early Germans, though they practised it after a fashion which did not long tie them to any particular district - for all writers agree in telling of their errant nature. They were specially given to the production of honey, from which they brewed mead. They also appear to have been notable swimmers and to have been skilled in the navigation of rivers, and even to have indulged in maritime piracy on the Aegean, the Dalmatian coast and most of all the Baltic, where the island of Riigen was a menace to the Scandinavian and German sea-power. The Oriental sources also speak of some aptitude for commerce. Their talent for music and singing was already noticeable. Of their religion it is strangely difficult to gain any real information. The word Bogii, " god," is reckoned a loan word from the Iranian Baga. The chief deity was the Thunderer Perin (cf. Lith. Perkinas), with whom is identified Svarog, the god of heaven; other chief gods were called sons of Svarog, DaThog the sun, Chors and Veles, the god of cattle. The place of this latter was taken by St Blasius. A hostile deity was Stribog, god of storms. There seem to have been no priests, temples or images among the early Sla y s. In Russia Vladimir set up idols and pulled them down upon his conversion to Christianity; only the Polabs had a highly developed cult with a temple and statues and a definite priesthood. But this may have been in imitation of Norse or even Christian institutions. Their chief deity was called Triglav, or the three-headed; he was the same as Svctovit, apparently a sky god in whose name the monks naturally recognized Saint Vitus. The goddesses are colourless personifications, such as Vesna, spring, and Morana, the goddess of death and winter. The Sla y s also believed, and many still believe, in Vily and Rusalki, nymphs of streams and woodlands; also in the BabaJaga, a kind of man-eating witch, and in Bésy, evil spirits, as well as in vampires and werewolves. They had a full belief in the immortality of the soul, but no very clear ideas as to its fate. It was mostly supposed to go a long journey to a paradise (raj) at the end of the world and had to be equipped for this. Also the soul of the ancestor seems to have developed into the house or hearth god (Domovoj, Kret) who guarded the family. The usual survivals of pagan festivals at the solstices and equinoxes have continued under the form of church festivals.

Christianity among the Sla y s

The means by which was effected the conversion to Christianity of the various Slavonic nations has probably had more influence upon their subsequent history than racial distinctions or geographical conditions. Wherever heathen Slavonic tribes met Christendom missionary effort naturally came into being. This seems first to have been the case along the Dalmatian coast, where the cities retained their Romance population and their Christian faith. From the 7th century the Croats were nominally Christian, and subject to the archbishops of Salona at Spalato and their suffragans. From the beginning of the 9th century Merseburg, Salzburg and Passau were the centres for spreading the Gospel among the Slavonic tribes on the south-eastern marches of the Frankish empire, in Bohemia, Moravia, Pannonia and Carinthia. Though we need not doubt the true zeal of these missionaries, it was still a fact that as Germans they belonged to a nation which was once more encroaching upon the Sla y s, and as Latins (though the Great Schism had not yet taken place) they were not favourable to the use of their converts' native language. Still they were probably the first to reduce the Slavonic tongues to writing, naturally using Latin letters and lacking the skill to adapt them satisfactorily. Traces of such attempts are rare; the best are the Freisingen fragments of Old Slovene now at Munich.

In the eastern half of the Balkan Peninsula the Sla y s had already begun to turn to Christianity before their conquest by the Bulgars. These latter were hostile until Boris, under the influence of his sister and of one Methodius (certainly not the famous one), adopted the new faith and put to the sword those that resisted conversion (A.D. 865). Though his Christianity came from Byzantium, Boris seems to have feared the influence of the Greek clergy and applied to the Pope for teachers, submitting to him a whole series of questions. The Pope sent clergy, but would not grant the Bulgarians as much independence as they asked, and Boris seems to have repented of his application to him. He raised the question at the Council of Constantinople (A.D. 870), which decided that Bulgaria was subject to the Eastern Church.

Cyril and Methodius

In the same way Rostislav, prince of Greater Moravia, fearing the influence of Latin missionaries, applied to Byzantium for teachers who should preach in the vulgar tongue (A.D. 861). The emperor chose two brothers, sons of a Thessalonian Greek, Methodius and Constantine (generally known as Cyril by the name he adopted upon becoming a monk). The former was an organizer, the latter a scholar, a philosopher and a linguist. His gifts had been already exercised in a mission to the Crimea; he had brought thence the relics of S. Clement, which he finally laid in their resting-place in Rome. But the main reason for the choice was that the Thessalonians, surrounded as they were by Slavonic tribes, were well known to speak Slavonic perfectly. On their arrival in Moravia the brothers began to teach letters and the Gospel, and also to translate the necessary liturgical books and instruct the young in them. But soon (in 864) Rostislav was attacked by Louis the German and reduced to complete obedience, so that there could be no question of setting up a hierarchy in opposition to the dominant Franks, and the attempts to establish the Slavonic liturgy were strongly opposed. Hearing of the brother's work Pope Nicholas I. sent for them to Rome. On their way they spent some time with Kocel, a Slavonic prince of Pannonia, about Platten See, and he much favoured the Slavonic books. In Venice the brothers had disputes as to the use of Slavonic servicebooks; perhaps at this time these found their way to Croatia and Dalmatia. On their arrival in Rome Nicholas was dead, but Adrian II. was favourable to them and their translations, and had the pupils they brought with them ordained. In Rome Constantine fell ill, took monastic vows and the name of Cyril, and died on the r4th of February 869. Methodius was consecrated archbishop of Pannonia and Moravia, about 870, but Kocel could not help him much, and the German bishops had him tried and thrown into prison; also in that very year Rostislav was dethroned by Svatopluk, who, though he threw off the Frankish yoke, was not steadfast in supporting the Slavonic liturgy. In 873 Pope John VIII. commanded the liberation of Methodius and allowed Slavonic services, and for the next few years the work of Methodius went well. In 879 he was again called to Rome, and in 880 the Pope distinctly pronounced in his favour and restored him to his archbishopric, but made a German, Wiching, his suffragan. Methodius died in 885, and Wiching, having a new pope, Stephen V. (VI.), on his side, became his successor. So the Slavonic service-books and those that used them were driven out by Svatopluk and took refuge in Bulgaria, where the ground had been made ready for them. Boris, having decided to abide by the Greek Church, welcomed Clement, Gorazd and other disciples of Methodius. Clement, who was the most active in literary work, laboured in Ochrida and others in various parts of the kingdom.

In spite of the triumph of the Latino-German party, the Slavonic liturgy was not quite stamped out in the west; it seems to have survived in out-of-the-way corners of Great Moravia until that principality was destroyed by the Magyars. Also during the life of Methodius it appears to have penetrated into Bohemia, Poland and Croatia, but all these countries finally accepted the Latin Church, and so were permanently cut off from the Orthodox Servians, Bulgarians and Russians.

