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| United Kingdom | United States |
British–American relations widely encompass and span four centuries, beginning in 1607 with England's first permanent colony in North America called Jamestown, to the present day, between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America.
The United Kingdom and the United States, a remnant of the British Empire itself during the colonial period, are bound by shared history, a common language and legal system, culture, and kindred, ancestral blood lines in British Americans which can be traced back hundreds of years.
Through times of war and rebellion, peace and estrangement, as well as later becoming friends and allies, the United Kingdom and the United States cemented these deeply rooted links during World War II into what is known as the "Special Relationship", still described by a leading commentator as "the key trans-Atlantic alliance",[1] which the US Senate Chair on European Affairs acknowledged in 2010 as "one of the cornerstones of stability around the world."[2]
Today, the relationship with the United States represents the "most important bilateral partnership" in current British foreign policy [3] while United States foreign policy affirms its relationship with the United Kingdom as one of its most enduring bilateral relationships,[4][5] as evidenced in aligned political affairs, mutual cooperation in the areas of trade, commerce, finance, technology, academics, as well as the arts and sciences; the sharing of government and military intelligence, and joint combat operations and peacekeeping missions carried out between the United States Armed Forces and the British Armed Forces.
| Population | 62,041,708 | 308,347,000 |
| Area | 244,820 km2 (94,526 sq mi) | 9,826,630 km2 (3,794,066 sq mi ) |
| Population Density | 246/km2 (637/sq mi) | 31/km2 (80/sq mi) |
| Capital | London | Washington, D.C. |
| Largest City | London – 7,556,900 (13,945,000 Metro) | New York City – 8,363,710 (19,006,798 Metro) |
| Government | Unitary parliamentary constitutional monarchy | Federal presidential constitutional republic |
| Official languages | English (de facto) | None at federal level |
| Main religions | 71.8% Christianity, 15.1% non-Religious, 7.8% Unstated, 2.8% Islam, 1% Hinduism, 0.6% Sikhism, 0.5% Judaism, 0.3% Buddhism |
78.4% Christianity, 16.1% Non-Religious, 1.7% Judaism, 1.2% Other, 0.7% Buddhism, 0.6% Islam, 0.4% Hinduism |
| Ethnic groups | 92.1% White, 4% South Asian, 2% Black, 1.2% Multi-racial, 0.4% Chinese, 0.4% Other | 74% White American, 14.8% Hispanic and Latino American (of any race), 13.4% African American, 6.5% Some other race, 4.4% Asian American, 2.0% Two or more races, 0.68% Native American or Native Alaskan, 0.14% Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander |
| GDP (nominal) | US$2.674 trillion ($43,875 per capita) | US$14.441 trillion ($47,440 per capita) |
| British Americans | 224,000 American-born people live in the UK | 678,000 British-born people live in the USA |
| Military expenditures | $64 billion (FY 2009–10) | $663.7 billion (FY 2010) [6] |
On June 7, 1579, the English explorer Sir Francis Drake aboard his galleon called the Golden Hind, spotted a harbor on a land-mass in the New World that he named Nova Albion—Latin for "New Britain." Claiming it for England, the location of Francis Drake's port remains a mystery and there was no follow-up. But subsequently, archaic maps such as those drawn by Flemish cartographer Jodocus Hondius, named all lands above present-day Baja California as "Nova Albion." The most prevailing theory held by most historians is that Francis Drake's landing occurred in present-day northern California near Point Reyes, just north of the Golden Gate. Another location often claimed to be Nova Albion is present-day Whale Cove, Oregon.
The first attempt of English colonization was the Roanoke Colony, also known as the Lost Colony, in 1585. Led by Sir Walter Raleigh who represented Queen Elizabeth I of England, the colony would ultimately fail by 1587, due to an unsustainable supply of food and the alleged disappearance and abandonment by the colonists. The first permanent English settlement in mainland North America was the Jamestown Settlement in the Colony and Dominion of Virginia, founded for King James I of England and VI of Scotland as a charter colony when the Susan Constant, Discovery, and Godspeed landed ashore on May 14, 1607. The first Africans brought to the New World were sent to Virginia around 1619. These individuals appear to have been treated as indentured servants. By 1624, the Colony and Dominion of Virginia would cease as a charter colony administered by the Virginia Company of London as it became a crown colony. By 1698, the colonial capital moved from Jamestown further inland to the Middle Plantation in nearby Williamsburg, named in honor of King William III of England and II of Scotland.
The Pilgrims were a small Protestant-sect based in England and the Dutch Republic. One group in particular sailed on the Mayflower. After drawing up the Mayflower Compact by which they gave themselves broad powers of self-governance, they established the Plymouth Colony in 1620. William Bradford became the first governor. The Puritans established the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1629 with 400 settlers who sought to reform the Church of England by creating a new and more pure church in the New World.
On August 10, 1622, a royal patent was granted to Ferdinando Gorges and John Mason by the Plymouth Council for New England for the establishment of the Province of Maine between the 40th to the 48th parallel "from sea to sea".
In 1632, a royal charter was granted by King Charles I of England and Scotland which established a proprietary colony known as the Province of Maryland. Ruled and administered by successive generations of the Barons of Baltimore, a now extinct title in the Peerage of Ireland, the Province of Maryland was established as a safe haven for Roman Catholics in the New World.
In 1636, the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations were founded by Roger Williams, a theologian, independent preacher, and linguist on land gifted by the Narragansett sachem Canonicus who believed that God had brought him and his followers there to settle.
On March 3, 1636, the Connecticut Colony, originally known as the River Colony, was founded as a haven for Puritan noblemen. The Connecticut Colony was later the scene of a bloody war between the English and Native Americans, known as the Pequot War throughout much of the later 1630s.
In 1663, a royal charter was granted for the founding of the Province of Carolina. Named in honor of King Charles II of England and Scotland, the Province of Carolina was governed by the Lords Proprietary, a group of eight English noblemen led informally by member Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury. Over time, the Province of Carolina gradually experienced internal divisions within as the colonists could not agree on a slate of elected officials in government. A split occurred in 1729 when the Province of Carolina was dissolved and two separate royal colonies, the Province of North Carolina and the Province of South Carolina, were created due to seven of the eight Lords Proprietor selling their interests. In 1732, the Province of South Carolina was further divided as a corporate charter established a penal colony for debtors known as the Province of Georgia, named in honor of King George II of Great Britain. Also, the Province of Georgia served as a "buffer state" between the rest of British America to the north and Spanish Florida to the south.
After being under the colonial rule of New Sweden and New Netherland, ending in 1655 and 1664 respectively, the Delaware Colony and its colonial capital of New Castle were founded by the English.
On August 27, 1664, New Netherland ceased to exist as the Dutch Republic relinquished power and the English acquired colonial rule. In March 1665, King James II of England and VII of Scotland, then known at the time as James, Duke of York, was granted a charter for the founding of the Province of New York. Thus, the city of New Amsterdam was also renamed New York to reflect the transition from Dutch to English rule. In 1674, the Province of New Jersey, named after the Island of Jersey in England and sub-divided into East Jersey and West Jersey, split from the Province of New York due to a settlement of debt by James, Duke of York to Sir George Carteret in exchange for land.
The Quakers, now known as the Religious Society of Friends, is based on the idea that individuals can have a relationship with the divine. Originating in England, the Quakers were banished from the Massachusetts Bay Colony due to hostility held by the Puritans. The Quakers then uprooted and settled in the Province of New Jersey. Eventually, William Penn was awarded a royal charter in 1681 by King Charles II of England and Scotland for the founding of the Province of Pennsylvania where the Quakers would finally settle. Second only to London, the city of Philadelphia became the second largest city in the British Empire as well as the foremost center of trade and commerce in British America.
After the short-lived Dominion of New England failed in 1689, which attempted to unify the Massachusetts Bay Colony, the Plymouth Colony, the Province of New Hampshire, the Province of Maine, the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, the Connecticut Colony, and the Narraganset Country or King's Province, a permanent unification of the Plymouth Colony and the Massachusetts Bay Colony occurred in 1691 by creating a crown colony known as the Province of Massachusetts Bay.
The Province of New Hampshire was a crown colony founded on October 7, 1691. A royal charter was further enacted on May 14, 1692, by King William III of England and II of Scotland and Queen Mary II of England and II of Scotland, the joint monarchs of the Kingdom of England and the Kingdom of Scotland, at the same time that the Province of Massachusetts Bay was created.
During the 17th century, an estimated 350,000 English and Welsh migrants arrived in the Thirteen Colonies, which in the century after the Acts of Union 1707, was surpassed in rate and number by Scottish and Irish migrants.[7]
All of the Thirteen Colonies were involved in the slave trade. People enslaved in the Middle Colonies and New England Colonies typically worked as house servants, artisans, laborers and craftsmen. Early on, slaves in the Southern Colonies worked primarily in agriculture, on farms and plantations growing indigo, rice, cotton, and tobacco. Likewise, mercantilism provided a trade surplus for the Thirteen Colonies which in return, benefited the mother country.
The French and Indian War, fought between 1754 and 1763, was the North American theatre of the Seven Years' War. The conflict, the fourth such colonial war between France and the Kingdom of Great Britain in North America, resulted in the British acquisition of New France with the aid of the Iroquois Confederation. As part of the terms dictated in the Treaty of Paris signed in 1763, the French ceded control of French Louisiana east of the Mississippi River to the British, which became known as the Indian Reserve. Thereafter, Great Britain's position as the dominant colonial power in North America was confirmed.
The Thirteen Colonies gradually began to experience more limited self-government. Additionally, British mercantilist policies became more stringent, benefiting the mother country which resulted in trade restrictions, thereby limiting the growth of the colonial economy and artificially constraining colonial merchants' earning potential. Prefaced by debt accrued during the French and Indian War of which the American Colonies were expected to help repay, tensions escalated from 1765 to 1775 over issues of taxation without representation and control by King George III. Stemming from the Boston Massacre when British Redcoats opened fire on civilians in 1770, rebellion consumed the outraged colonists. The British Parliament earlier imposed a series of taxes such as the Stamp Act of 1765 and later on, the Tea Act of 1773, of which an angry mob of colonists protested about in the Boston Tea Party by dumping chests of tea into Boston Harbor. The British Parliament responded to the defiance of the colonists by passing the Intolerable Acts in 1774. This course of events ultimately triggered the first shots fired in the Battles of Lexington and Concord in 1775 and effectively, the beginning of the American War of Independence itself. A British victory at the Battle of Bunker Hill in June 1775 would agitate tensions even further. While the goal of attaining independence was sought by a majority known as Patriots, a minority known as Loyalists wished to remain as British subjects indefinitely. However, when the Second Continental Congress convened in Philadelphia in May 1775, deliberations conducted by notable figures such as Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, John Hancock, Samuel Adams, and John Adams would eventually come to the conclusion of seeking full independence from the mother country. Thus, the Declaration of Independence, ratified on July 4, 1776, signed on August 2, 1776, and then sent to King George III for his review, was a radical and decisive break for its time.
Early in the war, British forces were driven back during the Boston campaign by colonial militia, retreating to Halifax, Nova Scotia in 1776. However, the New York and New Jersey campaign as well as the Philadelphia campaign saw numerous British victories at the Battle of Kip's Bay, the Battle of Long Island, the Battle of White Plains, the Battle of Brandywine, and the Battle of Germantown while the Continental Army under the command of George Washington defeated British forces at the Battle of Harlem Heights, the Battle of Princeton, and the Battle of Trenton. In addition, a capture and occupation of New York City and Philadelphia by British forces proved initially successful before they would eventually evacuate both cities in 1777 and 1778 respectively. Although British forces were victorious at the Siege of Fort Ticonderoga in 1777, the Saratoga campaign would result in the overwhelming favor of the Continental Army under the command of Horatio Gates, most notably at the Battles of Saratoga, and further underlined by the entry of the Kingdom of France in 1778. During the Siege of Savannah in 1779, American and French forces made a failed attempt to retake the city of Savannah after it was captured by British forces a year earlier. In the Southern theatre, colonial militias largely dominated the Southern Colonies until the Siege of Charleston occurred and British forces took control of the city in 1780. The Battle of Camden and Battle of Guilford Courthouse were tactically decisive for British forces, although any future victories would come at a high cost as the British Army became more weakened over time with mounting casualties and not enough manpower. Turning points in the war were during the Battle of King's Mountain in 1780 and the Battle of Cowpens in 1781 when the Continental Army under the command of Daniel Morgan were deemed victorious over Banastre Tarleton's cavalry unit, the 1st King's Dragoon Guards. With limitations placed on successful war tactics, the long-term strategy of military commanders in the British Army such as Thomas Gage, Sir William Howe, Henry Clinton, John Burgoyne, and most notably Lord Charles Cornwallis, failed to defeat the Continental Army and French. The tipping point came on October 19, 1781 when Lord Cornwallis' subordinate, Charles O'Hara surrendered his sword to George Washington's subordinate, Benjamin Lincoln at the Siege of Yorktown.
In 1783, the original thirteen states which created one independent and sovereign nation known as the United States of America, was recognized by the Kingdom of Great Britain in the mutual terms agreed upon by both sides in the Treaty of Paris. In 1785, John Adams was appointed the first American plenipotentiary minister, now known as an ambassador, to the Court of St. James's. In 1791, Great Britain sent its first diplomatic envoy, George Hammond, to the United States.
When Great Britain and France went to war in 1793, relations between the United States and Great Britain as well verged on war. Tensions were subdued when the Jay Treaty was signed in 1794, which established a decade of peace and prosperous trade relations.[8] The international slave trade was gradually suppressed after Great Britain passed the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act in 1807, and the United States passed a similar law in 1808.
