Walter Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne: Wikis

  
  

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The Right Honourable
 The Lord Moyne 
DSO, QSAM, PC


In office
8 February 1941 – 22 February 1942
Monarch George VI
Prime Minister Winston Churchill
Preceded by The Lord Lloyd
Succeeded by Viscount Cranborne

In office
8 February 1941 – 22 February 1942
Monarch George VI
Prime Minister Winston Churchill
Preceded by The Lord Lloyd
Succeeded by Viscount Cranborne

Born 29 March 1880 (1880-03-29)
Dublin, Ireland
Died 6 November 1944 (1944-11-07)
Cairo, Egypt
Nationality British
Political party Conservative
Spouse(s) Lady Evelyn Erskine
(1883-1939)

Walter Edward Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne DSO & Bar PC (29 March 1880 – 6 November 1944) was a British politician and businessman. He served as the British minister of state in the Middle East until November 1944, when he was assassinated by the militant Jewish Zionist group Lehi. The assassination of Lord Moyne created shock waves in Palestine and throughout the world.[1]

Contents

Early life

Walter Guinness was born in Dublin, Ireland, the third son of the 1st Earl of Iveagh. His family homes were at Farmleigh near Dublin, and at Elveden in Suffolk. At Eton, Guinness was elected head of 'Pop', the club for prefects, and was appointed Captain of Boats.[2]

On 24 June 1903, he married Lady Evelyn Hilda Stuart Erskine (1883 - 1939),[3] third daughter of the 14th Earl of Buchan. The Earls of Buchan were an ancient family in the Scottish nobility. They had three children, Bryan, Murtogh and Grania.

Military career

Guinness volunteered for service in the Second Boer War.He was wounded, was Mentioned in Despatches and was awarded the Queen's South Africa Medal with four clasps. His unit was the City of London Volunteers within the Imperial Yeomanry. According to Wilson, "they had a devil-may-care ethos and distaste for military discipline...they made lightning raids on Afrikaner positions; they skirmished ahead of advancing columns.". At the end of May 1900, led by Major-General Hamilton, they assaulted the ridge at Doornkop, though Guinness was wounded immediately after the battle in mopping-up at Witpoortjie.[4]

During World War I, he served with distinction in the Suffolk Yeomanry in Egypt, and at Gallipoli. In the fighting around Passchendaele, he was awarded the DSO in 1917 and a bar to it in 1918, for personal bravery, which was very rare for an elected politician.[5][6] His laconic war diaries speak for themselves and were published.[7]

Early political career

In 1907, Guinness was elected to the London County Council and also to the House of Commons as Conservative member for Bury St Edmunds,[8] which he continued to represent until 1931. He took the conservative line on Home Rule for Ireland,[9] suffragism[10] and reform of the House of Lords.[11] In 1912, the editor of the magazine Guinness owned, The Outlook, broke the Marconi scandal, accusing Lloyd George and other Liberal ministers of share frauds. Other publications developed the story but it could not be proven after lengthy debate. When his role was debated, Guinness explained that he was on safari in Africa at the start, and that his editor’s target was inefficiency, not corruption.[12] He visited eastern Anatolia in 1913 and reported that Armenians were being armed secretly by Russia[13][14] , a claim that would play a role in the Turkish justification for its military action in Armenia, often described as the Armenian massacre, in 1915.

World War I reduced Guinness's attendances and opponents accused him of cowardice for being in the House at all.[15] In a heated Armistice speech, he insisted that Germany pay full war reparations, that no ties be made with Russian bolshevism, and: “Since the days of Mahomet no prophet has been listened to with more superstitious respect than has President Wilson” (of the USA).[16] Irish political developments after 1916 were a concern as the Guinness business was in Dublin. During the Easter Rebellion the brewery first aid teams helped both sides. The Guinnesses were opposed to the Sinn Féin rebels, who hailed the Central Powers as 'gallant allies'. This had to change and by the time of the Treaty debates in 1922 which established the Irish Free State he said he preferred ‘a slippery slope to a precipice’ and voted in favour.[17] Despite their politics, during the Irish War of Independence and the Irish Civil War his family was popular enough to escape loss or injury (although anti-Treaty fighters in the civil war attempted to burn their house in county Kildare). In 1922, the Chanak crisis caused the coalition Prime Minister Lloyd George to step down unexpectedly in favour of Andrew Bonar Law. Guinness’s comments on Turkey were a part of the debate; he had come to admire Atatürk, despite serving at Gallipoli and he was appointed Under-Secretary of State for War under Lord Derby. Hereafter, his pronouncements appear less dogmatic. He lost office on the Labour election victory in January 1924, but the following month, Guinness was sworn of the Privy Council.