These details of ecclesiastical history are of great importance for understanding the fate of various Slavonic languages, scripts and even literatures. From what has been said above it appears that Cyril invented a Slavonic alphabet, translated at any rate a Gospel lectionary, perhaps the Psalter and the chief servicebooks, into a Slavonic dialect, and it seems that Methodius translated the Epistles, some part of the Old Testament, a manual of canon law and further liturgical matter. Clement continued the task and turned many works of the Fathers into Slavonic, and is said to have made clearer the forms of letters. What was the alphabet which Cyril invented, where were the invention and the earliest translations made by him, and who were the speakers of the dialect he used, the language we call Old Church Slavonic (O.S.)? As to the alphabet we have the further testimony of Chrabr, a Bulgarian monk of the next generation, who says that the Sla y s at first practised divination by means of marks and cuts upon wood; then after their baptism they were compelled to write the Slavonic tongue with Greek and Latin letters without proper rules; finally, by God's mercy Constantine the Philosopher, called Cyril, made them an alphabet of 38 letters. He gives the date as 855, six or seven years before the request of Rostisla y. If we take this to be exact Cyril must have been working at his translations before ever he went to Moravia, and the language was presumably that with which he had been familiar at Thessalonica - that of southern Macedonia, and this is on the whole the most satisfactory view. At any rate the phonetic framework of the language is more near to certain Bulgarian dialects than to any other, but the vocabulary seems to have been modified in Moravia by the inclusion of certain German and Latin words, especially those touching things of the Church. These would appear to have been already familiar to the Moravians through the work of the German missionaries. Some of them were superseded when O.S. became the language of Orthodox Sla y s. Kopitar and Miklosich maintained that O.S. was Old Slovene as spoken by the subjects of Kocel, but in their decision much was due to racial patriotism. Something indeed was done to adapt the language of the Translations to the native Moravian; we have the Kiev fragments, prayers after the Roman use in which occur Moravisms, notably c and z where O.S. has št ar..d zd, and fragments at Prague with Eastern ritual but Cech peculiarities. Further, the Freisingen fragments, though their language is in the main Old Slovene and their alphabet Latin, have some connexion with the texts of an O.S. Euchologium from Sinai.


Slavonic languages are written in three alphabets according to religious dependence; Latin adapted to express Slavonic sounds either by diacritical marks or else by conventional combinations of letters among those who had Latin services; so-called Cyrillic, which is the Greek Liturgical Uncial of the 9th century enriched with special signs for Slavonic letters - this is used by all Orthodox Sla y s; and Glagolitic, in the " spectacled " form of which certain very early O.S. documents were written, and which in another, the " square," form has survived as a liturgical script in Dalmatia, where the Roman Church still allows the Slavonic liturgy in the dioceses of Veglia, Spalato, Zara and Sebenico, and in Montenegro; the Croats now employ Latin letters for civil purposes.

The annexed table gives these alphabets - the Glagolitic in both forms with numerical values (columns r-3); the Cyrillic in its fullest development (4, 5), with the modern version of it made for Russian (6) by Peter the Great's orders; Bulgarian uses more or less all the Russian letters but the reversed e and the last two, while keeping more old Cyrillic letters, but its orthography is in such a confused state that it is difficult to say which letters may be regarded as obsolete; Servian ('7) was reformed by Karadzic (Karajich (q.v.)) on the model of Russian, with special letters and ligatures added and with unnecessary signs omitted. The old ways of writing Slavonic with Latin letters were so confused and variable that none of them are given. The Cechs first attained to a satisfactory system, using diacritical marks invented by Hus; their alphabet has served more or less as a model for all the other Slavonic languages which use Latin letters, and for that used in scientific grammars, not only of Slavonic but of Oriental languages. Column 8 gives the system as applied to Croat, and corresponding exactly to Karadzic's reformed Cyrillic. Column 9 gives the Cech alphabet with the exception of the long vowels, which are marked by an accent; in brackets are added further signs used in other Slavonic languages, e.g. Slovene and Sorb, or in strict transliterations of Cyrillic. Polish (so) still offers a compromise between the old arbitrary combinations of letters and the Cech principle of diacritical marks. The last column shows a convenient system of transliterating Cyrillic into Latin letters for the use of English readers without the use of diacritical marks; it is used in most of the -ionlinguistic articles in the Encyclopaedia Britannica which deal with Sla y s. With regard to Glagolitic (derived from Glagol, a word) and Cyrillic, it is clear that they are closely connected. The language of the earliest Glagolitic MSS. is earlier than that of the Cyrillic, though the earliest dated Slavonic writing surviving is a Cyrillic inscription of Tsar Samuel of Bulgaria (A.D. 993). On the whole Glagolitic is likely to be the earlier, if only that no one would have made it who knew the simpler Cyrillic. It certainly bears the impress of a definite mind, which thought out very exactly the phonetics of the dialect it was to express, but made its letters too uniformly complicated by a love for little circles. A sufficiently large number of the letters can be traced back to Greek minuscules to make it probable that all of them derive thence, though agreement has not yet been reached as to the particular combinations which were modified to make each letter. Of course the modern Greek phonetic values alone form the basis. The numerical values were set out according to the order of the letters. Some subsequent improvement, especially in the pre-iotized vowels, can be traced in later documents. The presumption is that this is the alphabet invented by Cyril for the Sla y s who formerly used Greek and Latin letters without system.

When brought or brought back to Bulgaria by Clement and the other pupils of Methodius, Glagolitic took root in the west, but in the east some one, probably at the court of Simeon, where everything Greek was in favour, had the idea of taking the arrangement of the Glagolitic alphabet, but making the signs like those of the Uncial Greek then in use for liturgical books; using actual Greek letters as far as they would serve, and for specifically Slavonic sounds the Glagolitic signs simplified and made to match the rest. Where this was impossible in the case of the complicated signs for the vowels, he seems to have made variations on the letters A and B. With the uncials he took the Greek numerical values, though his alphabet kept the Glagolitic order. Probably the Glagolitic letters for š and št have exchanged places, and the value 800 belonged to š, as the order in Cyrillic is u., 'I, w, Who invented Cyrillic we know not; Clement has been said to have made letters clearer, but only in a secondary source and he seems to have been particularly devoted to the tradition of Methodius, and he was bishop of Ochrida, just where Glagolitic survived longest.