The United States imposed a trade embargo, namely the Embargo Act of 1807, in retaliation for the United Kingdom’s blockade of France, which involved the visit and search of neutral merchantmen, and resulted in the suppression of Franco-United States trade for the duration of the Napoleonic Wars. The Royal Navy also boarded American ships and impressed sailors suspected of being British deserters.[9]
The War of 1812 was initiated by the United States under James Madison partly to protect American trading rights and freedom of the seas for neutral countries. Another motivation was American anger over British military support for Native Americans defending their tribal lands from encroaching American pioneers. Additionally, the United States' ambition for territorial expansion northward and westward was reflected in a belief in Manifest Destiny.[10]
A planned American invasion of British North America, including the destruction of the colonial capital of York and victory at the Battle of York in April 1813, was countered when on August 24, 1814, the burning of Washington saw the United States Treasury Building razed and the White House burned. British forces would again prove victorious on that same day at the Battle of Bladensburg. Some but not all land attacks made by American forces northward into British North America, such as the Battle of the Chateauguay in October 1813 and the Battle of Crysler's Farm in November 1813, were repulsed by British forces. However, American forces also won victories at the Battle of the Thames in October 1813 and the Battle of Longwoods in March 1814. The United States Navy gained naval supremacy over the Great Lakes by defeating the Royal Navy at the Battle of Lake Erie in September 1813 and at the Battle of Plattsburgh in September 1814. Beginning on September 12, 1814, and lasting for another three days, British forces were also repulsed at the Battle of Baltimore.
Negotiations led to the Treaty of Ghent, which ended the war by restoring the status quo ante bellum. No territorial gains were made by either side. The U.S. negotiator Albert Gallatin conceded: "Under the existing unpropitious circumstances of the world, America cannot by a continuance of the war compel Great Britain to yield any of the maritime points in dispute, and particularly to agree to any unsatisfactory arrangement on the subject of impressment; and that the most favorable terms of peace that can be expected are the status ante bellum." The United Kingdom retained the right of impressment and the United States dropped the issue for good.[11]
The impressment controversy had in fact been largely resolved shortly after war had been declared, when the U.S. government, by enacting the Impressment Bill (1812), began to insist that applicants for U.S. citizenship must reside continuously in the United States for a minimum of five years, thereby inhibiting the reception of deserters and removing the source of British complaint, and therefore largely solving, with a stroke of Madison's pen, the problem the United States had ostensibly gone to war over.[12][13][14]
As one of the peace terms, the United Kingdom agreed to return captured slaves, but subsequently paid the United States £350,000 for them. A British proposal to create an Indian buffer zone in Ohio and Michigan collapsed after the Indian coalition fell apart. The United States largely ignored the guarantees it made in article IX regarding American treatment of Native Americans.[15]
Before word could be sent to field commanders that the war was over, a US force under General Andrew Jackson repulsed a British attack at the Battle of New Orleans in January 1815. Shortly afterwards, a US force was defeated at Fort Bowyer by a British force under John Lambert. The War of 1812 marked the end of a long period of conflict between the United Kingdom and the United States, and ushered in a new era of peace between the two nations, who would become allies nearly a century later.
In the words of one American historian of the conflict: "Neither side sought the War of 1812, and in the short run it was tragically unnecessary."[16]
The Monroe Doctrine, a unilateral response in 1823 to a British suggestion of a joint declaration, expressed American hostility of further European encroachment in the Western hemisphere. Nevertheless, the United States benefited from British recognition and was thus complied by the Royal Navy.
After the Panic of 1837, numerous states in the United States defaulted on bonds owned by British investors. During the Caroline Affair in 1837, British North American rebels fled to New York and used a small American ship called the Caroline to smuggle supplies into British North America after a failed rebellion there. In late 1837, militia from British North America burned the ship, leading to diplomatic protests, an unquenched sense of Anglophobia, and other incidents.
Additional conflicts on the Maine-New Brunswick border involved rival teams of lumberjacks in the Aroostook War. The Webster-Ashburton Treaty, signed in 1842, resolved these issues and finalized the border.[17] In 1859, the Pig War determined the question of where the border should be in relationship to the San Juan Islands and Gulf Islands.
1859 was also a year of early signs of British-American co-operation when a British naval force under the command of Admiral Sir James Hope attempted to seize the Tako Forts guarding the mouth of the Peiho river in northeastern China. The action was witnessed by American Commodore Josiah Tattnall, who had fought in the War of 1812, and, on this occasion, was supposed to be just a neutral observer. However, he eventually went to the assistance of the British gunboat Plover, offering to take off their wounded. The offer was accepted and the wounded evacuated. Later, Tattnall discovered that some of his men were black from powder flashes. When asked, the men replied that the British had been short-handed with the bow gun. In his famous report sent to Washington soon afterwards, Tattnall claimed that "Blood is thicker than water". Although the British and Americans had fought side-by-side, the action was unofficial — and the Americans were supposed to be neutral observers.
At the beginning of the American Civil War, the United Kingdom issued a proclamation of neutrality on May 13, 1861. Nevertheless, the Confederate States of America assumed that the British would prove sympathetic, despite their dim view on slavery. Although the Confederacy attempted to provoke British intervention through cotton diplomacy, leading to failed threats of a trade embargo on "King Cotton," it was the Trent Affair in 1861, when the USS San Jacinto stopped the British civilian vessel RMS Trent and took off two Confederate diplomats named James Mason and John Slidell, that almost provoked a third war between the United Kingdom and the United States. While diplomatic measures between London and Washington were ongoing, the British under Lord Palmerston began mobilizing a small militia in British North America who were unprepared in the event of a full-scale invasion of up to an estimated 200,000 soldiers in the Union Army.
The United Kingdom knew that any recognition of a sovereign and independent nation called the Confederate States would be an act of war against the United States. In addition, the United Kingdom had to take into consideration that the British economy was heavily reliant on growing trade with the United States, most notably cheap grain imports high in demand which in the event of war, would be cut off by the Americans. Third, the British knew that the United States had an indispensable European ally, the Russian Empire to help fight in a possible war against the United Kingdom. And lastly, British forces in British North America were vastly outnumbered by the Union Army which if British war tactics proved to be unsuccessful, the risk of annexation of British North America by the United States might be inevitable.
The British were content with a formal apology on behalf of the United States so that war could be averted over lingering issues revolving around the Trent Affair. Thus, Abraham Lincoln eventually relented as he did not want to fight a war on two fronts, having United States Secretary of State William H. Seward smooth matters over.
Despite outrage and intense American protests, the United Kingdom allowed the British-built CSS Alabama to leave port as a commerce raider under the naval flag of the Confederacy. After the American Civil War ended in 1865, the United Kingdom abided by the terms of the Treaty of Washington outlined by an arbitration of an international tribunal in 1871, thus paying $15.5 million in gold to the United States for the destruction caused by the CSS Alabama, while admitting no guilt.[18]
When the United Kingdom and Venezuela disputed the boundary between the latter country and British Guiana in 1895, President Grover Cleveland and Secretary of State Richard Olney pressured the British into agreeing to an international arbitration.[19] In 1898, a tribunal convened in Paris to decide the matter in question, and thus issued its verdict in 1899, awarding the bulk of the disputed territory to British Guiana.[20] Despite this setback for the United States, it showed that standing with a Latin American nation against the encroachment of the British Empire improved relations with the United States' southern neighbors. However, the cordial manner in which the negotiations were conducted by the United States also improved diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom.[21]
Ever since the Alaska Purchase in 1867, the United States inherited unresolved border disputes dating all the way back to 1821 over the Alaska Panhandle between what was previously known as Russian Alaska and British North America. However, the Alaska boundary dispute was finally resolved by an arbitration in 1903, agreed upon in the Hay-Herbert Treaty as a British judge sided with the United States and the District of Alaska against their neighbors, the Canadians, who were outraged that land and territorial waters in British Columbia were sacrificed for the benefit of British-American harmony.[22]
The Great Rapprochement is a term that was used to specifically describe the convergence of social and political objectives between the United Kingdom and the United States from 1895 until World War I began in 1914. Ever since the War of 1812 ended in 1815, exactly 80 years prior to when the Great Rapprochement began, relations between the United Kingdom and the United States were continuously and deeply troubled. However, the differences that had separated an industrialized United Kingdom and an agrarian, anti-imperialist United States where Anglophobia ran high, rapidly diminished in the decades preceding World War I.
The most notable sign of improving relations during the Great Rapprochement was the United Kingdom's actions during the Spanish–American War. With the onslaught of war beginning in 1898, the British had an initial policy of supporting the Spanish Empire and its colonial rule over Cuba since the perceived threat of American occupation and a territorial acquisition of Cuba by the United States might harm British trade and commerce interests within its own imperial possessions in the West Indies. However, after the United States made genuine assurances that it would grant Cuba's independence, which eventually occurred in 1902 under the terms dictated in the Platt Amendment, the British abandoned this policy and ultimately sided with the United States unlike most other European powers who supported Spain.[23]
After victory in the Spanish-American War, the United States appeared to have its own rising empire due to its rapid acquisition of numerous overseas colonial possessions and had begun to build the Great White Fleet as a newfound symbol of its enormous power projection and as a blue water navy. Seizing upon this notion, both the United Kingdom and the German Empire engaged in pro-American propaganda campaigns designed to win over a possible World War I alliance with the United States. The British in fact, were able to guarantee a price for American cotton producers, who were the most affected by the potential loss of trade with Germany and Central Europe.
At the beginning of World War I, the unrestricted activities of German agents against British interests, as well as the United States' refusal to check the Indian sedetionist movement, was a major concern for the British Government that triggered an intense neutrality dispute through 1916. The British Far-Eastern Fleet's activities, especially the SS China and SS Henry S incidents drew strong responses from the United States, prompting the United States Atlantic Fleet to dispatch naval destroyers and battleships to the Pacific Ocean in order to protect the sovereignty of American vessels. However, this dispute did not calm down before November 1916.[24]
Woodrow Wilson allowed a munitions trade to continue, despite disputes over freedom of the seas because of the British naval blockade of Germany and complaints of German 'militarism'. Thus, the United States would only supply the Triple Entente onwards.
As evidence of German complicity in public incidents, including the Black Tom explosion, and conspiracies in and against the United States such as the Zimmerman Telegram, it became more obvious that American public opinion was becoming more influenced to the prospect of joining World War I. When the German Empire responded in 1916 with a submarine blockade of the United Kingdom and the sinking of the RMS Lusitania by a German U-boat, it led to a protest by the United States and a strong sense of anti-German feelings among the American people.
The German Empire returned to unrestricted submarine warfare in January 1917 in the belief that the United Kingdom would be decisively weakened before the United States could mobilize for war. Nevertheless, the United States declared war on the German Empire, joined the Allies, and sent 1.982 million American servicemen under the command of General John J. Pershing to France out of a total of 4.355 million available.[25] Though initially slow at mobilization of the American Expeditionary Force to the Western front, American doughboys were instrumental in providing heightened morale for the Allies as well as hastening a victorious end to the war in Europe. British and American forces in fact, fought together and side by side at numerous engagements on the Western Front such as the Third Battle of the Aisne from May to June 1918, the Battle of Belleau Wood in June 1918, the Second Battle of the Marne from July to August 1918, the Battle of Amiens in August 1918, the Battle of St. Quentin Canal and the Fifth Battle of Ypres both from September to October 1918, and the Battle of Courtrai in October 1918, all leading to Armistice Day on November 11, 1918.
Although Woodrow Wilson had wanted to wage war for the sake of humanity, the negotiations over the Treaty of Versailles underlined in his Fourteen Points for Peace made it plainly clear that his diplomatic position had weakened with victory. The borders of Europe were redrawn on the basis of national self-determination, with the exception of Germany under the newly formed Weimar Republic. Financial reparations were imposed on the Germans, despite British reservations and American protests, largely because of France's desire for punitive peace.[17]
World War I was theoretically the end of the Royal Navy's superiority, an eclipse acknowledged in the Washington Naval Treaty, when the United States and the United Kingdom agreed to the allocation of equal tonnage quotas on February 6, 1922. Although the United States Navy had the right to build a navy equal in size and power of the British Royal Navy, it voluntarily opted to remain the junior of the two navies, with a smaller, yet a growing fleet of vessels. Nevertheless, the United States' policies on immigration and trade ignited a Pacific Fleet rivalry with the Empire of Japan rather than an Atlantic Fleet rivalry with the British Empire.
During the Great Depression, the United States was preoccupied with its own internal affairs and economic recovery, espousing an isolationist policy which was only sporadically active in foreign affairs throughout the 1920s and 1930s. After the United States imposed a high tariff on foreign imports in 1930 called the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, the United Kingdom and the rest of the British Empire unsuccessfully built up imperial trade preferences, thereby attempting to promote trade internally and divert trade away from the United States. Nevertheless, the Great Depression did eventually spread to the United Kingdom, so much that the UK Treasury found it nearly impossible to repay loans and war bonds granted by banks in the United States during World War I. In the end, most of the World War I debt which had been accrued by the United Kingdom as well as many other European countries were largely written off and excused by American bankers.
Towards the end of 1936, the Abdication Crisis, while absorbing popular interest in both the United Kingdom and the United States, did not become a foreign relations issue. At the insistence of Stanley Baldwin, the ultimatum was given to King Edward VIII of retaining his throne as head of the Church of England, or renouncing his birth right as king and marrying an American divorcee named Wallis Simpson.
Tensions over the Irish question diminished with the independence of the Irish Free State, which was granted much earlier in 1922, and with the ambassadorship of Joseph P. Kennedy to the Court of St. James's beginning in 1938.[26]
Though much of the American people were sympathetic to the United Kingdom and France during their dangerous confrontation with Nazi Germany, there was widespread opposition to possible American intervention in European affairs. This was highlighted in a series of Neutrality Acts which were ratified by the United States Congress in 1935, 1936, and 1937 respectively. However, Franklin Roosevelt's policy of cash-and-carry still allowed the United Kingdom and France to order munitions from the United States.