Though they had generally been political opponents in 1907-21, Guinness’s working political relationship with Winston Churchill started after the election victory in late 1924, when he was made Financial Secretary under Churchill, the new Chancellor. Together, they put the Pound sterling back on the gold standard; a point of pride, but not a policy that lasted for long. A ministerial vacancy enabled him to join the Cabinet as Minister of Agriculture from November 1925 until June 1929, where his main success was in increasing the sugar beet area. After the Conservative defeat in 1929, he retired from office and was created Baron Moyne of Bury St Edmunds in January 1932.

Business and charitable interests

Kenwood House

During his adult life, Moyne was a director of the brewing firm Guinness, established at the St. James's Gate Brewery by his great-great-grandfather Arthur Guinness in 1759.[18] The firm had been listed on the London Stock Exchange in 1886 by his father.[19]

Moyne also established British Pacific Properties in Vancouver, Canada.[20] There he commissioned the Lion's Gate Bridge, then the longest bridge in the British Empire, which was opened by King George VI in 1938.[21]

He was also a trustee of the two charitable housing trusts set up by his father, the Guinness Trust in London (estd.1888)[22] and the Iveagh Trust in Dublin (estd.1890).[23] In 1927-28, he helped arrange the gift to the nation of Kenwood House which contains his father's art collection.

Yachts

Arpha

In 1926, Guinness bought the passenger ferry SS Canterbury from the Southern Railway. She was converted to a steam yacht and renamed Arpha. She was sold to Sark Motorships Ltd in 1938.

Roussalka

In 1931, Guinness bought the passenger ferry SS Brighton from the Southern Railway. She was converted to diesel power and renamed Roussalka. On 25 August 1933, Roussalka was wrecked in Killary Bay but all on board were rescued.

Rosaura

In September 1933, Moyne purchased the passenger ferry SS Dieppe from the Southern Railway. She was converted to diesel power and renamed Rosaura. He used this boat for social cruises, including a voyage in September 1934 from Marseille on to Greece and Beirut with the Churchills as his guests of honour.[24] From December 1934, he ventured further to the Pacific, with Clementine Churchill as a guest, and brought the first living Komodo dragon back to Britain. He wrote two books about the cultures that he had encountered in thousands of miles of travel around the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic oceans. They are now quite rare: Walkabout; a Journey between the Pacific and Indian oceans (1936) and Atlantic Circle (1938).

The Rosaura explains Moyne's closer ties to Winston Churchill which were to result in his untimely death. In 1930, they agreed that the government policies of dropping the Pound sterling off the gold standard and de-rating to cope with the Great Depression were inadequate, along with proposals for dominion status for India. When the 1931 coalition government was formed, their criticisms meant that as former ministers they were now out in the political cold. From 1934, they also warned about Hitler's rise to power and German rearmament.[25]

His ties to Churchill were also strengthened through 'The Other Club', an informal dining club for politicians in London that Churchill had founded in 1911, which Moyne later joined. A rule was that members had to freely express their opinions. Moyne was there on 29 September 1938 when the bad news came of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain's capitulation to Hitler at Munich. Also present were Brendan Bracken, Lloyd George, Bob Boothby, Duff Cooper, J.L. Garvin, editor of The Observer, and Walter Elliot. "Winston ranted and raved, venting his spleen on the two government ministers present and demanding to know how they could support a policy that was 'sordid, squalid, sub-human and suicidal'."[26] At that time, they still shared the minority view in parliament; the majority agreed with Moyne's cousin-in-law 'Chips' Channon MP, who recorded about Munich that 'the whole world rejoices whilst only a few malcontents jeer.'[27]

Later political career

Lord Moyne, signs a Bristol Blenheim bomber of No 139 (Jamaica) Squadron during a visit in September 1941.