D N' 80070 Oo 0 o 0 0 0 ll n ll for older a i° Pi 90 n 80 Err rlrT p p p p 1 100 I 100 P p Pp r r r r (1) g ^ i r Z between r &z II 200 C 200 CiC CC S S S hard S (s) s soft ? V 300 T 300 TT TT t t t hard t J ?/ ?/ C soft 400 oy, O. 4 J y J y afi. 4) 500 0}) 5 00 434) 1134) I f f f 600 x 600 Xx Xx h h ch > j h fG?mch .

g 4' 700 W 800 o Gr. w 14 (Bulg. w .) t II.(ui (SC) Szcz shch in Ashchurch' T y ql 900 9 00 it u h il l., :,,,i c c rd 11 A ti (C)Csoft ha b tS etween c &ct in} I J U i ??? di Eng.j c rea tu re 2 6' A t 1000 Y`I 90 q 1 q y cz Ch in church 111 11J in III m III ru s" 's sz sh (0) U in but -ID'b mute ag°f o 7t1,2.11 b I between&u y ct.L 'n?.rythm ' g i h (i) I b b (1) m ute, softens precedinb conson.



9 10


A a


a a




b b


B s


v w


r r


g g




d d




E e


e. e ,



e ()rye

Zxc z

1 z


A. 'bt e ie ye inyverging int es o yas Y° Pi to IOro jy ju ju iu ju yu fa? la j a ja 1a.) a ya FE (Bog. rE) je je je ie je ye ¢, A,A (e) e in in Fr.fin ,fI A J. ya ? ? (a) a On in Fr. son (Bulg.N.) u (je) je ien in Fr. sien .3 Oh (ja) ja 1 O rt in Fr. action (60 lg ?) ks XuGr.E * 7 00 ps ps ps Grow 43' 9 { O A' Gr.6 but pron.f $ Y ,,400 r y Gr.v and so pron. or v 2 3 4 5 6 p 9 50 l Mention must be made of Briickner's theory that Cyril invented Cyrillic first, but degraded it into Glagolitic to hide its Greek origin from the Latin clergy, the whole object of his mission Glagolitic Cyrillic Latin Phonetic Old New Num. Old Num. Russ. Serb. Croat Cech &c.Polish Values 1 2 34 5 6 it, I e. I A a E 6 E 6 ' 'q .P MI 3 g 2 B ' '40 9n 4 r 3 I', db ill] 5 A 4. A (snlg.E e) 3.3 6 E` 5 a a E e ' 'a6 7 rK)Iixc ' C P 1 8 S 6 (dz) dz hard dz (dz) di soft 6 9 Z3333 z Z Z hard I Z Z soft T 1, 4 8 H _u i i i I?I J i i ? i y consonantal H ¢0 I, j' 10 I i I i i i i i ' 'nQ tif 30 (15 Serbian) I) t) dj,L! cl. d'd in endue A 3 40 K 20 K Ic K lc k k ll k k co, [n] A.71.71 /I 1 1(or i) 1 7, hard 1 labialised .ibJb l?.L,l (1) 'soft 1 mouille T da° 01 60 M MM MM m m m m Y 7 0 N 50 HH HH n n n hard n I D rb Ilj,n 1 7 11 soft Span. ii being hostility to Rome, whereas in Orthodox countries this caution was soon seen to be unnecessary. The Glagolitic alphabets in the table are copied from Codex Marianus (i ith century) and the Reims gospel, an O.S. MS. of the 14th century, on which the kings of France took their coronation oath.

As to the special sounds which these various scripts expressed, we may notice in the vocalism a tendency to broaden the short vowels and to narrow the long ones, a process which has left results even where distinctions of quantity no longer exist; further, the many changes which can be followed in historic time and are due to the destruction of the old rule of open syllables by the disappearance of the half vcwels i and u, or to their developing into full vowels where indispensable for pronunciation (No. I. inf.). But the ruling principle which has determined the physiognomy of Slavonic speech is the degree in which consonants have been affected by the following vowel. Where this has been broad a, o, u, y, g, 'u,' this has resulted only in an occasional labialization most noticeable in the case of 1; where it has been narrow, i, e, e, (once ea or e), g, i, and, the result has been palatalization or " softening " in various degrees, ranging from a slight change in the position of the tongue producing a faint j sound in or just after the consonant - expressed in column 9 by the sign', and in Cyrillic by the pre-iotizing of the following vowel - to the development out of straightforward mutes and sibilants of the sibilants, palato-sibilants and affricates z, s, š, š, y, dz, c, dš, c, sc, &c. (see No. 9 and V. inf.). Slavonic Languages. - The Slavonic languages belong to the Indo-European (I.E.) family. Within that family they are very closely connected with the Baltic group, Old Prussian, Lithuanian (Lithu.) and Lettish, and we must regard the linguistic ancestors of both groups as having formed one for some time after they had become separated from their neighbours. If the original home of the I.E. family is to be set in Europe, we may take the Balto-Sla y s to have represented the north-eastern extension of it. The Balto-Sla y s have much in common with the northerly or German group, and with the easterly or Aryan group, their next neighbours on each side. The Aryans likewise split into two divisions, Iranian and Indian, whereof the former, in the Sarmatians, remained in contact with the Sla y s until after the Christian era, and gave them some loan words, e.g. Bogu - Pers. Baga (god); Russian, Sobaka; Median, y paka (dog). The southeastern or Thracian group (Armenian) and beyond it the Illyrian (Albanian) made up the four groups which have sibilants for I.E. non-velar gutturals (see inf. No. 9), and in this stand apart from most European groups, but in other respects the BaltoSla y s were quite European.

The Baltic group and the Sla y s were separated by the marshes of White Russia, and after their early oneness did not have much communication until the Sla y s began to spread. Since then the Baltic languages have borrowed many Slavonic words. After the Aryans had moved eastwards Slavonic was left in contact with Thracian, but we know so little about it that we cannot measure their mutual influence. On the other side the Germans, beginning as the next group to the Balto-Sla y s, and having thereby much in common with them (so much so that Schleicher wanted to make a Germano-Slavo-Baltic group), have never ceased to influence them, have given them loan words at every stage and have received a few in return.

After the Baltic group had separated from the Slavonic, we must imagine a long period when Slavonic (S1.) was a bundle of dialects, showing some of the peculiarities of the future languages, but on the whole so much alike that we may say that such and such forms were common to them all. This stage may be called Proto-Slavonic. Except for the few cases where Old Church Slavonic (O.S.) has either definitely South Slavonic characteristics or peculiar characteristics of its own, as written down by Cyril it represents with wonderful completeness ProtoSlavonic at the moment of its falling apart, and words cited below may be taken to be O.S. unless otherwise designated. Some of the main characteristics of the Slavonic languages as a whole in relation to I.E. are indicated below; restrictions and secondary factors are necessarily omitted. As a rule O.S.

xxv. 8 a represents the Slavonic languages fairly well, while Latin or Greek equivalents are given as the most familiar examples of I.E. Hypothetical forms are starred.

i. 'I.E.' i becomes (>) i, gosti: hostis (acc. pl.); I.E. 1, vidova: vidua; 'I.E.' j>j, jucha: jus (broth).