Winston Churchill, whose mother was an American, became prime minister after the Allies' failure to prevent the German invasion of Norway. After the fall of France, Franklin Roosevelt gave the United Kingdom and later the Soviet Union all aid short of war. The Destroyers for Bases Agreement which was signed in September 1940, gave the United States a ninety-nine-year rent-free lease of numerous land and air bases throughout the British Empire in exchange for the United Kingdom receiving possession of fifty destroyers from the United States Navy. Beginning in March 1941, the United States enacted Lend-Lease in the form of Sherman tanks, fighter airplanes, munitions, bullets, food, and medical supplies which were sent to the United Kingdom, $31.4 billion out of a total of $50.1 billion ($700 billion in 2007) sent to the Allies.[27]
Before the attack on Pearl Harbor and the declaration of war by the United States Congress on Nazi Germany and the Empire of Japan in December 1941, two United States Navy destroyers had already been torpedoed on convoy duties in the North Atlantic Ocean. The United States nevertheless became extensively involved in the European theatre due to the real and perceived threat of the Axis Powers eventually reaching American shores, contingent on the Allies in Fortress Europe and to another extent, the Allies in the Pacific War, being defeated. 60,000 British and 73,000 Americans on June 6, 1944 stormed the beaches of Normandy on D-Day, and both nations' armed forces fought alongside each other at the invasion of Sicily from July to August 1943, the Battle of Monte Cassino from January to May 1944, Operation Market Garden in September 1944, the Battle of Overloon from September to October 1944, the Battle of the Bulge from December 1944 to January 1945, and many other numerous battles in the China Burma India Theater of World War II as well as the Pacific War. It was during this period of extremely close cooperation that the "Special Relationship" was created and conceptualized.[28]
Millions of American servicemen were based in the United Kingdom during World War II, which led to a certain amount of friction with their British counterparts. This animosity was explored in art and film, most particularly A Matter of Life and Death and A Canterbury Tale.
As part of their military collaboration throughout the war, scientists and physicists from the United States, the United Kingdom, and many other countries, all under the control of the United States Army Corps of Engineers and the administration of General Leslie Groves, worked on the Manhattan Project in total secrecy, which eventually achieved the objective of building an atomic bomb before Nazi Germany could obtain and use such a weapon. Scientific research during the Manhattan Project was directed and headed by an American theoretical physicist named Robert Oppenheimer.
In the years following World War II, the United Kingdom found itself in virtual financial ruin whereas the United States was in the midst of an economic boom. Due to many hardships during and after the toll of war, the British Empire went into relative decline as several of its overseas colonies began the process of de-colonization, most notably, the independence of India which occurred in 1947.
Furthermore, the United Kingdom found itself at the mercy of American economic policy when the United States abruptly terminated lend-lease at the end of World War II. This fact was highlighted by the Anglo-American loan made to the United Kingdom by the United States in 1946. At a 2% interest rate, the terms of this loan were $586 million (£145 million in 1945) and a $375 million line of credit which was to be paid off in 50 annual installments, the first payment being due in 1950. The United Kingdom deferred twice on repayment with the last payment of $83 million (£45.5 million) being sent to the United States Federal Reserve on December 31, 2006.[29]
The United States and the United Kingdom became founding members of the United Nations in 1945, as well as becoming two of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. In the post-war era, the United States and the United Kingdom were becoming increasingly suspicious of the motives of their former ally, the Soviet Union. Rising tensions between the capitalist and communist powers led to the Cold War. Thus, close cooperation between the United States and the United Kingdom resulted in the formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization with their European allies, a mutual defense alliance whereby if one country is attacked, then it is seen as an attack on all countries.
On February 11, 1946, negotiators from the United Kingdom and the United States signed the Bermuda I Agreement, a bilateral air transport agreement which regulated commercial air transport between British and American airports.
The United States began practicing an anti-colonial and anti-communist stance in its foreign policy throughout the Cold War. Military forces from the United States and the United Kingdom were heavily involved in the Korean War, fighting under a United Nations mandate. A withdrawal of military forces occurred when a stalemate was implemented in 1953. When the Suez Crisis erupted in October 1956, the United States feared a wider war after the Soviet Union and the other Warsaw Pact nations threatened to intervene on the Egyptian side. Thus, the United States demanded that the United Kingdom and France end their invasion of Egypt or otherwise face imminent economic sanctions which would in all probable causes, create an economic collapse in the United Kingdom and a severe devaluation of the sterling pound. This threat made by Dwight Eisenhower led to an immediate British and French withdrawal of their military occupation as well as the immediate resignation of Anthony Eden in 1957.
Through the US-UK Mutual Defence Agreement signed in 1958, the United States assisted the United Kingdom in their own development of a nuclear arsenal. In April 1963, John F. Kennedy and Harold Macmillan signed the Polaris Sales Agreement to the effect of the United States agreeing to supply the UGM-27 Polaris ballistic missile to the United Kingdom and for use in the Royal Navy's submarine fleet starting in 1968.[30]
The United States gradually became involved in the Vietnam War in the early 1960s, but received no support this time from the United Kingdom. Anti-Americanism due to the Vietnam War and a lack of American support for France and the United Kingdom over the Suez Crisis weighed heavily on the minds of many in Europe. This sentiment extended in the United Kingdom by Harold Wilson's refusal to send British troops to Indochina.
On July 23, 1977, officials from the United Kingdom and the United States renegotiated the previous Bermuda I Agreement, thus signing the Bermuda II Agreement to the effect of only four combined airlines, two from the United Kingdom and two from the United States, being allowed to operate flights from London Heathrow Airport and specified "gateway cities" in the United States. The Bermuda II Agreement was in effect for nearly 30 years until it was eventually replaced by the EU-US Open Skies Agreement, which was signed on April 30, 2007 and entering into effect on March 30, 2008.
Throughout the 1980s, Margaret Thatcher was strongly supportive of Ronald Reagan's unwavering stance towards the Soviet Union. Often described as 'political soulmates' and a high point in the "Special Relationship," both President Reagan and Prime Minister Thatcher met on numerous occasions throughout their political careers, speaking in concert when confronting Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev.
In 1982, the British Government made a request to the United States, which the Americans agreed upon in principle, to sell the Trident II D5 ballistic missile, associated equipment, and related system support for use on four Vanguard class nuclear submarines in the Royal Navy. The Trident II D5 ballistic missile replaced the United Kingdom's previous use of the UGM-27 Polaris ballistic missile, beginning in the mid-1990s.[30]
In the Falklands War, the United States initially tried to mediate between the United Kingdom and Argentina in 1982, but ultimately ended up supporting the United Kingdom's counter-invasion. The United States Defense Department under Caspar Weinberger, supplied the British military with equipment as well as logistical support.[31]
In October 1983, the United States and a coalition of Caribbean nations undertook Operation Urgent Fury, codename for the invasion of the Commonwealth island nation of Grenada. A bloody Marxist-coup had overrun Grenada and neighboring countries in the region asked the United States to intervene militarily, which it did successfully despite having made assurances to a deeply resentful British Government.
On April 15, 1986, the United States Air Force with elements of naval and marine forces launched Operation El Dorado Canyon from RAF Fairford, RAF Upper Heyford, RAF Lakenheath, and RAF Mildenhall. Despite firm opposition from within the Conservative Party, Margaret Thatcher nevertheless gave Ronald Reagan permission to use Royal Air Force stations in the United Kingdom during the bombings of Tripoli and Benghazi in Libya, a counter-attack by the United States in response to Muammar Gaddafi's exportation of state-sponsored terrorism directed towards civilians and American servicemen stationed in West Berlin.
On December 21, 1988, Pan American Worldways' Flight 103 from London Heathrow Airport to New York's John F. Kennedy International Airport exploded over the town of Lockerbie, Scotland, killing 169 Americans and 40 Britons onboard. The motive that is generally attributed to the country of Libya can be traced back to a series of military confrontations with the United States Navy that took place in the 1980s in the Gulf of Sidra, the whole of which Libya claimed as its territorial waters. Despite a guilty verdict announced on January 31, 2001 by the Scottish High Court of Justiciary which ruled against Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed Al Megrahi, the alleged bomber on charges of murder and the conspiracy to commit murder, Libya had never formally admitted carrying out the 1988 bombing over Scotland until 2003.
During the Soviet war in Afghanistan, the United States and the United Kingdom throughout the 1980s provided arms to the Mujahadeen rebels in Afghanistan until the last troops from the Soviet Union left Afghanistan on February 15, 1989.
When the United States became the world's lone superpower after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, new threats emerged which confronted the United States and its NATO allies. With military build-up beginning in August 1990 and the use of force beginning in January 1991, the United States, followed by the United Kingdom, provided the two largest forces respectively for the coalition army which liberated Kuwait from Saddam Hussein's regime during the Persian Gulf War.
In 1997, the British Labour Party was elected to office for the first time in eighteen years. The new prime minister, Tony Blair, and Bill Clinton both used the expression 'Third Way' to describe their center-left ideologies. In August 1997, the American people expressed solidarity with the British people, sharing in their grief and sense of shock on the death of Diana, Princess of Wales, who perished in a car crash in Paris, France. Hillary Rodham Clinton attended the funeral at Westminster Abbey on September 6, 1997.
Throughout 1998 and 1999, the United States and the United Kingdom sent troops to impose peace during the Kosovo War.
2,669 Americans and 67 Britons at the World Trade Center, The Pentagon, and in Shanksville, Pennsylvania were victims of a terrorist plot orchestrated by the Islamic group known as al-Qaeda on September 11, 2001. Following the September 11, 2001 attacks, there was an enormous outpouring of sympathy from the United Kingdom for the American people, and Tony Blair was one of George W. Bush's strongest international supporters for bringing al-Qaeda and the Taliban to justice. With permission from Queen Elizabeth II, the Star Spangled Banner was played in the forecourt of Buckingham Palace during Guard Mounting on September 12, 2001 in the presence of Prince Andrew, Duke of York and then United States Ambassador to the Court of St. James's, William Farish.
The United States declared a War on Terror following the attacks. British forces participated in the United States-led war in Afghanistan and unlike France, Canada, Germany, China, and Russia, the United Kingdom, as well as the Commonwealth nation of Australia, supported the United States-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. The United States, followed closely by the United Kingdom, contributed the most troops to the coalition during the initial invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the ensuing Iraq War which followed.[32]
The July 7, 2005 London bombings emphasized the difference in the nature of the terrorist threat to both nations. The United States concentrated primarily on global enemies, like the al-Qaeda network and other Islamic extremists from the Middle East. The London bombings were carried out by homegrown extremist Muslims, and it emphasized the United Kingdom's threat from the radicalization of its own people.
By 2007, support amongst the British public for the Iraq war had plummeted.[33] Despite Tony Blair's historically low approval ratings with the British people, mainly due to allegations of faulty government intelligence of Iraq possessing weapons of mass destruction, his unapologetic and unwavering stance for the United Kingdom's alliance with the United States can be summed up in his own words. He said, "We should remain the closest ally of the US... not because they are powerful, but because we share their values." [34] The alliance between George W. Bush and Tony Blair seriously damaged the prime minister's standing in the eyes of many British citizens.[35] Tony Blair argued it is in the United Kingdom's interest to "protect and strengthen the bond" with the United States regardless of who is in the White House.[36] However, a perception of one-sided compromising personal and political closeness led to serious discussion of the term "Poodle-ism" in the British media, to describe the "Special Relationship" of the British Government and prime minister with the White House and president.[37].