Though an "elevation" to the Lords ends many political lives, Moyne spent part of 1932 in the then-colony of Kenya overseeing its finances. In 1933, he chaired a parliamentary committee supervising English slum clearances, in light of his experience gained in his family's charitable trusts mentioned above. In 1934, he joined the Royal Commission examining Durham University as well as a 1936 committee investigating the British film industry.[28]

In 1938, Moyne was appointed chairman of the West Indies Royal Commission which was asked to investigate how best the British colonies in the Caribbean should be governed, after labour unrest there. The Report and notes were published in 1939 and are held by the PRO at Kew, London.[29] Largely as a result of his travels and his work in the West Indies, Lord Moyne was appointed Colonial Secretary by his friend Winston Churchill, serving from 8 February 1941 to 22 February 1942. Just before he returned from the Caribbean, his wife Evelyn died on 21 July.[30]

From the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, Moyne sought the internment of Diana Mosley, his former daughter-in-law, who had left his son Bryan in 1932. She had remarried in 1936 in Berlin to the British fascist leader Sir Oswald Mosley, with Hitler and Goebbels as witnesses. File No KV 2/1363 at the PRO, Kew, is part of a collection released in 2004 on British right wing extremists. The PRO's on-line archivist notes that: “Diana Mosley was not interned on the outbreak of war, and remained at liberty for some time. There is a Home Office letter of May 1940 explaining the Home Secretary's decision not to intern her at that time, and then correspondence from her former father-in-law, Lord Moyne, which seems to have resulted in her detention the following month.” Moyne's friend Churchill had become Prime Minister on 10 May 1940. Moyne's last letter, dated 26 June 1940, is quoted in Anne de Courcy's book on Diana Mosley. Later that day her order of detention was signed by J.S. Hale, a principal Secretary of State.[31]

From September 1939, given Hitler's Invasion of Poland (1939), Moyne chaired the Polish Relief Fund in London and gave over his London house at 11 Grosvenor Place (which is beside Buckingham Palace) for the use of Polish officers.[32] On the elevation of Churchill, Moyne was invited back to serve in the Ministry of Agriculture as a Joint Secretary. In a cabinet reshuffle in February 1941, he took on his post in the Colonial Office and led the Churchill government's business in the House of Lords, with the honorific title of Leader of the House of Lords.[32]

Moyne was next appointed Deputy Resident Minister of state in Cairo from August 1942 to January 1944, and Resident Minister from then until his death. Within the British system at that time, this meant control over Persia, the Middle East and Africa. The main task was to ensure the defeat of the Axis forces in North Africa, principally the Afrika Korps, who were led by General Rommel. Another concern was the influence on Arab opinion of the Grand Mufti, a leader of a revolt in 1936-39, who had moved on to Berlin in 1941.

"Blood for trucks" proposal

Walter Edward Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne.

Joel Brand, a member of the Jewish-Hungarian Aid and Rescue Committee, approached the British in April 1944 with a proposal from Adolf Eichmann, the SS officer in charge of deporting Hungary's Jews to Auschwitz. Eichmann's so-called "blood for trucks" (Blut Für Ware; literally "blood for goods") proposal was that the Nazis would release up to one million Jews in exchange for 10,000 trucks and other goods from the Western Allies.

Brand was arrested and taken to Cairo, where he was questioned for several months. Brand reported that during one of the interrogations an English man he didn't know had asked him about Eichmann's proposal, then replied "What can I do with a million Jews? Where can I put them?". On leaving the room, Brand reported, his military escort had told him that the man who had made that remark was Lord Moyne..[33] Brand told this story to the Kasztner libel trial in 1953,[34] but in his autobiography published in 1956, he added a caveat "I afterwards heard that the man with whom I spoke was not, in fact, Lord Moyne, but another British statesman. Unfortunately I have no means of verifying this."[35] Brand later testified in the Eichmann trial in 1961 that it was Moyne who said "What shall I do with those million Jews?"[36] The story of the remark, attributed to Moyne, is regularly quoted by historians. Historian Bernard Wasserstein believes that "the truth is that Brand almost certainly never met Moyne".[37]

During Brand's incarceration, both Brand and Moyne were interviewed by Ira Hirschmann, who had been appointed by Roosevelt as the World Refugee Board delegate in Turkey. According to Hirschmann, Moyne suggested sending Brand back to Hungary with a noncommittal reply that would enable the Jews there to continue talks.[38] Moyne also supported a proposal to offer money to the Germans instead of trucks.[39] However, the British government did not adopt either proposal.