2. I.E. e becomes e, semg: semen; I.E. e> e berg: few. '3. I.E.' and u are alike o in Sl., orati: arare; osmi: octo; I.E. o in end syllables, > u; vozu: SXos; I.E. a and o are alike bratru: frater; dhva: duo. 4. I.E. u becomes y, ty: tu; I.E. ii>i, snucha: nurus, Sanskr. snusa : I.E. u>v, vezq: veho. 5. I.E. r and l both long and short survived as vowels, *vlkic written vlikh, Sanskr. vtkas, " wolf "; consonantal r and l survived unchanged.

6. I.E. m and n both long and short: the former gave i or ii; suto: centum; the latter g or q, deseti: decem. Consonantal m and n mostly survived before a vowel, after it they coalesced with it to make the nasal vowels q and g; pgti: pontis; pgtu: 74virTo .

7. I.E. Aspirates are represented by corresponding sonants, berg: fero; medic (" honey," " mead "): µ01); migla: oµiXhrt.

8. I.E. s often becomes ch; vetiichh: vetus; not always, synu: Lithu. sunus, " son "; otherwise ch generally renders Gothic h in loan words; chlebic: hlaibs, " loaf "; chyzu: hus, " house." 9. I.E. velar gutturals k, g, gh and labio-velars, q, g, gh become in Sl. k, g, g, kljuci: clavis; gglu: angulus; migla: bµLxXn; kuto: quis, govedo: I 600s, Sanskr. gaics; snegI: nix, nivem, but the Palato-gutturals k, g, gh become Sl. s, z, z; desert': decem; zrino: granum; zima: hiems; Lithu. s, z, z; deszimtis, zirnis, zema. to. (a) Gutturals k, g, ch (for s) before e, e (for e), i, i, g and j early in the Proto-S1. period became c, z, š, vlice, voc. of vliku: XixE; zelgdi: glandis; plusg, 3rd pl. fr. pluchh: girX€vaay. (b) Later k, g, ch before e, i (for oi or ai), and sometimes after g, > c, dz (z), s. Vlice loc. cf. oiKoc; lgzi, imperat. of lggq, " lie ": XEyocs; dusi, dusechu, nom. loc. pl. of duchi, " spirit "; kiingzi: Ger. kuning: " king." (c) I.E. or Proto-Sl. sj, zj became š, š, siti, Lithu. siuti, Lat. suo, " sew "; nozi for *nozjo, " knife." (d) Non-guttural consonants followed by j (tj, dj, nj; pj, bj, vj, mj) gave different results (except nj) in different languages (see below No. V.), but in Proto-Sl. there was already a,tendency for the j to melt into and so change the consonant.

I I. Proto-Sl. gradually got rid of all its closed syllables, hence (a) Final consonants were dropped. Domh: domus. (b) Diphthongs became simple vowels ai, oi > e; levic: laevus; vede: 015a; ei > i; vidi: 12. Proto-Slavonic had long, short and very short or half vowels (those expressed above by 1' and u). It had a musical accent, free in its position with different intonations when it fell upon long syllables. (For the fate of these in different modern languages see below, No. VIII.) 13. The phenomena of vowel gradation (Ablaut) as presented by Slavonic are too complicated to be put shortly. In the main they answer to the I.E., e.g. O.S. birati, berg, born: 81.-epos, ckpcw, CPopo s. In their morphology the Sl. languages have preserved or developed many interesting forms. Nouns have three genders, three numbers in O.S., Slovene, Serbo-Croat and Sorb (other tongues have more or less numerous traces of the Dual), and, except Bulgarian, seven cases - Nom., Voc. (not in Gt. Russian or Slovene), Acc., Gen., Dat., Instrumental and Locative. The Abl. has coincided with the Genitive.

The -o, -a and -i declensions have gained at the expense of the consonantal stems, and phonetic change has caused many cases to coincide especially in the -i decl. The comparative of the Adj. is formed on I.E. models with s < sj corresponding to Latin r < s, minii, gen. minisa, cf. minus, minoris. The pronominal declension is less well preserved. There is no article, but i (5s) has been added to the adj. to make it definite; also in Bulgarian and in some dialects of Russian tu is postfixed as a real article.

The Sl. verb has lost most of the I.E. voices, moods and tenses.

The passive only survives in the pres. and past participles; of the finite moods there are but the ind. and opt. (almost always used as an imperat.) left; its only old tenses are the pres. and the aor., to which it has added an impf. of its own. There is an inf. (in -ti, being an old dat.) and a supine in -tit, an accusative. Of active participles there are a pres. and a past and a second past part. used in making compound tenses. There are a solitary perfect form, vede: ot&, and a solitary fut. part. bysg, gen. bysgsta: q5uQCw, 4uaovros. The verb has two stems; from the pres. stem is formed the ind. pres. and impf., the imperat. and the act. and pass. pres. participles. All other forms are based upon the infinitive stem.

Personal Endings: - Primary. Secondary.

Non-Thematic. Thematic.

Sing. Du. Plur.










1st Sing. In thematic verbs the vowel + in has given ¢, but there has been a tendency to replace it according to the nonthematic analogy, which has necessitated changes in 1st plur.

znd Sing. -ši has given -sf everywhere but in O.S.

3rd Sing. -tf has been dropped everywhere but in Russian, where the literary language has al. The Dual only survives in Serb, Sorb, Slovene and O.S., and in these the forms are confused.

1st plur. -mu has developed a_ full vowel where the 1st sing. has replaced the -m. The secondary endings have lost their -m, -s, -t and -nt by phonetic change.

Non-thematic presents are, jesmf, EiµL, sum; dams (redupl. for *dadmf), SL&eµc; jams, edo; anti, Sanskr. vedmi, " I wit "; imamf (new form of emo), " I have." The aorist has no augment; it is sigmatic and non-sigmatic. The latter or 2nd aor. (cf. Horn. impf. Opov, c)pe) survived only in consonant stems and that in O.S. and Old Cech, peku = g rrf0 0 ov. It was common in the 2nd and 3rd sing. (where the -sforms would not be clear) pece <*peke-s,*peke-t = 17rEUO'ES, E7rE017E. The sigmatic aorist very rarely and only in consonant stems in O.S. keeps its -s-, vesu <*vedsu. In stems ending in k, r or a vowel, s > ch; bychu = €c/iv6a and this ch >š before g. The ordinary later form for consonant stems inserts a vowel, vedochu. The aorist has survived in S. Slavonic and in Sorb, and is found in the older stages of the other tongues. The same languages (except Slovene) have kept the impf. which was present in Proto-Sl. but does not go back to I.E., being formed on the analogy of the aor. With the aor. has coalesced the opt. bimf, " be," used with the and past part. to make a conditional. Stern of pres. part. act. ends in -nt- but the consonant decl. has become an -io- decl., so we have vezy < I.E. *ueghonts= g xwv, gen. vez¢sta < *vezontja as against g XovroS. Pres. part. pass. ends in -mu; it has survived more or less in Russian, elsewhere is obsolescent. Past part. act. I. is formed with I.E. - y es-; nom. sing. masc. -uos (EiSc,·) gave u, vedit, having led, byvu, having been; but in fem. and oblique cases formed as from -io- stem s remained, hence Russian vedsij, byvsij. Past part. act. II. in -1- cf. Lat. bib'ulus from bibo, used with an auxiliary to form past and conditional. Past part. pass. in -tor -n-; tertu = tritus. Znanu =known. I.E. future having been lost, futurity is expressed by an auxiliary bqd¢ (ero) chostg (will), &c. with the inf. or by the pres. form of the perfective verb. The passive is expressed either by the use of the passive participles or by the reflexive sg, which can refer to the 1st and 2nd persons as well as to the 3rd.