On March 31, 2009, Major General Andy Salmon of the British Army formally handed over command of combat operations in Basra, Iraq to Major General Michael Oates of the 10th Mountain Division of the United States Army. This transition marked the beginning of the end of British occupation in southern Iraq. All British servicemen were withdrawn with the exception of 400 who remained in Iraq until July 31, 2009.[38]
On June 11, 2009, the British Overseas Territory of Bermuda accepted four Chinese Uighurs from the United States' detainment facility known as Guantanamo Bay detention camp located on the Guantanamo Bay Naval Base in Cuba. At the request of the United States Government, Bermudan officials agreed to host Abdul Nasser, Huzaifa Parhat, Abdul Semet, and Jalal Jalaladin as guest workers in Bermuda who seven years ago, were all captured by Pakistani bounty hunters during the United States-led invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001. This decision agreed upon by American and Bermudan officials drew considerable consternation and contempt by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office as it was viewed by British officials in London that they should have been consulted on whether or not the decision to take in four Chinese Uighurs was a security and foreign issue of which the Bermudan government does not have delegated responsibility over.[39]
On August 20, 2009, Scottish Justice Secretary Kenny MacAskill publicly announced during a media conference that Abdelbaset Al Megrahi, the only person convicted of the terrorist plot which killed 169 Americans and 40 Britons on Pan American Worldways' Flight 103 over the town of Lockerbie, Scotland on December 21, 1988, was to be released from a Scottish jail on compassionate grounds based on medical advice verifying that Abdelbaset Al Megrahi has terminal cancer and an estimated three months left to live.[40] After media reports showed Abdelbaset Al Megrahi at Tripoli International Airport receiving a hero's welcome on Libyan soil, fury and mounting anger grew in the United States over the decision itself to release Abdelbaset Al Megrahi under the framework of Scottish law for a crime he was found guilty of committing on January 31, 2001 by the Scottish High Court of Justiciary and one in which his sentence carried out was being revoked. The judges recommended a minimum of 20 years "in view of the horrendous nature of this crime." [41] From the American viewpoint, the decision to release Abdelbaset Al Megrahi on compassionate grounds was seen as uncompassionate and insensitive to the memory of the victims of the 1988 Lockerbie bombing. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said that the decision made her "deeply disappointed." [42] President Barack Obama said that the decision was "highly objectionable" while FBI Director Robert Mueller had even more strong words in an open letter written to Kenny MacAskill in which he said the decision to release Abdelbaset Al Megrahi "makes a mockery of the rule of law." [43]
Prime Minister Gordon Brown and several officials of the British Government declined to say whether or not they supported the release of Abdelbaset Al Megrahi as they repeatedly stressed that the decision was a devolved matter and under the sole authority of the Scottish Government.[44] Nevertheless, serious questions arose as to whether or not a lucrative trade agreement or oil deal was made between Libya and the United Kingdom, contingent upon the release of Abdelbaset Al Megrahi, as claimed by Saif Gaddafi, the son of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. After the release, Colonel Gaddafi stated, "And I say to my friend Brown, the prime minister of Britain, his government, the Queen of Britain, Elizabeth, and Prince Andrew, who all contributed to encouraging the Scottish government to take this historic and courageous decision, despite the obstacles." In response to all accusations made in the media, Lord Peter Mandelson, the United Kingdom's Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills made a rebuttal by saying, "It's not only completely wrong to make such a suggestion, it's also quite offensive." [45]
Surrounding the controversy of releasing Abdelbaset Al Megrahi and the allegations of a trade deal between Libya and the United Kingdom, a backlash of angry protesters in the United States called for a boycott of Scotland. A web site in the form of an online petition was launched soon thereafter with a list of e-mail addresses of Scottish and British politicians, contact details of Scottish newspapers, and a list of Scottish products and companies for the American people to economically boycott. The online web petition claimed that a boycott of Scotland was the "only way to send a clear and direct message" of American contempt. Grassroots campaigns also took hold on social networking sites such as Twitter and Facebook, while there were calls to have Scotch whisky renamed as 'Freedom Liquor.' [46]
In the aftermath of the release of Abdelbaset Al Megrahi, several commentators suggested that British-American relations have been damaged due to the actions of the Scottish Government. Others in the media as well as in government circles have even questioned whether or not the "Special Relationship" developed between the United Kingdom and the United States during World War II still exists.[47] David Rivkin, a former official of the United States Department of Justice said, "This will damage US relations with Britain for years to come." [48] However, Louis Susman, the United States Ambassador to the Court of St. James's said that although the decision made by Scotland to release Abdelbaset Al Megrahi on the grounds of compassion was seen by the United States as extremely regrettable, relations with the United Kingdom would remain fully intact and strong.[49] Despite these assurances made by the United States, sceptics such as Susan Stewart, a former diplomat of Scottish Affairs contended that Scotland's standing and negative image in the United States resulted in a setback of Scottish-American relations where only a 'diplomatic charm offensive' on the behalf of Scotland could repair the damage already done.[50]
Present British policy is that the relationship with the United States represents the United Kingdom's "most important bilateral relationship" in the world.[3] United States Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton paid tribute to the relationship in February 2009 by saying, "it stands the test of time."[51]
On March 3, 2009, Gordon Brown made his first visit to the Obama White House. During his visit, he presented the president a gift in the form of a pen holder carved from the HMS Gannet, which served anti-slavery missions off the coast of Africa. Barack Obama’s gift to the prime minister was a box of 25 DVDs with movies including Star Wars and E.T.--all of which were Region 1 disks, unplayable on most machines sold outside the United States. The wife of the prime minister, Sarah Brown, gave the Obama daughters, Sasha and Malia, two dresses from British clothing retailer, Topshop, and a few unpublished books that have not reached the United States. Michelle Obama gave the prime minister's sons two Marine One helicopter toys.[52] During this visit to the United States, Prime Minister Brown made an address to a joint session of the United States Congress, a privilege rarely accorded to foreign heads of government.
On a personal level, the fondness between the United States' First Family and the British Royal Family was illustrated by a breach of protocol between Queen Elizabeth II and Michelle Obama, who in gestures of good will and friendship, publicly put their arms around each other during a party held at Buckingham Palace on April 1, 2009, which was in conjunction with the London G20 summit.[53] On June 13, 2009, Michelle Obama and her two children, Sasha Obama and Malia Obama, had a private audience with Queen Elizabeth II. During this visit, the Obama children were granted a rare and unprecedented three-hour tour of the State rooms at Buckingham Palace. The Queen and the First Lady are known to have discussed their mutual love of gardening, the countryside, and fashion.[54]
In March 2009, a Gallup poll was conducted by means of a telephone survey of 1,023 adults in the United States. Of those surveyed, 36% identified the United Kingdom as their country's "most valuable ally", followed by Canada, Japan, Israel, and Germany rounding out the top five.[55] The poll also indicated that 89% of Americans view the United Kingdom favorably, second only to Canada with 90%.[55] According to the Pew Research Center, a global survey conducted in July 2009 revealed that 70% of Britons who responded had a favorable view of the United States.[56]
The United States accounts for the United Kingdom's largest single export market, buying $57 billion worth of British goods in 2007.[57] Total trade of imports and exports between the United Kingdom and the United States amounted to the sum of $107.2 billion in 2007.[58]
The United States and the United Kingdom share the world's largest foreign direct investment partnership. In 2005, American direct investment in the United Kingdom totaled $324 billion while British direct investment in the United States totaled $282 billion.[59]
More than 4.5 million Britons visit the United States every year, spending approximately $14 billion. Around 3 million Americans visit the United Kingdom every year, spending approximately $10 billion.[60]
New York's John F. Kennedy International Airport is the most popular international destination for people flying out of London Heathrow Airport. Approximately 2,802,870 people on multiple daily non-stop flights flew from Heathrow to JFK in 2008.[61] Concorde, British Airway's flagship supersonic airliner, began trans-Atlantic service to Washington Dulles International Airport in the United States on May 24, 1976. After the United States Supreme Court ruled on October 17, 1977 to lift a lower court's ban on sonic boom over the skies of New York City, the traditional trans-Atlantic route between London's Heathrow and New York's JFK in under 3 1/2 hours, had its first operational flight between the two hubs on October 19, 1977 and the last being on October 23, 2003.[62]
Cunard Line, a British shipping company which is owned by American parent company, Carnival Corporation, provides seasonal trans-Atlantic crossings aboard the RMS Queen Mary 2 and the MS Queen Victoria between Southampton and New York City.[63]
Reciprocal state and official visits have been carried out over the years by three Presidents of the United States as well as two British monarchs. Throughout her lifetime, Queen Elizabeth II has met a total of eleven presidents (Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush Sr., Clinton, Bush Jr., and Obama), with the notable exception of Lyndon B. Johnson.[64]
| Dates | Monarch and Consort | Locations | Itinerary |
| June 7–11, 1939 | King George VI and Queen Elizabeth | Washington D.C., New York City, and Hyde Park (New York) | Paid a state visit to Washington D.C., stayed at the White House, laid a wreath at the Tomb of the Unknowns in Arlington National Cemetery, visited George Washington's Virginian plantation Mount Vernon, made an appearance at the 1939 World's Fair in New York City, and made a private visit to Franklin Roosevelt's upstate New York retreat, Springwood Estate. |
| October 17–20, 1957 | Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh | Jamestown and Williamsburg (Virginia), Washington D.C., and New York City | Paid a state visit to Washington D.C., attended the official ceremonies of the 350th anniversary of the Jamestown Settlement, and made a brief stop-over in New York City before sailing to the United Kingdom. |
| July 6–9, 1976 | Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh | Philadelphia, Washington D.C., New York City, Charlottesville (Virginia), Newport and Providence (Rhode Island), and Boston | Paid a state visit to Washington D.C. and toured the United States East Coast in conjunction with the United States Bicentennial celebrations aboard HMY Britannia. |
| February 26- March 7, 1983 | Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh | San Diego, Palm Springs, Los Angeles, Santa Barbara, San Francisco, Yosemite National Park (California), and Seattle (Washington) | Made an official visit to the United States, toured the United States West Coast aboard HMY Britannia, and made a private visit to Ronald Reagan's retreat in the Santa Ynez Mountains, Rancho del Cielo. |
| May 14–17, 1991 | Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh | Washington D.C., Baltimore (Maryland), Miami and Tampa (Florida), Austin, San Antonio, and Houston (Texas), and Lexington (Kentucky) | Paid a state visit to Washington D.C., addressed a joint session of the United States Congress, made a private visit to Kentucky, and toured the Southern United States. |
| May 3–8, 2007 | Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh | Richmond, Jamestown, and Williamsburg (Virginia), Louisville (Kentucky), Greenbelt (Maryland), and Washington D.C. | Paid a state visit to Washington D.C., addressed the Virginia General Assembly, attended the official ceremonies of the 400th anniversary of the Jamestown Settlement, toured NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center, visited the National World War II Memorial on the National Mall, and made a private visit to Kentucky to attend the 133rd Kentucky Derby. |
| Dates | Administration | Locations | Itinerary |
| December 26–28, 1918 | Woodrow Wilson and Edith Wilson | London, Carlisle, and Manchester | Made an official visit to the United Kingdom, stayed at Buckingham Palace, attended an official dinner, had an audience with King George V and Queen Mary, and made a private visit called the 'pilgrimage of the heart' to the ancestral home of his British-born mother, Janet Woodrow. |
| June 7–9, 1982 | Ronald Reagan and Nancy Reagan | London and Windsor | Made an official visit to the United Kingdom, stayed at Windsor Castle, attended a state banquet, and addressed the Parliament of the United Kingdom. |
| November 18–21, 2003 | George W. Bush and Laura Bush | London and Sedgefield | Paid a state visit to the United Kingdom, stayed at Buckingham Palace, attended a state banquet, laid a wreath at the Tomb of the Unknown Warrior in Westminster Abbey, and made a private visit to Tony Blair's constituency in the north of England. |
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The Strategic Alliance Cyber Crime Working Group is an initiative by Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and headed by the United States as a "formal partnership between these nations dedicated to tackling larger global crime issues, particularly organized crime." The cooperation consists of "five countries from three continents banding together to fight cyber crime in a synergistic way by sharing intelligence, swapping tools and best practices, and strengthening and even synchronizing their respective laws." [68]
Within this initiative, there is increased information sharing between the United Kingdom's Serious Organised Crime Agency and the United States' Federal Bureau of Investigation on matters relating to serious fraud or cyber crime.
The UK-USA Security Agreement is an alliance of five English-speaking countries; Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States, for the sole purpose of sharing intelligence. The precursor to this agreement is essentially an extension of the historic BRUSA Agreement which was signed in 1943. In association with the ECHELON system, all five nations are assigned to intelligence collection and analysis from different parts of the world. For example, the United Kingdom hunts for communications in Europe, Africa, and Russia west of the Ural Mountains whereas the United States has responsibility for gathering intelligence in Latin America, Asia, Asiatic Russia, and northern mainland China.[69]
Because thirteen states of the United States are historical remnants of the original Thirteen Colonies, the United States and its mother country, the United Kingdom, retain significant, shared threads of cultural heritage, many of which are common to all Anglophone countries.
The peoples of the United Kingdom and the United States are historically Christian, although increasingly secular and diverse in the modern era.[70][71] The legal systems of England, Wales, Northern Ireland, and the United States on both the federal and state level, with the one exception being the state of Louisiana, are all based on common law.[72] Likewise, the United States Constitution, drafted in 1787 and ratified the following year by the Founding Fathers of the United States, was largely influenced by the political writings of English philosopher John Locke, the Magna Carta signed by King John of England in 1215, the Mayflower Compact drawn up by the Pilgrims in 1620, and the English Bill of Rights ratified by an act of the Parliament of England in 1689.[73]
In the area of economics and as two leading nations that both use a capitalist macroeconomic model, both the United Kingdom and the United States practice what is commonly referred to as an Anglo-Saxon economy in which levels of regulation and taxes are low, and government provides a low to medium level of social services in return.[74]
Since English is the de facto language of the United Kingdom and the United States, both nations belong to the English-speaking world. However, the common language which binds the peoples of the United Kingdom and the United States does come with significant differences in spelling, pronunciation, and the meaning of words.[75]
Because of shared history, the United Kingdom has also had a direct influence on the traditional holidays in which Americans celebrate every year. Thanksgiving Day, a federal holiday celebrated in the United States on the fourth Thursday of every November, is a traditional gathering of family and friends in remembrance of the Pilgrims, a 17th century Protestant sect from England who sailed to the New World in 1620, and their first harvest festival and feast in 1621 with Native Americans known as the Wampanoag tribe. Independence Day, a federal holiday celebrated in the United States every 4th of July, is a national celebration which commemorates the July 4, 1776 adoption of the Declaration of Independence and the severing and dissolution of political ties with the mother country, the Kingdom of Great Britain.
Perhaps one of the most endearing and moving symbols of ties between the United Kingdom and the United States is the story of how the national anthem of the United States, The Star Spangled Banner, was created. As British forces attempted to bombard Fort McHenry during the Battle of Baltimore on the evening of September 13, 1814, Francis Scott Key while detained aboard HMS Minden, penned words about the intense, destructive battle scenes which he witnessed on a firsthand account. When the smoke from canon fire cleared, Key was visibly able to see the flag of the United States still waving and reported this to the American prisoners-of-war below deck. After the British surrendered, Key was inspired to write a poem which he entitled, "The Defence of Fort McHenry". In later years, the poem was adapted to the melody of the English drinking song, The Anacreontic Song, by Englishman John Stafford Smith.[76]
Literature is transferred across the Atlantic Ocean, as evidenced by, the appeal of British authors such as William Shakespeare, J. R. R. Tolkien, Jackie Collins, and J.K. Rowling in the United States, and American authors such as Dan Brown, Stephen King, James Patterson, and Michael Crichton in the United Kingdom.
T.S. Eliot, a poet and playwright who moved to England in 1914 and became a British subject in 1927, was a leading American author who greatly influenced the Modern period of British literature.[77]
British Sunday broadsheet newspaper The Observer includes a condensed copy of The New York Times.[78] The American newspaper USA Today is sold widely across the UK.