Derek Wilson has weighed up the matter from the British side: "They concluded that the offer [by Brand] was genuine and reflected the desperation of Hitler's high command. They recommended that it could be safely ignored on the grounds that all the concentration camps would be liberated within weeks and that, in any case, there could be no negotiations with the Nazis."[40]

The British released Brand in October 1944, about one month before Moyne's assassination, after which he joined the group Lehi which would commit the assassination.[41]

Long after the war, Brand commented: "I made a terrible mistake in passing this on to the British. It is now clear to me that Himmler sought to sow suspicion among the Allies as a preparation for his much desired Nazi-Western coalition against Moscow."[42]

Assassination

In the early afternoon of 6 November 1944, Eliyahu Bet-Zuri and Eliyahu Hakim of the Jewish underground group Lehi waited for Moyne near his home in Cairo following a well-planned and much practised plan of action to assassinate Moyne.[43]

In the early afternoon of 6 November 1944, Eliyahu Bet-Zuri and Eliyahu Hakim of Lehi waited for Moyne near his home in Cairo. Moyne arrived in his car with his driver, Corporal Fuller, his secretary, Dorothy Osmond, and his ADC, Major Andrew Hughes-Onslow. The ADC went to open the front door of the residence and the driver got out to open the door for Moyne. Hakim then pulled the car door open and shot Moyne three times, while Bet-Zuri killed the driver. The two assassins fled on their bicycles, pursued by an Egyptian morotcycle policeman who had been alerted by Major Hughes-Onslow. Hakim tried to shoot the policeman but he fired back and Hakim fell, wounded. The two were surrounded by an angry mob until they were extracted by the police. Moyne was rushed to hospital but died of his wounds that evening.[52] As the principal witness at the trial, Major Hughes Onslow became a marked man and was sent to Aden and then to Khartoum for his safety. He subsequently said: "No doubt Lord Moyne could have been regarded as a target for political assassination, but the shooting of the chauffeur was pure murder." [Source: Major Hughes-Onslow' son James Hughes-Onslow.] [44]

According to Lehi leader Natan Yellin-Mor, the group's founder Ya'ir Stern had considered the possibility of assassinating the British Minister Resident in the Middle East as early as 1941 (before Moyne held the position).[45] Moyne's predecessor Richard Casey was deemed unsuitable because he was Australian.[46] When Moyne replaced Casey in 1944, planning for the operation began.

As well as being the highest British official within Lehi's reach, Moyne was regarded as personally responsible for Britain's Palestine policy. In particular, he was regarded as one of the architects of Britain's strict immigration policy (with little justice, though Moyne was severe in implementing the policy), and to have been responsible for the British hand in the Struma disaster.[45] According to Bell, Lord Moyne was known to the underground as an Arabist who had consistently followed an anti-Zionist line.[47]

According to Yaakov Banai (Mazal) who served as the commander of the fighting unit of Lehi, there were three purposes in the assassination:[48]

  1. To show the world that this conflict wasn't between a government and its citizens like Britain tried to show but between citizens and a foreign rule.
  2. To prove that the conflict was between the Jewish People and the British Imperialism.
  3. To take the "War of Liberation" out of the Land of Israel and the Yishuv. The trial wasn't planned but the action had to capture a place in the world press and lead political thoughts.

Moyne's 1942 speech

Moyne's views were partly outlined in a speech about recruitment of Jews into the British Army in the House of Lords on 9 June 1942. Moyne said that:

The Government have already explained what has been done to arm the Jews for the legitimate purpose of self-defence, and we shall no doubt hear from the noble Lord, Lord Croft, to-day how that process has continued in the last few weeks; but is it not clear that Lord Melchett and the responsible leaders of the Jews in this country generally seek to be saved from Lord Wedgwood in his attempt to make political capital out of the natural desire of the Jews to do their utmost to defend the cause of freedom against Nazi tyranny?