Syntactical peculiarities of the Slavonic languages that may be noted are a tendency to use the genitive instead of the accusative (which has often coincided in form with the nominative) in the case of living beings, masculine -o- stems, and in the plur.; the use of the genitive for the accusative or even nominative in negative clauses; the dative absolute and the dative as subject to an infinitive; the instrumental instead of the nominative as a predicate, and in oratio obliqua the preservation of the tense of the original statement instead of our way of throwing it into the past.

In the use of the verbs the development of " aspects " makes up for the few tenses. Actions (or states) expressed by a verbal form have a beginning, a continuance and an end. There are, however, some (momentaneous) actions whose beginning and end come together and allow no continuance. All verbs fall into two great divisions, imperfective, which express the continuance of an action, without regard to its beginning or end, and perfective, which express the points of beginning or ending. The continuance of an action may be unbroken or may consist of like acts which are repeated. So imperfective verbs are divided into durative, as nesti, " to be carrying," and iterative, as nositi, " to be wont to carry "; the repeated acts of the iterative can either be each of them momentaneous, e.g. Cech, strileti, " to shoot," i.e. " be firing single shots," or each have some continuance, e.g. nositi above, or we can even express the occasional repetition of groups of momentaneous actions, e.g. Cech. strilivati, " to have the habit of going out shooting." Among perfective verbs we have (r) momentaneous, expressing action which has no continuance, krikngti, " to give a cry," scsti, " to take a seat "; (2) finitive, expressing not the continuance of the action, though that there has been, but its end or completion, napluniti, " to fill to the brim "; (3) ingressive, expressing the moment of beginning an action, vitzl' ubiti, " to fall in love with." As perfective verbs do not express continuance, an idea implied in the present, they cannot require a present form, so this is used for perfective futures; e.g. sgdg (pres. form from perfective sesti) =" I shall take a seat," as opposed to imperfective b¢dg sideti, " I shall be sitting." If a preposition is compounded with a durative verb as nesti, " to carry " (in general), " to be carrying," it makes it perfective, as iznesti, " to carry out " (one single action brought to a conclusion), so Eng. " sit " is usually imperfective, " sit down " perfective. If an iterative has a preposition it is mostly used as a durative; iznositi can mean " habitually to carry out " but more often = " to be carrying out," that is, it supplies the imperfective form to iznesti. The development of this system has enabled some Slavonic languages, e.g. Russian, to do with only two tenses, pres. and past, to each verb morphologically considered, perfective and imperfective verbs supplementing each other; e.g. if we take a Greek verb, the pres. (ind. and infin.) and imperf. correspond to the present, inf. and past of a Russian imperfective verb; the aor. Indic. and inf. are represented by the perfective past and infin., which has also to do duty for the Greek perfect and plup.; the future and the future perfect in Greek do not express the same distinctions as the imperfective future and. perfective future (in form a present) in Sl., the Greek giving chronological order of action, but not giving the distinction of aspect, though the future perfect is naturally perfective.

The prepositions are very much like those in other I.E. languages both in actual forms and in use.

The formation of the sentence is not naturally complicated; but Sl. has in times past been largely influenced by Greek, Latin and German with their involved periods; latterly there has been a tendency to follow the simpler models of French and English.

Such being the Slavonic languages as a whole and regarded in their relationship to I.E., they may now be considered in their relationship to each other, and some of the principal characteristics enumerated upon which their internal classification has been founded. More or less complete accounts of each language will be found under its name.

Distinctive Points of Different Sl. Languages)--I. (u, i). The fate of the Proto-Sl. half vowels it, i, still preserved in O.S., e. g. stin g, " sleep," dint," day," is various; as a rule they disappear, u entirely (though when final still written in R.), f leaves a trace by softening the preceding consonant. But if needed to eke out 1 Bulg. = Bulgarian; t. = tech; Kas. = Kasube; Lit. R. = Little Russian; P. = Polish; R. = Russian, i.e. Great Russian; Ser. = Servian; Wh. R. = White Russian.


1. -ntf

2. -si

3. -ti


ve -ta



-mu -te


Sing. Du. Plur. -(m) -ve -mi -ši -ta -te

-ti -te -(n)ti

consonants, in Sorb, Slovak, Lit. R. and mostly in Gt. R., it, i develop into full vowels o, e - R. sonic' , gen. sna; d'eni, gen. dn'a. In Polish and Cech both > e, but in P. 1 softens the preceding cons., in C. it usually does not - P. sen, dzien; C. sen, den; in Slovene and Ser. they are not distinguished, Slovene fi, a or e, san, dan or den = Ser. a, san, dan, gen. dana, Ser. keeping the middle vowel which is elsewhere dropped. Bulgarian varies dialectically.

II. (y.) y only remains in Gt. Russian, Polish and Sorb though still written in Cech; it has elsewhere become i, but in Polish it becomes i after k and g, in Sorb and R. after k, g, ch- O.S. kysnati, " go sour," gybnati, " perish," chytra, " cunning "; P. kisnac, ginac, chyter; R. kisnuti, gibnuti, chit'erfi. III. (r, 1.) The treatment of the liquids varies greatly.

(a) r is always a lingual trill, never alveolar. In S. Sla y. it is only softened before j and z - O.S. zorja, " dawn." In N.W. and E. Sla y. r became r' before i i, e, c, e and j. Russian and Slovak have remained at this stage, C., Polish, Kas. have made r into r (rz) in which r and š are run into one. (See Table I.) But C. srdce, trh, vlk, since; P. serce, targ, Wilk, stoke; R. s'erdce, torgfi, volkfi, solnce. (e) Proto-Sl. ru, r1, lfi, 11 had in S. Sla y. and partly in C. the same fate as r, l; in Polish and R. the vowel comes after the liquid. O.S. brfivi, "brow," kristfi, "cross," plfill, "flesh," sliza, " tear "; Ser. brv, krst, put, suza; Slovene, brv, krst, poll, solza; C. brv, but plet'; P. brew, krzest, plec, (s,1za; R. brovi, kr'estfi, ploti, sl'eza. (j) Proto-Sl. -or-, -ol-, -er-, -el- before a consonant.