There is much crossover appeal in the modern entertainment culture of the United Kingdom and the United States. For example, Hollywood blockbuster movies made by Steven Spielberg and George Lucas have had a large effect on British audiences in the United Kingdom, while the James Bond and Harry Potter series of films have attracted high interest in the United States. Also, the animated films of Walt Disney have continued to make an indelible mark and impression on British audiences, young and old, for almost 100 years. Films by Alfred Hitchcock continuously make a lasting impact on a loyal fan base in the United States, as Alfred Hitchcock himself influenced notable American film makers such as John Carpenter, in the horror and slasher film genres.
Production of films are often shared between the two nations, whether it be a concentrated use of British and American actors or the use of film studios located in London or Hollywood.
Broadway theatre in New York City has toured London's West End theatre over the years, with notable performances such as The Lion King, Grease, Wicked, and Rent. British productions, such as Mamma Mia! and several of Andrew Lloyd Webber's musicals, including Joseph and the Amazing Technicolor Dreamcoat, Cats and The Phantom of the Opera have found success on Broadway. For many years, the comedies, histories, and tragedies written by English playwright William Shakespeare have also proven to be overwhelmingly popular on the American stage.
Both the United Kingdom and the United States have television shows which are similar, as they are either carried by the other nations' networks, or are re-created for distribution in their own nations. Some popular British television shows that were re-created for the American market in more recent years are The Office, Who Wants to Be a Millionaire?, Strictly Come Dancing (Dancing With the Stars), and Pop Idol (American Idol). Some American television shows re-created for the British market in more recent years include The Apprentice and Deal or No Deal. Popular American television shows that are currently popular in the United Kingdom include The Simpsons, South Park, Scrubs, Family Guy, and the CSI: Crime Scene Investigation series.
The BBC airs two networks in the United States, BBC America and BBC World. The American network PBS collaborates with the BBC and rebroadcasts British television shows in the United States such as Monty Python's Flying Circus, Keeping Up Appearances, Doctor Who, Nova, and Masterpiece Theatre. The BBC also frequently collaborates with American network HBO, showing recent American mini-series in the United Kingdom such as Rome, John Adams, Band of Brothers, and The Gathering Storm. Likewise, the American network Discovery Channel has partnered with the BBC by televising recent British mini-series in the United States such as Planet Earth and The Blue Planet, the latter popularly known as The Blue Planet: Seas of Life in the American format. The United States' public affairs channel C-Span, broadcasts Prime Minister's Questions every Sunday.
On some British digital television platforms, it is also possible to watch American television channels direct from the United Kingdom, such as Fox News, as well as American television channels tailored for British audiences such as CNBC Europe, CNN Europe, ESPN Classic UK, Comedy Central UK, and FX UK. The Super Bowl, the National Football League's championship tournament of American football which occurs every February, has been broadcast in the United Kingdom since 1982.[79]
American artists such as Madonna, Tina Turner, Cher, Michael Jackson, Elvis Presley, Bob Dylan, Diana Ross, Frank Sinatra, Beyoncé, Fergie, and Britney Spears are popular in the United Kingdom. British artists such as The Beatles, The Rolling Stones, Sting, David Bowie, Amy Winehouse, KT Tunstall and Coldplay have achieved success in the large American market. Undoubtedly, the popular music of both nations has had a strong sway on each other.
In the United Kingdom, many Hollywood films as well as Broadway musicals are closely associated and identified with the musical scores and soundtracks created by famous American composers such as George Gershwin, Rodgers and Hammerstein, Henry Mancini, John Williams, Alan Silvestri, Jerry Goldsmith, and James Horner.
The Celtic music of the United Kingdom has had a dynamic effect upon American music.[80] In particular, the traditional music of the Southern United States is descended from traditional Celtic music and English folk music of the colonial period, and the musical traditions of the South eventually gave rise to country music and, to a lesser extent, American folk.[81]
The birth of jazz, swing, big band, and especially rock n roll, all developed and originating in the United States, had greatly influenced the later development of rock music in the United Kingdom, particularly British rock bands such as The Beatles and the Rolling Stones, while it's American precursor, the blues, greatly influenced British electric rock.[82]
| “ | I cannot but lament. . . the impending Calamities Britain and her Colonies are about to suffer, from great Imprudencies on both Sides – Passion governs, and she never governs wisely – Anxiety begins to disturb my Rest. | ” |
| “ | Once vigorous measures appear to be the only means left of bringing the Americans to a due submission to the mother country, the colonies will submit. | ” |
| “ | The injuries we have received from the British nation were so unprovoked, and have been so great and so many, that they can never be forgotten. | ” |
| “ | I was the last to consent to the Separation, but the Separation having been made and having become inevitable, I have always said, as I say now, that I would be the first to meet the Friendship of the United States as an independent Power. . . let the Circumstances of Language; Religion and Blood have their natural and full Effect. | ” |
| “ | The appointment of a Minister from the United States to your Majesty’s Court, will form an Epocha in the History of England & of America. I think myself more fortunate than all my fellow Citizens in having the distinguished Honor to be the first to stand in your Majesty’s royal Presence in a diplomatic Character . . . | ” |
| “ | I considered the British as our natural enemies, and as the only nation on earth who wished us ill from the bottom of their souls. And I am satisfied that were our continent to be swallowed up by the ocean, Great Britain would be in a bonfire from one end to the other. | ” |
| “ | England and America are two countries separated by a common language. | ” |
| “ | Mr. President (Roosevelt), I believe you are trying to do away with the British Empire. Every idea you entertain about the structure of the postwar world demonstrates it.... But in spite of that, you constitute our only hope. You know it. We know it. You know that we know that without America, the British Empire won't stand. | ” |
| “ | I've tried to make it clear ... that while we're Britain's allies and in it to victory by their side, they must never get the idea that we're in it just to help them hang on to their archaic, medieval empire ideas ... I hope they realize they're not the senior partner; that we are not going to sit by and watch their system stultify the growth of every country in Asia and half the countries in Europe to boot. | ” |
| “ | These two great organisations of the English-speaking democracies, the British Empire and the United States, will have to be somewhat mixed up together in some of their affairs for mutual and general advantage. For my own part, looking out upon the future, I do not view the process with any misgivings. I could not stop it if I wished; no one can stop it. Like the Mississippi, it just keeps rolling along. Let it roll. Let it roll on full flood, inexorable, irresistible, benignant, to broader lands and better days. | ” |
| “ | We lost the American colonies because we lacked the statesmanship to know the right time and the manner of yielding what is impossible to keep. | ” |
| “ | We are bound by so much more than just language. Many of our values, beliefs, and principles of government were nurtured on this soft. I also thought of how our future security and prosperity depend on the continued unity of Britain and America. | ” |
| “ | What links our countries is less a place than an idea -- the idea that for nearly 400 years has been America's inheritance and England's bequest. The legacy of democracy, the rule of law, and basic human rights. | ” |
| “ | Britain has repeatedly proved to be America's closest and most effective ally in times of crisis. Our relationship is based, of course, on shared history, values, institutions and language. But it has also been reinforced by strategic interests. If Britain is drawn much further into Europe's plans to create a superstate, its Atlantic orientation will be lost, perhaps irreparably. | ” |
| “ | No one can be as calculatedly rude as the British, which amazes Americans, who do not understand studied insult and can only offer abuse as a substitute. | ” |
| “ | I am not sure, with America as it is these days, that it would be easy for someone, even the British, to be an honest broker. | ” |
| “ | We will not allow people to separate us from the United States of America in dealing with the common challenges that we face around the world. | ” |
| “ | What I think and fear is that Britain will draw back from the US without moving closer to Europe. In that sense London’s bridge is falling down. | ” |
![]() Sir Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt during a secret meeting off the coast of Newfoundland, 1941. |
![]() King George VI and Queen Elizabeth with Eleanor Roosevelt in London, 1942. |
![]() Anthony Eden greeting Franklin D. Roosevelt at the Quebec Conference as Eleanor Roosevelt and Sir Winston Churchill look on, 1943. |
![]() Eleanor Roosevelt, Princess Alice, Countess of Athlone, and Clementine Churchill at the Second Quebec Conference, 1944. |
![]() General Dwight D. Eisenhower with Sir Winston Churchill and Field Marshal Bernard Law Montgomery at a NATO meeting, 1951. |
![]() Richard and Patricia Nixon with Harold and Mary Wilson on the South Lawn at the White House, 1970. |
![]() Queen Elizabeth II and Patricia Nixon, 1970. |
![]() Richard Nixon with the Duke and Duchess of Windsor, 1970. |
![]() Gerald and Betty Ford having lunch with Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh at the White House, 1976. |
![]() Margaret Thatcher and Jimmy Carter seen reading the inscription on the front of the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office at the White House, 1979. |
![]() Ronald Reagan addressing the British Parliament, 1982. |
![]() Ronald and Nancy Reagan with Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh at Rancho del Cielo, 1983. |
![]() John Travolta dancing with Diana, Princess of Wales at the White House, 1985. |
![]() Margaret Thatcher seen walking with Ronald Reagan at Camp David, 1986. |
![]() Ronald and Nancy Reagan with Margaret and Dennis Thatcher at the beginning of an official dinner at the White House, 1988. |
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![]() George H.W. Bush and John Major conducting a press conference at Camp David, 1992. |
![]() Bill Clinton and Tony Blair embracing each other at a conference in Florence, Italy, 1999. |
![]() Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh and George W. Bush in the forecourt of Buckingham Palace before a review of Foot Guards of the Household Division, 2003. |
![]() George W. Bush, Laura Bush, Charles, Prince of Wales, and Camilla, Duchess of Cornwall at the White House during the Waleses' official visit to the United States, 2005. |
![]() Queen Elizabeth II reviewing an honour guard during a State Arrival Ceremony held on the South Lawn of the White House, 2007. |
![]() Gordon Brown and George W. Bush having their first meeting at Camp David, 2007. |
![]() Tony Blair being awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by George W. Bush, 2009. |
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The Special Relationship is a phrase often used to describe the exceptionally close political, diplomatic, cultural and historical relations between the United States and the United Kingdom, following its use in a 1946 speech by British statesman Winston Churchill. While both countries maintain close relationships with many others, the level of cooperation in military planning, execution of military operations, nuclear weapons technology and intelligence sharing with each other has been described as "unparalleled" among major powers.[1] The special relationship was most recently demonstrated by British support for the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq.
Contents |
The existence of a special relationship between the two governments has been recognized since the nineteenth century, not least by rival powers.[2][3][4][5][6][7] Their troops had been fighting side by side—sometimes spontaneously—in skirmishes overseas since 1859, and the two democracies shared a common bond of sacrifice in World War I.
However, as David Reynolds observes: ‘For most of the period since 1919, Anglo-American relations had been cool and often suspicious. America’s “betrayal” of the League of Nations was only the first in a series of US actions—over war debts, naval rivalry, the 1931-2 Manchurian crisis and the Depression—that convinced British leaders that the United States could not be relied on.’[8] Equally, as President Truman's secretary of state, Dean Acheson, recalled: 'Of course a unique relation existed between Britain and America—our common language and history insured that. But unique did not mean affectionate. We had fought England as an enemy as often as we had fought by her side as an ally.'[9]
Arguably, 'the fall of France in 1940 was decisive in shaping the pattern of international politics', leading the special relationship to displace the entente cordiale as the pivot of the international system.[10] During World War II, as an observer noted, 'Great Britain and the United States integrated their military efforts to a degree unprecedented among major allies in the history of warfare.'[11] 'Each time I must choose between you and Roosevelt,' shouted British Prime Minister Winston Churchill at General Charles de Gaulle, leader of the Free French, in 1945, 'I shall choose Roosevelt.'[12]
Churchill's mother was American, and he felt keenly the links between the English-speaking peoples. He first used the term 'special relationship' in 1945 to describe not the Anglo-American relationship alone but the United Kingdom's relationship with both the United States and Canada.[13] The New York Times Herald quoted Churchill in November 1945:
| “ | We should not abandon our special relationship with the United States and Canada about the atomic bomb and we should aid the United States to guard this weapon as a sacred trust for the maintenance of peace.[14] | ” |
Churchill used the phrase again a year later, at the onset of the Cold War, this time to note the special relationship between the United States on the one hand, and the English-speaking nations of the British Commonwealth and Empire under the leadership of the United Kingdom on the other. The occasion was his 'Sinews of Peace Address' in Fulton, Missouri, on 5 March 1946:
[[File:|thumb|300px|right|U.S. President Harry Truman and Prime Ministers Clement Attlee of the United Kingdom and Mackenzie King of Canada boarding U.S.C.G. Sequoia for discussions about the atomic bomb, November 1945.]]
| “ |
Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples ...a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength. | ” |
In the opinion of one international relations specialist: 'the United Kingdom's success in obtaining U.S. commitment to cooperation in the postwar world was a major triumph, given the isolation of the interwar period'.[15] A senior British diplomat in Moscow, Thomas Brimelow, admitted: 'The one quality which most disquiets the Soviet government is the ability which they attribute to us to get others to do our fighting for us ... they respect not us, but our ability to collect friends.'[16] Conversely, 'the success or failure of United States foreign economic peace aims depended almost entirely on its ability to win or extract the co-operation of Great Britain'.[17] Reflecting on the symbiosis, a later champion, former prime minister Margaret Thatcher, declared: 'The Anglo-American relationship has done more for the defence and future of freedom than any other alliance in the world.'[18][19]
The intense level of military co-operation began with the creation of the Combined Chiefs of Staff in December 1941, a military command with authority over all American and British operations. This cooperation has increased steadily since the early 1950s when military contacts were re-established.[1]
[[File:|thumb|200px|left|The Indian Ocean island of Diego Garcia is home to a military base jointly operated by the U.S. and UK.]]