In regard to the problems of settlement he said:

The tragedy of the Palestinian question is, as was said by the Royal Commission, that it is a conflict between two rights. When Jerusalem was destroyed and its site ploughed up in the year 135 A.D., the Jews had occupied the country for about 1,300 years. Since the Mahomedan invasion of 632 the Arabs have occupied Palestine for practically the same period. To these Arabs the Jews are not only alien in culture but also in blood. It is very often loosely said that Jews are Semites, but anthropologists tell us that, pure as they have kept their culture, the Jewish race has been much mixed with Gentiles since the beginning of the Diaspora. During the Babylonian captivity they acquired a strong Hittite admixture, and it is obvious that the Armenoid features which are still found among the Sephardim have been bred out of the Ashkenazim by an admixture of Slav blood. The Zionist movement has its main spring among those Jews of Poland and Eastern Europe. Their leaders demand that an already overcrowded Palestine should be trebled in its population by the admixture of another three million Jews immediately after the war. Now it is not a matter of putting a quart into a pint pot, it is a matter of putting exactly three pints into a pint pot. Successive inquiries have shown that immigration on this scale would be a disastrous mistake, and is indeed an impracticable dream. A far smaller measure of immigration led to the Palestine disturbances which lasted from 1936 to 1939, and showed that the Arabs, who have lived and buried their dead for fifty generations in Palestine, will not willingly surrender their land and self-government to the Jews.[49]

Because of this, said Moyne, British policy would not allow more than about 15,000 Jews each year to settle in Palestine. Moyne also claimed that Palestine was far too small and already overcrowded to accommodate millions of Jews from Europe:

The inhabitants of that small country—about the size of Wales, but much less fertile—are already threatened with conditions of grave congestion. At the present rate of increase, the Arab population will double within twenty-seven years. All the fertile soil is not only occupied but very closely cultivated. At the end of the last war, [i.e. 1918] the Jewish community numbered 80,000. It now numbers about 450,000; and yet the Zionist Organization have indignantly refused the terms of the White Paper, under which further immigration should be allowed up to another 75,000 in five years. They have also rejected the proposal to co-operate in a Joint Government by taking over responsibility for certain departments in proportion to the respective populations, as they claim not merely equal citizenship but political ascendency.

Moyne was concerned about American reaction, and he clearly thought that antisemites were the sort of people who supported "the Hitler policy and spirit":

It must surely have a deplorable effect upon our Allies to be told by an ex-Cabinet Minister that the Palestine Administration do not like Jews, and that there are enough Anti-Semites in Great Britain to back up the Hitler policy and spirit. This suggestion is a complete reversal of the truth. If a comparison is to be made with the Nazis it is surely those who wish to force an imported régime upon the Arab population who are guilty of the spirit of aggression and domination. Lord Wedgwood's proposal that Arabs should be subjugated by force to a Jewish régime is inconsistent with the Atlantic Charter, and that ought to be told to America. The second principle of that Charter lays down that the United States and ourselves desire to see no territorial changes that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned; and the third principle lays down that they respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of Government under which they will live.[50]

In the House of Lords in the 1940s Moyne spoke on many other subjects as well.[51]

The assassination

In the early afternoon of 6 November 1944, Eliyahu Bet-Zuri and Eliyahu Hakim of Lehi waited for Moyne near his home in Cairo. Moyne arrived in his car with his driver and his secretary. When the driver got out to open the door for Moyne, Hakim shot Moyne three times and Bet-Zuri killed the driver. The two assassins fled on their bicycles, pursued by an Egyptian policeman who happened to be nearby. Hakim tried to shoot the policeman but he fired back and Hakim fell, wounded. The two were surrounded by an angry mob until they were extracted by the police. Moyne was rushed to hospital but died of his wounds that evening.[52]

Trial

After the assassination, Lehi announced:

"We accuse Lord Moyne and the government he represents, with murdering hundreds and thousands of our brethren; we accuse him of seizing our country and looting our possessions... We were forced to do justice and to fight".[citation needed]

Bet-Zuri and Hakim initially gave false names, but their true identities were soon discovered. They were tried in an Egyptian court.

Eventually, the Lehi members were found guilty and on 11 January 1945, they were sentenced to death. Their appeals for clemency were dismissed, probably partly in response to pressure from Winston Churchill, who had been Moyne's ally and close personal friend.[53]

They were hanged on 23 March. The gun used to shoot Moyne was found to have been used in a sequence of killings in Palestine going back to 1937.[citation needed] Incongruously for people so opposed to the British Empire, while awaiting execution the two asked for (and were given) the poems of Kipling; most likely because of Recessional.