(i.) Type ort, olt (ert, elt are not certain) beginning a word. - The liquid mostly comes first, sometimes the same vowel persists in all languages, e.g. Proto-Sl. *ordlo (Lithu. drklas, aratrum), O.S., Bulg., Ser., Slovene, R. ralo, C. Polab. P., radio. But Proto-Sl. *eldii (Lithu. eldija), O.S. alfidiji, ladiji, "boat," Ser., Slovene, ladja, R. lodija, C. lodi, Polab, liid' a and *orvn (Pruss. arwis), O.S. ravinfi, " even," Ser. ravan, Bulg. Slovene, raven, R. roil enfi, C. rovny,P. rowny show Russian agreeing with N.W. Slav against S. Sla y. The difference probably depends on intonation.

(ii.) Type tort, toll, tent, telt with a consonant before as well: TABLE I.







O.S... .

zveri, " beast "

vej^iti, "believe "

remeni, " strap "

trgsa trcsesi, " tremo "

aka," river "

zorja, " dawn"

Russian. .



tr'asu tr' as' osl



Polish.. .




trzase trzesiesz



P. e for orig. a does not soften - P. rgka: O.S. raka, " hand." In Sorb such a change only happened after k, p, t, in which case High S. has š (written y), Low S. s, but in Low S., r after k, p, t becomes š even before hard vowels: Proto-Sl. tri, " three," High S. tsi, Low S. tsi; Proto-Sl. kraj, " edge," High S. kraj, Low S. ksaj. (b) l occurs in three varieties, 1, 1, l', but each language has generally either middle l alone or else 1 and l'. Lit. R. and Bulg. have all three. 1 has been arrived at in C. and Slovene by the loss of the distinctions, perhaps under German influence; Ser. has 1 and l', final 1>o; but 1 occurs in dialects of all languages and was no doubt in O.S., Proto-Sl. and even Balto-Slay. It has a velar and a labial element and in most languages tends to appear as o, u, v or w, though this is only written in Ser. and Lit. R. O.S. dalfi, " gave," R. data, Lit. R. day, Wh. R. day, 'P.' dal (dialect da y), C. dal, Ser. dao. l' is very soft, like Fr. ville. (c) N.W. Sla y. keeps -tl- -dl- whereas S. Sla y. (except some cases of Slovene pads, pletla, &c.) and R. drop the t and d - C. padl, " fell," radio, " aratrum," pletl, " plaited"; O.S. and R. palfi, ralo, plelfi, but R. drops 1 of masc. sing. past part. II. after other consonants. O.S. neslfi, C. nesl, 'R. carried." (d) Proto-Sl. r, l or perhaps fir, In, fiu, It gave S. Slay., C. and Slovak y, l written in O.S.' lfi, li indifferently, though soft the various treatments of this combination are among the chief criteria for classification, esp. the Russian speciality called full vocalism (polnoglasie) tolot, tolot, tenet, telet (or tolot, telot) which is probably archaic, is one of the chief reasons for putting Russian in a separate division; Polish and Sorb come nearest to it, with trot, tlot, tret, tlet, but the N.W. division is not uniform as Kasube and the extinct Polab have the interesting forms tort, eat, trit, tlat, which are partly archaic, partly a transition to the most novel forms of the southern group to which Cech and Slovak in this particular accede, trat, tlat, tret, tlet, but after c and š Cech has tlat for tlet. Deviations due to intonation have not been set forth.. (See Table II.) TABLE II.

Proto-S1. Stem.

R. P.

Polab, Kas.


S. 51. e.g. O.S.

*fiord- " hortus," " town "






*molt- " hammer ". .






*berg- Ger. " berg," " shore"






*melk- " milk ".. .



mlak -



*helm- " helm ".. .

sel'emfi or selomfi


*gelb- " groove ".. .

zelobfi. lob

(Kas.) g lob



IV. The Proto-Slavonic nasals a and c could be either long or short. This distribution is fairly kept in languages which have quantity and governs the results in Polish in which the nasal sound is preserved. The examples below show the main representatives. Traces of nasal pronunciation survive in Bulgarian, Slovene and Kasube. (See Table III.) TABLE III.

Proto -S].


Bulg. usu.




Sorb, High, Low.


' P.


on, On;

a; c.

fi, or a; e.

u; e.

o, 0; e, C.

u, ou; e, C.

u; a, je; e, C.

u; ja.

e, a; jc, ja.

a; i, i.

*monka, " pain"


m ilk


mOka, monka,






*monka, " flour "




moka, muka






*desemti, " ten "






dgesac, g ases




*penti, " five"






pjec, pes


piac> pigc

pic or psYinc

and hard may once have been distinguished. Of this group Slovene and Ser. later allowed the', to become ol, ou or u. Sorb, Polish and R. developed various vowels, partly according to the original quality, partly according to other influences, e.g. O.S. sridIce, " heart," trfigfi, " market," vlikfi, " wolf," slfinice, " sol "; Ser. srdce, trg, vuk, sunce; Slovene srdce, trg, y olk, solnce; In Kasube a remains; c becomes nasalized i or i and this may lose the nasal or restore it as a full n or in; it has also nasalized all the other vowels and has the power of using nasals in loanwords, e.g. testamqt, as did O.S. e.g. kolcda, kalendae, sadfi=sund. Polab has a and c - ronka, O.S. raka, " hand," mengsie = mesa, " carnis," but swante = svgtfi, " holy." V. Softening (Palatalization, &c.). - Nothing has so much affected Slavonic speech as the effect of i, i, e, e, g and j on preceding consonants, and the variations produced are among the chief points of difference between the languages.

(a) The gutturals felt this first of all, k, g, ch, become (I.) c, z, š and (II.) c, dz(z), s, and these changes are universal (see so,. gv. a, b above) except that after the separation of the Slays Av. the same process was continued in the S. and E. branches even when a v intervened, whereas the N.W. branch remained untouched. Proto-Sl. *kvetu, " flower," *gvezda, "star " (viilchvi), magi; O.S. cvetil, dzvesda, (vliisvi); R. cvetil, zvezda; but Cech kvet, hvezda; P. kwiat, gwiazda. (b) The action of j was the most general, influencing the dentals in all languages and in some the labials as well, whereas. dj. the narrow vowels act on the dentals only and that tt not in all languages. The results of Proto-Sl. tj, dj in O.S. and Bulg. are the most surprising, giving st', zd', by way of sc and šdš (as is shown by their agreeing with the results of Proto-S1.

Proto -Sla y .



M ac.

Serbo -Croat and Slovene.