Since the Second World War and the subsequent Berlin Blockade, the United States has maintained substantial forces in Great Britain. In July 1948, the first American deployment began with the stationing of B-29 bombers. Currently, an important base is the radar facility RAF Fylingdales, part of the U.S. Ballistic Missile Early Warning System, although this base is operated under entirely British command and has only one USAF representative for largely administrative reasons. Several bases with a significant U.S. presence include RAF Menwith Hill (only a short distance from RAF Fylingdales), RAF Lakenheath and RAF Mildenhall.
During the Cold War critics of the special relationship jocularly referred to the United Kingdom as the "biggest aircraft carrier in the world."[20]
Following the end of the Cold War, which was the main rationale for their presence, the number of U.S. facilities in the United Kingdom has been reduced in number in line with the U.S. military worldwide. Despite this, these bases have been used extensively in support of various peacekeeping and offensive operations of the 1990s and early 21st century.
The two nations also jointly operate a military facility on Diego Garcia in the British Indian Ocean Territory and on Ascension Island, a dependency of Saint Helena in the Atlantic Ocean.
The Quebec Agreement of 1943 paved the way for the two countries to develop atomic weapons side by side, the United Kingdom handing over vital documents from its own Tube Alloys project and sending a delegation to assist in the work of the Manhattan Project. The United States later kept the results of the work to itself under the postwar McMahon Act, but after the United Kingdom developed its own thermonuclear weapons, the United States agreed to supply delivery systems, designs and nuclear material for British warheads through the 1958 U.S.-UK Mutual Defence Agreement.
The United Kingdom purchased first Polaris and then the American Trident system which remains in use today. The 1958 agreement gave the United Kingdom access to the facilities at the Nevada Test Site, and from 1963 it conducted a total of 21 underground tests there before the cessation of testing in 1991.[21] The agreement under which this partnership operates was updated in 2004; anti-nuclear activists claimed renewal may breach the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.[22][23] The United States and the United Kingdom jointly conducted subcritical nuclear experiments in 2002 and 2006, to determine the effectiveness of existing stocks, as permitted under the 1998 Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.[24][25]
The United Kingdom is the only collaborative, or Level One, international partner in the largest U.S. aircraft procurement project in history, the F-35 Lightning II program.[26][27] The United Kingdom was involved in writing the specification and selection and its largest defense contractor BAE Systems is a partner of the American prime contractor Lockheed Martin. BAE Systems is also the largest foreign supplier to the United States Defense Department and has been permitted to buy important U.S. defense companies such as Lockheed Martin Aerospace Electronic Systems and United Defense.
Other joint projects include the RAF Harrier GR9 or United States Marine Corps AV-8B Harrier II and the U.S. Navy T-45 Goshawk. The UK also operates several American designs, including the Javelin anti-tank missile, M270 rocket artillery, the Apache gunship, C-130 Hercules and C-17 Globemaster transport aircraft.
A cornerstone of the special relationship is the collecting and sharing of intelligence. This originated during World War II with the sharing of code breaking knowledge and led to the 1943 BRUSA Agreement, signed at Bletchley Park. After WWII the common goal of monitoring and countering the threat of communism prompted the UK-USA Security Agreement of 1948. This agreement brought together the SIGINT organizations of the USA, UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand and is still in place today. The head of the CIA station in London attends each weekly meeting of the British Joint Intelligence Committee.[28]
One present-day example of such cooperation is the UKUSA Community, comprising the USA's National Security Agency, the United Kingdom's Government Communications Headquarters, Australia's Defence Signals Directorate and Canada's Communications Security Establishment collaborating on ECHELON, a global intelligence gathering system. Under classified bilateral accords, UKUSA members do not spy on each other.[29]
Following the discovery of the 2006 transatlantic aircraft plot, the CIA began to assist the Security Service (MI5) by running its own agent networks in the British Pakistani community. Security sources estimate 40 per cent of CIA activity to prevent a terrorist attack in the United States involves operations inside the United Kingdom. One intelligence official commented on the threat against the United States from British Islamists: 'The fear is that something like this would not just kill people but cause a historic rift between the US and the UK.'[30]
The United States is the largest source of foreign direct investment to the British economy; likewise the United Kingdom is the largest single investor in the U.S. economy.[31] British trade and capital have been important components of the American economy since its colonial inception. In trade and finance, the special relationship has been described as 'well-balanced', with London's 'light-touch' regulation in recent years attracting a massive outflow of capital from New York.[32] The key sectors for British exporters to the United States are aviation, aerospace, commercial property, chemicals and pharmaceuticals, and heavy machinery.[33] British ideas, classical and modern, have also exerted a profound influence on U.S. economic policy, most notably Adam Smith on free trade and John Maynard Keynes on counter-cyclical spending, while the British government has adopted workfare reforms from the United States. American and British investors share entrepreneurial attitudes towards the housing market, and the fashion and music industries of each country are major influences on their counterparts.[34] Trade ties have been strengthened by globalisation, while both governments agree on the need for currency reform in China and educational reform at home to increase their competitiveness against India's developing service industries.[35] In 2007 the U.S. ambassador suggested to British business leaders that the special relationship could be used 'to promote world trade and limit environmental damage as well as combating terrorism'.[36]
The relationship often depends on the personal relations between British prime ministers and U.S. presidents. The first example was the close relationship between Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt who were in fact distantly related.[37][38]
Prior to their collaboration during World War II Anglo-American relations had been somewhat frosty. President Woodrow Wilson and Prime Minister David Lloyd George in Paris had been the only previous leaders to meet face-to-face,[39] but had enjoyed nothing that could be described as a special relationship, although Lloyd George's wartime Foreign Secretary, Arthur Balfour, got on well with Wilson during his time in the United States and helped convince the previously skeptical president to enter the war.
Churchill, himself half-American, spent much time and effort cultivating the relationship which paid dividends for the war effort though it cost Britain much of her wealth and ultimately her empire. Two great architects of the special relationship on a practical level were Field Marshal Sir John Dill and General George Marshall, whose excellent personal relations and senior positions (Roosevelt was especially close to Marshall) oiled the wheels of the alliance considerably.
The links that were created during the war—such as the UK military liaison officers posted to Washington—persist. However for Britain to gain any benefit from the relationship it became clear[who?] that a constant policy of personal engagement was required. Britain starting off in 1941 as somewhat the senior partner had quickly found itself the junior. The diplomatic policy was thus two pronged, encompassing strong personal support and equally forthright military and political aid. These two have always operated in tandem, that is to say the best personal relationships between British prime ministers and American presidents have always been those based around shared goals. For example, Harold Wilson's government would not commit troops to Vietnam. Harold Wilson and Lyndon Johnson did not get on especially well.
Peaks in the special relationship include the bonds between Harold Macmillan (who like Churchill had an American mother) and John F. Kennedy, and between Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. Nadirs have included Dwight D. Eisenhower's opposition to UK operations in Suez under Anthony Eden and Wilson's refusal to enter the war in Vietnam.[40]
Macmillan famously quipped that it was Britain’s historical duty to guide the power of the United States as the ancient Greeks had the Romans.[41] He endeavoured to broaden the special relationship beyond Churchill’s conception of an English-Speaking Union into a more inclusive Atlantic Community.[42] His key theme, 'of the interdependence of the nations of the Free World and the partnership which must be maintained between Europe and the United States', was one that Kennedy subsequently took up.[43]
On the prime minister's retirement in October 1963, the president declared: 'In nearly three years of cooperation, we have worked together on great and small issues, and we have never had a failure of understanding or of mutual trust.'[44] For his part, Macmillan confided to Kennedy's widow in February 1964: 'He seemed to trust me—and (as you will know) for those of us who have had to play the so-called game of politics—national and international—this is something very rare but very precious.'[45]
However, even in the celebrated 'golden days'[46] of the Kennedy-Macmillan partnership, the special relationship was tested, most severely by the Skybolt crisis of 1962, when Kennedy and his secretary of defense, Robert McNamara, ignoring the British contribution to the development of the atomic bomb and reneging on a promise made by Eisenhower, tried to divest the United Kingdom of its nuclear deterrent by unilaterally cancelling a joint project without consultation.[47][48] Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, also chose this moment to publicly challenge the special relationship and marginalise the British contribution to the Western alliance in his West Point speech of 1962:
| “ | Great Britain has lost an empire and has not yet found a role. The attempt to play a separate power role—that is, a role apart from Europe, a role based on a ‘Special Relationship’ with the United States, a role based on being the head of a ‘Commonwealth’ which has no political structure, or unity, or strength and enjoys a fragile and precarious economic relationship—this role is about played out.[49] | ” |
[[File:|thumb|200px|right|British UGM-27 Polaris missile at the Imperial War Museum.]] On learning of Acheson's attack, Macmillan thundered:
| “ | In so far as he appeared to denigrate the resolution and will of Britain and the British people, Mr. Acheson has fallen into an error which has been made by quite a lot of people in the course of the last four hundred years, including Philip of Spain, Louis XIV, Napoleon, the Kaiser and Hitler. He also seems to misunderstand the role of the Commonwealth in world affairs.
In so far as he referred to Britain’s attempt to play a separate power role as about to be played out, this would be acceptable if he had extended this concept to the United States and to every other nation in the Free World. This is the doctrine of interdependence, which must be applied in the world today, if Peace and Prosperity are to be assured. I do not know whether Mr. Acheson would accept the logical sequence of his own argument. I am sure it is fully recognised by the U.S. administration and by the American people.[50] | ” |
The looming collapse of the alliance between the two thermonuclear powers forced Kennedy into an immediate volte-face at the Anglo-American summit in Nassau, where he agreed to sell Polaris as a replacement for the cancelled Skybolt. Richard E. Neustadt in his official investigation concluded the crisis in the special relationship had erupted because ‘the president's "Chiefs" failed to make a proper strategic assessment of Great Britain's intentions and its capabilities’.[51]
The Skybolt crisis with Kennedy came on top of Eisenhower’s wrecking of Macmillan’s policy of détente with the Soviet Union at the May 1960 Paris summit, and the prime minister’s resulting disenchantment with the special relationship contributed to his decision to seek an alternative in British membership of the European Economic Community (EEC).[52] According to a recent analyst: ‘What the prime minister in effect adopted was a hedging strategy in which ties with Washington would be maintained while at the same time a new power base in Europe was sought.'[53] Even so, Kennedy assured Macmillan ‘that relations between the United States and the UK would be strengthened not weakened, if the UK moved towards membership.’[54]
Prime Minister Harold Wilson recast the alliance as a 'close relationship',[55] but neither he nor President Lyndon B. Johnson had any experience of foreign policy,[56] and Wilson's attempt to mediate in Vietnam, where the United Kingdom was co-chairman with the Soviet Union of the Geneva Conference, was unwelcome to the president,[57] who was rumoured to have called the prime minister a 'creep'.[58] 'I won't tell you how to run Malaysia and you don’t tell us how to run Vietnam,' Johnson snapped in 1965.[59] However relations were sustained by U.S. recognition that Wilson was being criticised at home by his neutralist Labour left for not condemning U.S. involvement in the war.[60][61]
Despite U.S. Defense Secretary Robert McNamara's insistence that the United Kingdom should 'pay the blood price' by sending troops to Vietnam as 'the unwritten terms of the Special Relationship',[62] Wilson refused to commit regular forces, only special forces instructors.[63] His stance was consistent with a burden-sharing arrangement agreed by Macmillan, whereby British forces had been concentrated against the Communist insurgency in Malaya. 30,000 British troops were still defending Malaysia in 1964 in an undeclared war with Indonesia.[64] Australia and New Zealand were Commonwealth allies that did commit regular forces to Vietnam.