Aftermath

Although the group had been targeting British Mandate personnel since 1940, Moyne was the first high-profile British official to be killed by them (several failed attempts had been made to assassinate the British High Commissioner in Palestine, Sir Harold MacMichael). This was therefore the opening shot in the new Lehi campaign.

Jewish authorities in Palestine, fearful of British retribution, were quick to distance themselves from Lehi actions. On the news of Moyne's death, Chaim Weizmann, who later became the first President of Israel, is reported to have said that the death was more painful to him than that of his own son.[53]

British prime minister Winston Churchill, who once described himself as a "Zionist"[54], for the time being tempered his support for Zionism.[55][56] Moyne had been sent to Cairo because of their long personal and political friendship, and Churchill told the House of Commons:

"If our dreams for Zionism are to end in the smoke of an assassin's pistol, and the labours for its future produce a new set of gangsters worthy of Nazi Germany, then many like myself will have to reconsider the position we have maintained so consistently and so long in the past".[57]

The Times of London quoted Ha'aretz's view that the assassins "have done more by this single reprehensible crime to demolish the edifice erected by three generations of Jewish pioneers than is imaginable."[58]

Moyne's parliamentary friend and cousin-in-law, Henry 'Chips' Channon M.P. told his diary:

"I went to sleep last night with strange emotions. Walter Moyne was an extraordinary man, colossally rich, well-meaning, intelligent, scrupulous, yet a viveur, and the only modern Guinness to play a social or political role... He was careful with his huge fortune, though he had probably about three millions."[59]

In November 1943, a committee of the British Cabinet had proposed a partition of Palestine after the war, based loosely on the 1937 Peel Commission proposal. The plan included a Jewish state, a small residual mandatory area under British control, and an Arab state to be joined in a large Arab federation of Greater Syria. The Cabinet approved the plan in principle in January 1944, but it faced severe opposition from the Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden among others. "Moyne's position differed from that of nearly all the British civil and military officials in the Middle East: the consensus of British official opinion in the area opposed partition and opposed a Jewish state; Moyne supported both."[60] The partition plan was before the Cabinet for final approval in the same week that Moyne was assassinated, but the assassination caused it to be immediately shelved and never resurrected. Moyne's successor in Cairo, Sir Edward Grigg, was opposed to partition.[61] Some historians, such as Wasserstein and Porath, have speculated that a Jewish state soon after the war had been a real possibility.[60][62]

The historian Brenner writes that the purpose of the attack on Moyne was also in order to show the efficacy of armed resistance and to demonstrate to the British that they weren't safe in any place as long as they remained in Palestine. The assassination also seemed to have an impact on the Arab side, particularly in stimulating Egyptian nationalism. Brenner makes a comparison between Moyne’s death and the assassination of pro-British Ahmad Mahir Pasha. There were Lehi members who advocated the formation of a "Semitic Bloc" opposing foreign domination, and this made it possible for Arabs to actually join Lehi.[63]

In 1975, the bodies of Ben Zuri and Hakim were returned to Israel in exchange for twenty prisoners from Gaza and Sinai.[64] They were laid in state in the Jerusalem Hall of Heroism, where they were attended by many dignitaries including Prime Minister Rabin and President Katzir.[65] Then they were buried in the military section of Mount Herzl cemetery in a state funeral..[65][66] Great Britain lodged a formal protest.[67] In 1982, postage stamps were issued in their honour.[68]

Published books

  • —— (1936). Walkabout; a Journey between the Pacific and Indian oceans. London: W. Heinemann Ltd.. p. 366 pp. OCLC 5351894. 
  • —— (1938). Atlantic Circle. Glasgow: Blackie & Son. pp. 200 pp incl. 80 photos. OCLC 5509205. 
  • —— (1987). Staff Officer: The Diaries of Walter Guinness (First Lord Moyne), 1914-1918. London: L. Cooper. ISBN 0850520533. 