*svetja, " candle ". .




svijet'a svjeca sveca




*medja, " boundary " .




med'a medza meja




*pektj, " stove ". .



pee pee



p' eel'

*mogtj, " power ". .



moc moc




VII. Common Slav je and ju beginning a word appear in R. as o and u; O.S. jedini, " one," jucha, " broth"; R. odinu, ucha. VIII. Proto-Sl., as we have seen, had long, short and very short or half vowels and a musical accent with differing intonations. O.S. was probably similar, but we have no sufficient materials for determining its quantities or accents as systematic writing of the latter only came in from the 14th century. The fate of the half vowels we have seen (I.). Traces of former long vowels are very clearly to be seen in Sorb, Polish and Lit. R., and less clearly in Bulg. and Gt. R., all of which have lost distinctions of quantity; Slovene can have long vowels only under the accent. In Kasube, C., Slovak and SerboCr. there are also unaccented long syllables. Russian has kept the place of the original accent best, next to it Bulgarian; consequently it seems very capricious, appearing on different syllables in different flexions, but it has become merely expiratory. In Slovene it is still musical, but is, so to speak, steadier. For the stj, skj, e.g. prelisfenu, " deceived," ist'a, " I seek," cf. R. liscenfc, iscu). Some Macedonians have the strange result k' and g'. Among the Serbo-Croats we find every grade between t', d', and c', dz', or c, dš, the Slovenes having c', j (our y), the Cechs and Sorbs c, z, the Poles and Polabs c, dz, and the Russians c and š the fate of ktj and gtj has been the same as that of tj throughout.

(c) Before the narrow sounds i, i, e, ,; and the descendants of g there has resulted a later softening which has gone farthest in d'. Low Sorb, producing š and z, and in High Sorb and C. Polish, c and dš, not so far in Gt. R. where t' d remain, Wh. R. is intermediate with now c, di, now 1', d'; in C. even t' d only come before i, i and e. In S. Slavonic this effect is dialectical. C. telo, " body," delati, " make," deset, " ten"; P. cialo, dzielo, dziesige; High Sorb, dzesae; Low Sorb, zases; Wh. R. Belo, dzelo, dzesae; Gt. R. t'elo, d'elo, d'es' ati. (d) S, z, n, before j gave š, š, n' throughout (No. so, c, d, above).

Before the narrow vowels they give š, i, š in Sorb, Polish, Slovak and Russian, but Cech has no š or z or n before e nor always before 1; S. Slavonic has n' before j. Otherwise in it such softening is only dialectical, but Bulgarian forms a transition to Russian.

(e) In Polish and Sorb we have the labials p', b' (f'), v', m' softening before j and the narrow vowels, in Cech only before e, in Slovak nowhere. In S. Slavonic they only soften v. before j and then the j appears as 1' (p1', bl', vl', ml'), invariably in Serb, generally in Slovene, generally too in Russian, but there before the narrow sounds of newer formation they can all be softened in the ordinary way (p', b', f', v', m'), in Bulgarian this 1 has disappeared and we have p', b', v', m'. But O.S. followed the S. Sla y. rule; and the l was probably once present in N.W. Sla y. It remains everywhere in one or two roots - O.S. pl'uj¢ (irruw for spluio), R. pi'uju, P. plujg, otherwise 'O.S.' zeml'a, R. z'eml'a, P. ziemia, " humus." Ori the whole the various languages do not differ much in principle in the treatment of j, but softening before i, i, e, e, g, seems to have its extreme point in P., Kas. and Polab, spreading from them to Sorb, White Russian and Gt. Russian; Cech, Slovak and Lit. Russian have it in a far less degree, and in S. Slavonic it is very little developed.

VI. Right across the Slavonic world from W. to E. g has g > h. become h, leaving the N. and the S. untouched. This change is found in Cech, Slovak, High but not Low Sorb, is ` traceable in Polish, and characteristic in White, South Gt. Russian and Lit. Russian, also in the Russian pronunciation of Ch. Slavonic. The h produced is rather the spirant gh than the true aspirate. Low Sorb, R., O.S., &c., gora, P. Ora, "mountain." C., Slovak, High Sorb, Wh. and Lit. R. hora. intonations Serbo-Croat is the chief guide, but here the accent intonation is spread over two syllables, in Croatian (ca dialect), the main stress is usually on the old place, in Servian (sto dialect) it has shifted back one. In N.W. Slavonic, with the exception of Kasube, in which it is free, the accent is fixed, in C., Slovak and Sorb on the first syllable of the word, in Polish on the penultimate. On the whole it may be said that the geographical classification of the Sla y s into N.W., S. and E. Sla y s is justified linguistically, though too much stress must not be laid upon it as the lines of division are made less definite by the approximation of the languages which come next each other, the special characteristics of each group are generally represented in, dialects of the others if not in the written languages; also some peculiarities (e.g. VI., g>h) run right across all boundaries, and secondary softening runs from N. to S., becoming less as it goes away from Poland (V., c). In fact, the triple division might be purely arbitrary but for the fact that the belt of Germans, Magyars and Rumanians has made impossible the survival of transitional dialects connecting up Cech with Slovene, Slovak with Servian, Russian with Bulgarian. Slovak, as it were, just fails to be a universal link: in the north Russian and Polish have much in common, but Lithuania made some sort of barrier and the difference of religion favoured separate development.

In the north Polish is closely connected with Kasube, and this with Pola b, making the group of L'ach dialects in which the nasals survived (IV.). The two Sorb dialects link the L'achs on to the Cechs and Slovaks, the whole making the N.W. group with its preference for c, z, s as against c, z, š (which were perhaps unknown to Polab, V. b), its b as against bl (V. e), its keeping kv and gv (V. a), tl and dl (III. c), its r" (III. a, not in Slovak) and the fixed accent (VIII. not in Kas.). The whole group (except Sorb) agrees with R. in having lost the aor. and impf. Yet C. and Slovak agree with S. Sla y. in trat, tret (III. f, ii.) in survival of r and I (III. d) and of quantity (VIII.). Again, Slovene has occasional tl, dl (III. c), and its accent and quantity are not quite southerly, but its many dialects shade across to Croat and Servian, and they must all be classed together for the fate of tj, dj (V. b) and ¢, g (IV.). The Sopcy and Macedonians, among their numerous dialects, make a bridge between Servian and Bulgarian. The special mark of the latter is tj, dj > st, zd, which is the main philological argument for making O.S. Bulgarian. In general S. Sla y. shows less soft letters than N.W. and E. (V. c and d). It shares with Russian bl < bj (V. e), tl, dl > 1 (III. c), kv', gv'>cv zv (V. a) and the general loss of ¢, g (IV.), and is closer to it in the fate of tj, dj (V. b). Bulgarian, especially in some dialects, is, as it were, a transition to Russian, e.g. in accentuation.