The Johnson administration’s support for IMF loans delayed devaluation of sterling until 1967.[65] The United Kingdom's subsequent withdrawal from the Persian Gulf and East Asia 'came as a shock to the United States', where it was strongly opposed, British forces being especially valued for their out-of-area contribution.[66] In retrospect Wilson's moves to scale back Britain's global commitments and correct its balance of payments contrasted favourably with Johnson's overexertions which accelerated the United States' relative economic and military decline.[67]
A Europeanist, Prime Minister Edward Heath preferred to speak of a '"natural relationship", based on shared culture and heritage', and stressed that the special relationship was 'not part of his own vocabulary'.[68]
The Heath-Nixon era was dominated by the United Kingdom's 1973 entry into the European Economic Community (EEC). Although the two leaders' 1971 Bermuda communiqué restated that entry served the interests of the Atlantic Alliance, American observers voiced concern that the British government's membership would impair its role as an honest broker, and that, because of the European goal of political union, the special relationship would only survive if it included the whole Community.[69]
Critics accused President Richard M. Nixon of impeding the EEC's inclusion in the special relationship by his economic policy,[70] which dismantled the postwar international monetary system and sought to force open European markets for U.S. exports.[71] Detractors also slated the personal relationship at the top as 'decidedly less than special'; Prime Minister Edward Heath, it was alleged, 'hardly dared put through a phone call to Richard Nixon for fear of offending his new Common Market partners.'[72]
The special relationship was 'soured' during the Arab-Israeli War of 1973 when Nixon failed to inform Heath that U.S. forces had been put on DEFCON 3 in a worldwide standoff with the Soviet Union, and U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger misled the British ambassador over the nuclear alert.[73] Heath, who learned about the alert only from press reports hours later, confessed: ‘I have found considerable alarm as to what use the Americans would have been able to make of their forces here without in any way consulting us or considering the British interests.’[74] The incident marked 'a low ebb' in the special relationship.[75]
While President Gerald Ford never visited England,[76] the British government saw the U.S. bicentennial in 1976 as an occasion to celebrate the special relationship. Political leaders and guests from both sides of Atlantic gathered in May at Westminster Hall to mark the Declaration of Independence. Prime Minister Jim Callaghan presented a visiting U.S. Congressional delegation with a gold-embossed reproduction of Magna Carta, symbolising the common heritage of the two nations. British historian Esmond Wright, of the Institute of U.S. Studies, noted 'a vast amount of popular identification with the American story'. A year of cultural exchanges and exhibitions culminated in July in a state visit to the United States by the Queen.[77]
Ties between Callaghan and President Jimmy Carter were cordial but not emotional.[78] When Carter came to London on his first foreign trip in May 1977 he described the relationship as 'very special'[79] but, with both left of centre-governments being preoccupied with economic malaise, diplomatic contacts remained low key. U.S. officials characterised relations in 1978 as 'extremely good', with the main disagreement being over trans-Atlantic air routes.[80]
After a period of disengagement and drift in the 1970s,[81] the personal friendship between President Ronald Reagan and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, often described as 'ideological soul-mates',[82] reinvigorated what she affirmed as the ‘extraordinary alliance’.[83] They shared a commitment to the philosophy of the free market, low taxes, limited government, and a strong defence; they rejected détente and were determined to win the battle of ideas with the Soviet Union.[84]
Thatcher summed up her understanding of the special relationship at her first meeting with Reagan as president in 1981: ‘Your problems will be our problems and when you look for friends we shall be there.’[85] Celebrating the 200th anniversary of diplomatic relations in 1985, she enthused: ‘There is a union of mind and purpose between our peoples which is remarkable and which makes our relationship a truly remarkable one. It is special. It just is, and that’s that.’[86] The president acknowledged: ‘The United States and the United Kingdom are bound together by inseparable ties of ancient history and present friendship ... There's been something very special about the friendships between the leaders of our two countries. And may I say to my friend the Prime Minister, I'd like to add two more names to this list of affection—Thatcher and Reagan.’[87]
In 1982 Thatcher and Reagan reached an agreement to replace the British Polaris fleet with a force equipped with US-supplied Trident missiles, and Reagan became only the second foreign leader to address both Houses of Parliament (the first was de Gaulle in 1960).[88] The confidence between the two principals was momentarily strained by Reagan's belated support in the Falklands War, but this was more than countered by the Anglophile U.S. Defense Secretary, Casper Weinberger, who provided communications intercepts and approved shipments of the latest weapons to the massing British task force.[89][90] Thatcher later stood alone among Western allies[91][92] when she returned the favour by letting U.S. F-111s take off from RAF bases for the bombing of Libya,[93][94] justifying it as an overdue move to help Reagan 'turn the tide against terrorism'.[95]
Feathers were ruffled over the U.S. invasion of the Commonwealth island of Grenada,[96][97][98] and the potential risk to Britain's deterrent and security posed by the Strategic Defense Initiative[99][100][101] and Reagan's proposal at the Reykjavik Summit to eliminate of all ballistic nuclear weapons despite large conventional disparities.[102][103][104] Even so, an observer of the period concludes: 'Britain did indeed figure more prominently in American strategy than any other European power'.[105] A leading historian singles out the personal dynamic of 'Ron' and 'Margaret' in this success:
| “ | At crucial moments in the late 1980s, her influence was considerable in shifting perceptions in President Reagan's Washington about the credibility of Mr Gorbachev when he repeatedly asserted his intention to end the Cold War. That mercurial, much-discussed phenomenon, 'the special relationship,' enjoyed an extraordinary revival during the 1980s, with 'slips' like the US invasion of Grenada in 1983 apart, the Thatcher-Reagan partnership outstripping all but the prototype Roosevelt-Churchill duo in its warmth and importance. ('Isn't she marvellous'?' he would purr to his aides even while she berated him down the 'hot line.')[106] | ” |
The special relationship waned for a time with the passing of the Cold War, despite intensive co-operation in the Gulf War. Thus, while it remained the case that: 'On almost all issues, Britain and the US are on the same side of the table. You cannot say that for other important allies such as France, Germany or Japan',[107] it was also acknowledged: ‘The disappearance of a powerful common threat, the Soviet Union, has allowed narrower disputes to emerge and given them greater weight.’[108]
Republican administrations had enjoyed strong links with the Conservative governments, and the new Democratic President Bill Clinton said he intended to maintain the special relationship, avowing: 'I'm a great Anglophile',[109] but he and Prime Minister John Major were 'an odd couple',[110] who 'got off on the wrong foot'.[111] Their personal relationship was described as ‘especially awful’, with the two leaders once refusing to speak to one another while dining side-by-side.[112]
[[File:|thumb|300px|right|John Major (left) and George H. W. Bush at Camp David in June 1992.]] Both the Conservatives[113] and Labour[114] had sent advisers to the United States to aid the rival candidates in the 1992 presidential election,[115] and it emerged that the Conservative government had allowed Home Office press officers to search files for evidence that Clinton had applied for British citizenship to avoid the Vietnam draft while a Rhodes scholar at Oxford in 1969; no evidence was found that he had.[116][117]
Major stood accused of letting the special relationship become a personal relationship with the losing candidate, President George H. W. Bush,[118] and of having 'bet on the wrong horse in the presidential race'.[119] The Economist predicted: 'the special relationship, declared dead scores of times since Suez, will soon face another burial'.[120] The Clinton administration did little to rebut a report in the New York Times in January 1993 that Major topped a 'Clinton enemies list'.[121] The president afterwards explained: ‘I was determined there would be no damage but I wanted the Tories to worry about it for a while.’[122] At Clinton's first meeting with Major in February 1993 Clinton joked that he was 'grateful that I got through this whole campaign with most of my time in England still classified.'[123]
The nuclear alliance—'the heart of the special relationship'—was weakened when Clinton extended a moratorium on tests in the Nevada desert in 1993, and pressed Major to agree to the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.[124] The freeze was described by a British defence minister as 'unfortunate and misguided', as it inhibited validation of the ‘safety, reliability and effectiveness’ of fail-safe mechanisms on upgraded warheads for the British Trident II D5 missiles, and potentially the development of a new deterrent for the twenty-first century, leading Major to consider a return to Pacific testing,[125] and the Ministry of Defence to turn to computer simulation.[126] One analyst accused the United Kingdom of using safety and reliability as cover for testing a replacement warhead for the WE.177 free-fall bomb.[127] The moratorium weakened the case for British reliance on Trident,[128] resulting in the entente nucléaire with France in 1995 under a Joint Nuclear Commission.[129]
A genuine crisis in transatlantic relations blew up over Bosnia.[130] London and Paris resisted relaxation of the UN arms embargo,[131] and discouraged U.S. escalation,[132] arguing that arming the Muslims or bombing the Serbs could worsen the bloodshed and endanger their peacekeepers on the ground.[133] U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher's campaign to lift the embargo was rebuffed by Major and President Mitterand in May 1993.[134] After the so-called 'Copenhagen ambush' in June 1993, where Clinton 'ganged up' with Chancellor Kohl to rally the European Community against the peacekeeping states, Major was said to be contemplating the death of the special relationship.[135] The following month the United States voted at the UN with non-aligned countries against Britain and France over lifting the embargo.[136]
By October 1993 Christopher was bristling that Washington policy makers had been too 'Eurocentric', and declared that Western Europe was 'no longer the dominant area of the world'.[137] The U.S. ambassador to London demurred, insisting it was far too early to put a 'tombstone' over the special relationship.[138] A senior U.S. State Department official described Bosnia in the spring of 1995 as the worst crisis with the British and French since Suez.[139] By the summer U.S. officials were doubting whether NATO had a future.[140]
The nadir had now been reached, and, along with NATO enlargement and the Croatian offensive in 1995 that opened the way for NATO bombing, the strengthening Clinton-Major relationship was later credited as one of three developments that saved the Western alliance.[141] The president acknowledged: 'John Major carried a lot of water for me and for the alliance over Bosnia. I know he was under a lot of political pressure at home, but he never wavered. He was a truly decent guy who never let me down. We worked really well together, and I got to like him a lot.'[142]
A rift opened in a further area. In February 1994 Major refused to answer Clinton's telephone calls for days over his decision to grant Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams a visa to visit the United States to agitate.[143] Adams was listed as a terrorist by London.[144] The U.S. State Department, the CIA, the U.S. Justice Department and the FBI all opposed the move on the grounds that it made the United States look 'soft on terrorism' and 'could do irreparable damage to the special relationship'.[145] Under pressure from Congress, the president hoped the visit would encourage the IRA to renounce violence.[146] While Adams offered nothing new, and violence escalated within weeks,[147] the president later claimed vindication after the IRA ceasefire of August 1994.[148] To the disappointment of the prime minister, Clinton lifted the ban on official contacts and received Adams at the White House on St. Patrick's Day 1995, despite the fact the paramilitaries had not agreed to disarm.[149] The rows over Northern Ireland and the Adams affair reportedly 'provoked incandescent Clintonian rages'.[150]
In November 1995 Clinton became only the second U.S. president ever to address both Houses of Parliament,[151] but by the end of Major's premiership disenchantment with the special relationship had deepened to the point where the incoming British ambassador banned the 'hackneyed phrase' from the embassy.[152][153]
The election of British prime minister Tony Blair in 1997 brought an opportunity to revive what Clinton called the two nations' 'unique partnership'. At his first meeting with his new partner, the president said: 'Over the last fifty years our unbreakable alliance has helped to bring unparalleled peace and prosperity and security. It’s an alliance based on shared values and common aspirations.'[154] The personal relationship was seen as especially close because the leaders were 'kindred spirits' in their domestic agendas.[155] New Labour's Third Way, a moderate social-democratic position, was partly influenced by U.S. New Democratic thinking.[156]
Co-operation in defence and communications still had the potential to embarrass Blair, however, as he strove to balance it with his own leadership role in the European Union (EU).[157] Enforcement of Iraqi no-fly zones[158] and U.S. bombing raids on Iraq dismayed EU partners.[159] As the leading international proponent of humanitarian intervention, the 'hawkish' Blair 'bullied' Clinton to back diplomacy with force in Kosovo in 1999, pushing for deployment of ground troops to persuade the president 'to do whatever was necessary' to win.[160][161]
The personal diplomacy of Blair and Clinton's successor, U.S. president George W. Bush, further served to highlight the special relationship. Despite their political differences on non-strategic matters, their shared beliefs and responses to the international situation formed a commonality of purpose following the September 11 Attacks in New York and Washington DC. Blair, like Bush, was convinced of the importance of moving against the perceived threat to world peace and international order, famously pledging to stand 'shoulder to shoulder' with Bush:
| “ | This in not a battle between the United States of America and terrorism, but between the free and democratic world and terrorism. We therefore here in Britain stand shoulder to shoulder with our American friends in this hour of tragedy, and we like them will not rest until this evil is driven from our world.[162] | ” |
Blair flew to Washington immediately after 9/11 to affirm British solidarity with the United States. In a speech to the United States Congress, nine days after the attacks, Bush declared 'America has no truer friend than Great Britain.'[163] Blair, one of few world leaders to attend a presidential speech to Congress as a special guest of the First Lady, received two standing ovations from members of Congress. Following that speech Blair embarked on two months of diplomacy rallying international support for military action. The BBC calculated that, in total, the prime minister held 54 meetings with world leaders and travelled more than 40,000 miles (60,000 km).
Blair's leadership role in the Iraq War helped him to sustain a strong relationship with Bush through the end of his time as prime minister, but it was unpopular within his own party and lowered his public approval ratings. It also alienated some of his European partners, including the leaders of France and Germany. Blair defended his closeness to Bush by claiming it had brought progress in the Middle East peace process, aid for Africa and climate-change diplomacy.[164] However it was not with Bush but with California governor Arnold Schwarzenegger that Blair ultimately succeeded in setting up a carbon-trading market, 'creating a model other states will follow'.[165][166]
The 2006 Lebanon War also exposed some minor differences in attitudes over the Middle East. The strong support offered by Blair and the Bush administration to Israel was not wholeheartedly shared by the British cabinet or the British public. On 27 July, Foreign Secretary Margaret Beckett criticised the United States for 'ignoring procedure' when using Prestwick Airport as a stop off point for delivering laser-guided bombs to Israel.[167] On 17 August, The Independent reported that Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott had disparaged as 'crap' Bush's efforts on the Middle East Roadmap, which Prescott felt had been a condition of his support for the war in Iraq.[168][169] Prescott said this was an inaccurate report of a private conversation.[170]
In November 2006 U.S. State Department analyst Kendall Myers dismissed the special relationship as a ‘myth’ with 'no sense of reciprocity'.[171] Myers was disowned by the State Department. Former Foreign Office minister Denis MacShane said: 'Every little rat who feasted during the Bush years is now leaving the ship'.[172]
It has been noted that secret defence and intelligence links 'that had minimal impact on ordinary people played a disproportionate role in the transatlantic friendship',[173] and perspectives on the special relationship differ.