Notes

  1. ^ http://www.etzel.org.il/english/ac07.htm The 'Hunting Season'. Accessed: 1 December 2009.
  2. ^ Wilson, D. A. (1998). Dark and light. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. p. 150. ISBN 0297817183. 
  3. ^ "Lady Evelyn Hilda Stuart Erskine". thePeerage.com. 2006-03-09. http://www.thepeerage.com/p3019.htm#i30184. Retrieved 2008-03-27. 
  4. ^ Wilson (1998), pp. 153–154 
  5. ^ Wilson (1998), pp. 172–173 
  6. ^ Guinness, Jonathan (1997). Requiem for a Family Business. London: Macmillan. p. 41. ISBN 0333661915. 
  7. ^ Guinness, W. (1987). Brian Bond & Simon Robbins. ed. Staff Officer: The diaries of Walter Guinness 1914-1918. London: Leo Cooper. p. 256. ISBN 0850520533. 
  8. ^ http://www.burystedmundsconservatives.com/page/1/336/ pdf - has some results.
  9. ^ Hansard 5th series, 39, 1129
  10. ^ Hansard 5th 19, 116.
  11. ^ Hansard 5th 22, 311.
  12. ^ The Times, 1913-06-19.
  13. ^ The Times, 1913-12-31.
  14. ^ Davison, R. H. (April 1948), The Armenian crisis, 1912-1914, New York: American Historical Review, OCLC 14285148 
  15. ^ Hansard 5th, 84, 658, 1023, 2159.
  16. ^ The Times, 1919-02-13.
  17. ^ Hansard 5th, 153, 2330; The Times 1922-02-17.
  18. ^ Dennison, S.R.; MacDonagh, O. (1998) (the whole book). Guinness 1886-1939 : from incorporation to the Second World War. Cork: Cork University Press. ISBN 1859181759. 
  19. ^ Error Page at www.guinness.com
  20. ^ British Properties: West Vancouver Luxury Real Estate
  21. ^ Browne, L. (1996). Bridges : masterpieces of architecture. New York: Smithmark. p. 67. ISBN 0765199424. 
  22. ^ [1] at www.guinnesstrust.org.uk
  23. ^ Aalen, F.H.A. (1990). The Iveagh Trust: The first hundred years 1890-1990. Dublin: Iveagh Trust. pp. 58–93. ISBN 0951594206. 
  24. ^ Wilson (1998), pp. 223–226 
  25. ^ Wilson (1998), pp. 206 
  26. ^ Wilson (1998), pp. 222, 227 
  27. ^ Channon, H.; James, R.R. (1967). Chips: the diaries of Sir Henry Channon. London: Weidenfield & Nicolson. pp. 172–173. OCLC 53427734. 
  28. ^ Wilson (1998), pp. 222 
  29. ^ Guinness, W.E. (1938-1945). "Moyne papers on West India Royal Commission". AIM25: Institute of Commonwealth Studies. http://www.aim25.ac.uk/cgi-bin/search2?coll_id=4714&inst_id=16. 
  30. ^ Wilson (1998), pp. 228 
  31. ^ de Courcy, A. (2004). Diana Mosley. London: Vintage. pp. 220–222, 367–368. ISBN 0099470276. 
  32. ^ a b Wilson (1998), pp. 229 
  33. ^ Brand, J.; Weissberg-Cybulski, A. (1958). Advocate for the Dead - the Story of Joel Brand. London: Andre Duetsch. OCLC 1199641. 
  34. ^ Bauer, Y. (1978). The Holocaust in Historical Perspective. Canberra: Australian National University Press. 
  35. ^ Weissberg, pp. 167. According to Ben Hecht (Hecht, B. (1997), Perfidy, Milah Press, pp. 280, ISBN 0964688638 ), Jewish Agency official Ehud Avriel had demanded that Brand "change the name of Lord Moyne and state that the man ... was another, unknown, British official."
  36. ^ "Eichmann Trial relevant transcript, Session 59". vex.net. http://www.vex.net/~nizkor/hweb/people/e/eichmann-adolf/transcripts/Sessions/Session-059-05.html. 
  37. ^ Wasserstein (1980), pp. 34 
  38. ^ Bauer, Y. (1994). Jews for Sale?. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 194–5. ISBN 0300059132. 
  39. ^ Friling, T. (Winter 1999). "Nazi-Jewish negotiations in Istanbul in mid-1944". Holocaust and Genocide Studies 13 (3): 405–436. doi:10.1093/hgs/13.3.405. OCLC 95792215. 
  40. ^ Wilson (1998), pp. 238 
  41. ^ Bauer (1994), pp. 194 