Russian stands by itself by its torot, tolot (III. f, ii.) and its treatment of tj and dj (V. b) and the place of its accent (VIII.) in all of which it is rather archaic, while je>o, ju>u (VII.) is its own innovation. In its secondary softenings Lit. R., Gt. R. and Wh. R. make a gradual bridge between S. Slav and Polish (V. c-e). In common with Polish, R. further has the retention of y (II.) and the loss of the aor. and impf.

Finally, within historic time certain dialects have influenced others through literary and political intercourse. O.S. has influenced all the Orthodox Sla y s and the Croats, so that Russian is full of words with O.S. forms pronounced a la Russe (g>u, c >ja, :sr >sc, &c.). Cech has almost overshadowed Slovak and early afforded literary models to Polish. Polish has overshadowed Kasube and much influenced Little and White Russian and Great Russian in a less degree. Russian has in its turn supplied modern Bulgarian with a model. Again, other tongues have contributed something; in common Slavonic there are already German loan words, and others have followed in various periods, especially in Cech and Polish, while the very structure of Slovene and Sorb has been affected. Polish has adopted many Latin words. Bulgarian and Servian received many Turkish words. Russian took over many Eastern words in the Tatar period, and the common vocabulary of Western civilization since the time of Peter the Great, but on the whole, though the Slav easily takes to a fresh language, he has kept his own free from great admixture.

BIBLIQGRAPHY.-I. Ethnography: M. F. Mirkovic and A. S. Budilovic, Etnograficeskaja Karta Slavjanskich Narodnostej (Ethnographical Map of SI. Peoples) (St Petersburg, 1875); Le Monnier, Sprachenkarte von OsterreichUngarn (Vienna, 1888); OsterreichUngarn im Wort and Bild (Vienna and Teschen). 2. Antiquities and Early History: P. J. Safafik, Slovanske Starozitnosti (Slavonic Antiquities: German and Russian Translations) (Prague, 1862-1863); A. Th. Hilferding, Collected Works (St P., 1868); A. Harkavy, Skazania Musul'manskich Pisatelej o Slavjanach i Russach (Information of Musulman writers about the SI. and Rus.) (St P., 1870); M. Drinov, Zaselenie Balkanskago Poluostrova Slavjanami (Occupation of the Balkan Peninsula by the SI.) (Moscow, 1873); G. Krek, Einleitung in die slavische Literaturgeschichte (Graz, 1886); Th. Braun, Razyskania v oblasti Goto-Slavjanskich Otnosenij (Investigations into the province of Gotho-Slavonic Relations) (St P., 18 99); J. Marquart, Osteuropaische and ostasiatische Streifziige (Leipzig, 1903); L. Niederle, Lidstvo v dobb predhistoricke (Prague, 1893), " Man in Prehistoric Time," Russian Trans. (St P., 1898), Slovanske Starozitnosti (Slavonic Antiquities, a splendid review of the whole subject) (Prague, 1902). 3. Proto-Slavonic and Comparative Grammars, &c.: A. Schleicher, Vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen (Weimar, 1866): J. Schmidt, Die Verwandschaftsverhaltnisse der I.-G. Sprachen (Weimar, 1872); 0. Schrader, Reallexikon d. I.-G. Altertumskunde (Strassburg, 1907); V. Jagic, " Einige Streitfragen: 3. Eine einheitliche slavische Ursprache," in Arch. f. sla y. Phil. xxii. (1900); Fr. Miklosich, Vergleichende Grammatik der sl. Spr. (Vienna, 1875-1883); T. Florinskij, Lekcii po Slavjanskomy Jazykoznaniu (Lectures on Slavonic Linguistics. Both Miklosich and Florinskij give short grammars of each language) (Kiev, 1895-1897); V. Vondrak, Vergleichende slavische Grammatik (a true comparative grammar) (Göttingen, 1906-1908); F. Miklosich, Etymologisches Worterbuch der slavischen Sprachen (Vienna, 1886); R. Th. Brandt, Nacertanie Slavjanskoj Akcentologii (Outline of SI. Accentuation) (St P., 1880); E. Berneker, Slavische Chrestomathie mit Glossaren (specimens of all Sl. tongues) (Strassburg, 1902). The central organ for Slavonic studies is Archiv far slavische Philologie, conducted by V. Jagic (Berlin, 1876). 4. Literary History: A. N. Pypin and Spasowicz, Istoria slavjanskich Literatur (2nd ed., St P., 1879); W. R. Morfill,' Slavonic Literature (S.P.C.K., London, 1883). 5.5. O.S. Grammar, &c.: F. Miklosich, Altslovenische Formenlehre in Paradigmen (Vienna, 1874); A. Leskien, Handbuch der altbulgarischen (altkirchenslavischen) Sprache (with Texts) (4th ed., Weimar, 1905), Russian trans. with account of Ostromir Gospel by Scepkin and achmatov (Moscow, 1890); V. Vondrak, Altkirchenslavische Grammatik (Berlin, 1900); F. Miklosich, Lexicon PalaeoslovenicumGraeco-Latinum (Vienna, 1862-1865). 6. 0.S. Texts: Evangelium Zographense (glag.), ed. Jagic (Berlin, 1879); Evangelium Marianum (glag.), ed. Jagic (St P.,1883);Evangelium Assemani (glag.), ed. Crncic (Rome, 1878); Psalterium et Euchologium Sinaitica (glag.), ed. Geitler (Agram, 1882-1883); Glagolita Clozianus, ed. Vondrak (Prague, 1893); " Fragmenta Kieviana " (glag.), ed. Jagic, Denkschr. k. Akad. d. W., phil.-hist. Kl. xxxviii. (Vienna, 1890); Codex Suprasliensis (cyr.), ed. Miklosich (Vienna, 1851); Evangelium Savvae (cyr.), ed. Scepkin (St P., 1900); Evangelium Ostromiri (cyr.), ed. Savvinkov (St P., 1889). 7. Alphabets: P. J. Safafik, Ober den Ursprung and Heimat des Glagolismus (Prague, 1858); I. Taylor, The Alphabet, vol. ii. (London, 1883); L. Geitler, Die albanesischen and slavischen Schriften (facsimiles) (Vienna, 1883); V. Jagic, &etyre Paleograficeskia Statji (Four Palaeographical Articles) (St P., 1884); Id. " Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der kirchenslavischen Sprache," in Denkschr. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss., phil.-hist. Kl. xlvii. (Vienna, 1902); id. " Einige Streitfragen 5." (numerical value and nasals in glag.), in Arch. f. sl. Phil. xxiii. (1901); A. Leskien, " Zur glagolitischen Schrift," ib. xxvi. (1905); A. Bruckner, " Thesen zur Cyrillo-Methodianischen Frage," ib. xxvii. (1906); E. Th. Karskij, Ocerk Slavjanskoj Kirillovskoj Paleografii (Outline of SI. Cyrillic Palaeography) (Warsaw, 1901). (E. H. M.)

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  1. Plural form of Slav.


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