A 1942 Gallup poll conducted after Pearl Harbor, before the arrival of U.S. troops and Churchill's heavy promotion of the special relationship, showed wartime ally Russia was still more popular than the United States among 62% of Britons. However only 6% had ever visited the United States and only 35% knew any Americans personally.[174]
In 1969 the United States was tied with the Commonwealth as the most important overseas connection for the British public, while Europe came in a distant third. By 1984, after a decade in the Common Market, Britons chose Europe as being most important to them.[175]
British opinion polls from the Cold War revealed ambivalent feelings towards the United States. Margaret Thatcher's 1979 agreement to base U.S. cruise missiles in Britain was approved of by only 36% of Britons, and the number with little or no trust in America's ability to deal wisely with world affairs had soared from 38% in 1977 to 74% in 1984, by which time 49% wanted U.S. nuclear bases in Britain removed, and 50% would have sent U.S.-controlled cruise missiles back to the United States. At the same time, 59% of Britons supported their own country’s nuclear deterrent, with 60% believing Britain should rely on both nuclear and conventional weapons, and 66% opposing unilateral nuclear disarmament. 53% of Britons opposed dismantling the Royal Navy's Polaris submarines. 70% of Britons still considered Americans to be very or fairly trustworthy, and in case of war the United States was the ally trusted overwhelmingly to come to Britain's aid, and to risk its own security for the sake of Britain. America and Britain were also the two countries most alike in basic values such as willingness to fight for their country and the importance of freedom.[176]
In 1986, 71% of Britons, questioned in a Mori poll the day after Reagan’s bombing of Libya, disagreed with Thatcher's decision to allow the use of RAF bases, while two thirds in a Gallup survey opposed the bombing itself, the reverse of American opinion.[177]
The United Kingdom's all-time low poll rating in the United States came in 1994, during the split over Bosnia, when only 56% of Americans interviewed considered Britons to be close allies.[178][179]
In a 1997 Harris poll published after Blair's election, 63% of Americans viewed Britain as a close ally, up by one percent from 1996, 'confirming that the long-running "special relationship" with America's transatlantic cousins is still alive and well'.[180] Britain came second behind its colonial offshoot Canada, on 73%, while another offshoot, Australia, came third, on 48%.[181] Popular awareness of the historical link was fading in the mother country, however. In a 1997 Gallup poll, while 60% of the British public said they regretted the end of Empire and 70% expressed pride in the imperial past, 53% wrongly supposed that America had never been a British possession.[182]
In 1998, 61% of Britons polled by ICM said they believed they had more in common with Americans than they did with the rest of Europe. 64% disagreed with the sentence, ‘Britain does what the U.S. government tells us to do.’ A majority also backed Blair's support of Bill Clinton's strategy on Iraq, 42% saying action should be taken to topple Saddam Hussein, with 24% favouring diplomatic action, and a further 24%, military action. A majority of Britons aged 24 and over said they did not like Blair supporting Clinton over the Lewinsky scandal.[183]
A 2006 poll of the U.S. public showed that the United Kingdom, as an 'ally in the war on terror' was viewed more positively than any other country. 76% of Americans polled viewed the British as an 'ally in the War on Terror' according to Rasmussen Reports.[184] According to Harris Interactive, 74% of Americans viewed Great Britain as a 'close ally in the war in Iraq', well ahead of next-ranked Canada at 48%.
A June 2006 poll by Populus for The Times showed that the number of Britons agreeing that 'it is important for Britain’s long-term security that we have a close and special relationship with America' had fallen to 58% (from 71% in April), and that 65% believed that 'Britain's future lies more with Europe than America.'[185] 44% agreed that 'America is a force for good in the world.' A later poll during the 2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict found that 63% of Britons felt that the United Kingdom was tied too closely to the United States.[186] A 2008 poll by The Economist showed that Britons' views differed considerably from Americans' views when asked about the topics of religion, values, and national interest. The Economist remarked:
For many Britons, steeped in the lore of how English-speaking democracies rallied around Britain in the second world war, [the special relationship] is something to cherish. For Winston Churchill ... it was a bond forged in battle. On the eve of the war in Iraq, as Britain prepared to fight alongside America, Tony Blair spoke of the 'blood price' that Britain should be prepared to pay in order to sustain the relationship. In America, it is not nearly so emotionally charged. Indeed, American politicians are promiscuous with the term, trumpeting their 'special relationships' with Israel, Germany and South Korea, among others. 'Mention the special relationship to Americans and they say yes, it's a really special relationship,' notes sardonically Sir Christopher Meyer, a former British ambassador to Washington.[187]
In 1967 a group of prominent Americans sought to reaffirm the importance of close ties in a letter published in The Times of London, saying that the special relationship should remain a fundamental bilateral policy even if the United Kingdom entered the European Economic Community. They suggested that the two governments 'begin to consider contingent means, including mutually beneficial trade and fiscal reforms, for saving and strengthening the historic relationship between our nations, whatever the outcome of the E.E.C. negotiations'. Signers included 10 senators, 29 members of the House of Representatives and a number of university presidents. The Times proposed a 'wide Atlantic-based free trade area' as one possibility of a broader economic grouping.[188]
More British servicemen were killed in the 1991 Gulf War by U.S. fire than by Iraqi soldiers.[189] A public controversy arose after U.S. military authorities refused to allow USAF pilots to give evidence at a 1992 British inquest into the deaths of nine British soldiers killed in a U.S. air strike, saying they had already supplied all the relevant information.[190] The inquest jury returned a verdict of unlawful killing. Families of those killed accused the United States of 'double standards' after three U.S. military officers were reprimanded for negligence after a separate incident involving the similar death of a U.S. soldier. Tammy Groves, solicitor for the families, said: 'We have been denied any inquiry in the U.S.; there have been no reprimands; and the pilots have not been named. The contrast could not be greater.'[191] Anne Leech, whose son was one of the British soldiers killed, said: 'They are supposed to be a friendly country, but it shows it only goes as far as they want it to ... Unless people are made accountable for what they do in these situations it will continue to happen.'[192]
President George H. W. Bush responded: 'My heart goes out to their families. But I see no reason in going beyond what we've already done to fully account for this terrible tragedy of war.'[193] Peter Atkinson, whose son was also killed, said: 'We met George Bush. He was trying to slide out of meeting us so I ran after him, collared him and told him what I thought. He said to me "You want the facts? ... Right, you'll get them." Months later they sent us a report. It was rubbish. All the relevant details had been censored out.'[194]
Further friendly fire incidents in the 2003 Iraq War brought assurances from officers and politicians that they would not hurt the close alliance: 'A situation like this does not mean anything of harm to the coalition, but in many ways it brings us closer together,' said RAF Group Captain Jon Fynes.[195] However the U.S. government again refused to co-operate with the coroner’s investigations. This culminated in the United States attempting to prevent the release of cockpit videos—later leaked to The Sun—showing events leading to the death of Lance-Corporal Matty Hull of the Household Cavalry, and threatening newspapers that published them with prosecution.[196] The coroner slammed U.S. 'intransigence', and the British press accused the Pentagon of operating 'in a no-fault zone', with the Daily Telegraph commenting: 'This will reaffirm the view of many in the British military that while the U.S. has the best kit, it does not necessarily have the best training ... Uninhibited by the risk of any sanction, is it any wonder that they go about their lethal business with such apparent insouciance?'[197] The Spectator described the British forbearance towards American evasiveness as 'a bleak parable of the flaws at the heart of the U.S.-U.K. "special relationship".'[198]
Following the 2003 invasion of Iraq, senior British figures criticized the refusal of the U.S. Government to heed British advice regarding post-war plans for Iraq, specifically the Coalition Provisional Authority's de-Ba'athification policy and the critical importance of preventing the power vacuum in which the insurgency subsequently developed. British defence secretary Geoff Hoon later stated that the United Kingdom 'lost the argument' with the Bush administration over rebuilding Iraq.[199] Speaking on the same topic, Prince Andrew said there were 'occasions when people in the U.K. would wish that those in responsible positions in the U.S. might listen and learn from our experiences',[200] that there was 'healthy skepticism' in the United Kingdom toward what was said in Washington DC,[201] and a feeling of 'why didn't anyone listen to what was said and the advice that was given'.[202] CNN acknowledged that the Prince's views were widely shared in the U.K.[203]
Assurances made by the United States to the United Kingdom that 'extraordinary rendition' flights had never landed on British territory were later shown to be false when official U.S. records proved that such flights had landed at Diego Garcia repeatedly.[204] The revelation was an embarrassment for British foreign secretary David Miliband, who was obliged to apologise to Parliament, describing the incidents as 'a most serious matter'.[205][206]
Legal and moral doubts also arose over the U.S. government's extraordinary rendition process,[207] which ignored extradition treaties and officially sanctioned the kidnap and extrajudicial transfer of people (some of them British citizens) from one country to another, sometimes to one of their covert CIA-run prisons, known as black sites, other times to Guantanamo Bay detention camp.[208] The United Kingdom's Intelligence and Security Committee stated that America's failure to heed British concerns had 'serious implications' for future intelligence relations.[209]
In 2003 the United States pressed the United Kingdom to agree to an extradition treaty which, proponents claimed, allowed for equal extradition requirements between the two countries.[210][211] Critics argued that the United Kingdom was obligated to make a strong prima facie case to U.S. courts before extradition would be granted,[212][213] and that, by contrast, extradition from the United Kingdom to the United States was a matter of administrative decision alone, without prima facie evidence.[214] This had been implemented as an anti-terrorist measure in the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks. Very soon, however, it was being used by the United States to extradite and prosecute a number of high-profile London businessmen (e.g. the Natwest Three and Ian Norris[215]) on fraud charges. Contrasts have been drawn with the United States' harboring of Provisional IRA terrorists in the 1970s through to the 1990s and repeated refusals to extradite them to the UK.[216]
On 30 September 2006 the U.S. Senate unanimously ratified the 2003 treaty. Ratification had been slowed by complaints from some Irish-American groups that the treaty would create new legal jeopardy for U.S. citizens who opposed British policy in Northern Ireland.[217] The Spectator condemned the three-year delay as 'an appalling breach in a long-treasured relationship’.[218]
The United States also refused to accede to another priority of the Blair government, the treaty setting up the International Criminal Court.[219]
Trade disputes and attendant job fears have sometimes strained the special relationship. The United States has been accused of pursuing an aggressive trade policy, using or ignoring WTO rules; the aspects of this causing most difficulty to the United Kingdom have been a successful challenge to the protection of small family banana farmers in the West Indies from large U.S. corporations such as the American Financial Corporation,[220] and high tariffs on British steel products.[221] In 2002 Blair denounced Bush's imposition of tariffs on steel as 'unacceptable, unjustified and wrong', but although Britain's biggest steelmaker Corus called for protection from dumping by developing nations, the Confederation of British Industry urged the government not to start a 'tit-for-tat'.[222]
In October 2007 The United Kingdom's first Muslim government minister, Shahid Malik, rebuked U.S. authorities after having been detained and searched for explosives at a Washington airport on his way home from a meeting with the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.[223][224] This was the second occasion on which this Member of Parliament had been detained and searched, having received the same treatment at JFK airport during a visit to the United States in November 2006. Mr Malik remarked: 'The abusive attitude I endured last November I forgot about and I forgave, but I really do believe that British ministers and parliamentarians should be afforded the same respect and dignity at USA airports that we would bestow upon our colleagues in the Senate and Congress.'[225]
The ongoing refusal of the U.S. embassy in Grosvenor Square to pay the London congestion charge has also been a minor source of controversy.[226] Embassy officials claimed they did not have to pay the congestion charge because it was a tax, from which diplomats were exempt. London officials asserted that the congestion charge was no different from the toll charges paid by drivers to travel into U.S. cities such as Manhattan via bridges and roads. U.S. embassies paid similar congestion charges in Singapore and Oslo.[227]
Although British Prime Minister Gordon Brown stated his support for the United States on assuming office in 2007,[228] he appointed ministers to the Foreign Office who had been critical of aspects of the relationship or of recent U.S. policy.[229][230] A Whitehall source said: 'It will be more businesslike now, with less emphasis on the meeting of personal visions you had with Bush and Blair.'[231] Present British policy is that the relationship with the United States remains the United Kingdom's 'most important bilateral relationship'.[232]
Prior to his election as U.S. president in 2008, Barack Obama, hinting Blair had been let down by Bush, declared: 'We have a chance to recalibrate the relationship and for the United Kingdom to work with America as a full partner.'[233]
After her first ministerial-level talks with British Foreign Secretary David Miliband in February 2009, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said: 'It's often said that the United States and Great Britain have long enjoyed a special relationship. It is certainly special in my mind, and one that has proven very productive. Whoever is in the White House, whichever party in our country, this relationship really stands the test of time.'[234] Miliband spoke of a commitment 'to renew and refresh the special relationship'.[235]
On meeting Brown as president for the first time in March 2009, Obama reaffirmed that 'Great Britain is one of our closest and strongest allies and there is a link and bond there that will not break... This notion that somehow there is any lessening of that special relationship is misguided... The relationship is not only special and strong but will only get stronger as time goes on.'[236] Commentators, however, noted that the recurring use of 'special partnership' by White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs could be signaling an effort to recast terms.[237] One commentator noted the new term in a review of the HMS Gannet-pen holder which Brown presented to the president, and other gifts exchanged at the time. Obama presented Brown with 25 DVDs of American movies.[238]
The following week British Cabinet Secretary Sir Gus O'Donnell, trying to plan the G-20 London summit, said it was hard to deal with U.S. Treasury officials because they were 'unreachable'.[239][240] The special relationship was also reported to be 'strained' after a senior U.S. State Department official criticised a British decision to talk to the political wing of Hezbollah, complaining the United States had not been properly informed.[241][242] The protest came after the Obama administration had said it was prepared to talk to Hamas[243] and at the same time as it was making overtures to Syria and Iran.[244] A senior Foreign Office official responded: 'This should not have come as a shock to any official who might have been in the previous administration and is now in the current one.’[245]
In June 2009 the special relationship was reported to have 'taken another hit'[246] after the British government was said to be 'angry'[247][248] over the failure of the U.S. to seek its approval before negotiating with Bermuda the resettlement to the British overseas territory[249] of four ex-Guantanamo Bay inmates wanted by China.[250] A Foreign Office spokesman said: 'It's something that we should have been consulted about.'[251] Asked whether the men might be sent back to Cuba, he replied: 'We are looking into all possible next steps.'[247] The move prompted an urgent security assessment by the British government.[252] Shadow Foreign Secretary William Hague demanded an explanation from Miliband,[252] as comparisons were drawn with his previous embarrassment over the U.S. use of Diego Garcia for extraordinary rendition without British knowledge,[253] with one commentator describing the affair as 'a wake-up call' and 'the latest example of American governments ignoring Britain when it comes to US interests in British territories abroad'.[254]
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