  42. ^ "Allied Rift Called Aim of '44 Nazi Ransom Plan'". New York Times. 1964-05-21. 
  43. ^ http://myrightword.blogspot.com/2008/04/my-historical-curiosity.html 'My Historical Curiosity' by Samir Raafat. Cairo Times, 8 June 2000. Accessed: 1 December 2009.
  44. ^ Ben-Yehuda, N. (1993). Political ssassinations by Jews a rhetorical device for justice. Albany: SUNY Press. p. 209. ISBN 0585091196. 
  45. ^ a b Ben-Yehuda (1993), pp. 207 
  46. ^ Wasserstein (1980), pp. 33 
  47. ^ Bell, Bowyer (1977). Terror Out Of Zion: Irgun Zvai Leumi, LEHI, and the Palestine underground, 1929-1949. New York: St. Martin’s Press. p. 92. ISBN 0312792050. 
  48. ^ Banai, Y.; Eldad, I. (1987). Ḥayalim almonim : sefer mivtseʻe Leḥi (Unknown Soldiers The Operation Book of Lehi). p. 276. OCLC 45473424. (Hebrew)
  49. ^ The Parliamentary Debates, House of Lords, Fifth Series, Volume CXXIII, columns 195-201.
  50. ^ http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1942/jun/09/recruitment-of-jews#S5LV0123P0-00335
  51. ^ [http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/search/Moyne?decade=1940s&page=12 Hansard searched for "Moyne" in 1940s
  52. ^ Ben-Yehuda, N. (1993). Political assassinations by Jews a rhetorical device for justice. Albany: SUNY Press. p. 209. ISBN 0585091196. 
  53. ^ a b Hecht, B.. Perfidy(1999). Jerusalem: Milah Press, pp. 280, footnote 195. ISBN 0964688638; Wasserstein (1980), pp. 37.
  54. ^ The Last Romantic Zionist Gentilewinstonchurchill.org
  55. ^ Cohen, M.J. (1985). Churchill and the Jews. London: Frank Cass. pp. 306–308, 340. ISBN 0714632546. 
  56. ^ Wasserstein (1980), pp. 36–37 
  57. ^ Gilbert, M. (1991). Churchill A Life. New York: Holt. p. 803. ISBN 080500615X. 
  58. ^ The Times, 1944-11-09
  59. ^ Channon, H.; James, R.R. (ed.) (1967). Chips: the diaries of Sir Henry Channon. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. pp. 396–397. OCLC 12190801. 
  60. ^ a b Wasserstein (1980), pp. 36 
  61. ^ Sofer, S.; Shefer-Vanson, D. (1998). Zionism and the Foundations of Israeli Diplomacy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 37. ISBN 0521630126. 
  62. ^ Porath, Y. (1986). In Search of Arab Unity 1930-1945. London: Frank Cass. pp. 134–148. ISBN 0714632643. 
  63. ^ Brenner, Y.S. (October 1965). "The 'Stern Gang' 1940-48". Middle Eastern Studies: 13. 
  64. ^ Mr Rabin leads Israel mourning for assassins, The Times, 1975-06-27, pp. 1.
  65. ^ a b Beit-Tzuri and Hakim are reinterred, Jerusalem Post, 1975-06-27, pp. 3.
  66. ^ Israel honours British minister's assassins, The Times, 1975-06-26, pp. 1.
  67. ^ Israel defends honours for Moyne killers, The Times, 1975-07-01, pp. 1.
  68. ^ Ben-Yehuda (1993), small image of stamps here, pp. 210, http://www.bait-tov.com/store/products/6110s391.jpg 

References

External links

Parliament of the United Kingdom
Preceded by
Frederick William Fane Hervey
Member for Bury St Edmunds
1907–1931
Succeeded by
Frank Heilgers
Political offices
Preceded by
Sir William Joynson-Hicks
Financial Secretary to the Treasury
1923–1924
Succeeded by
William Graham
Preceded by
William Graham
Financial Secretary to the Treasury
1924–1925
Succeeded by
Ronald McNeill
Preceded by
E.F.L. Wood
Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries
1925–1929
Succeeded by
Noel Buxton
Preceded by
The Lord Lloyd
Secretary of State for the Colonies
1941–1942
Succeeded by
Viscount Cranborne
Preceded by
The Lord Lloyd
Leader of the House of Lords
1941–1942
Succeeded by
Viscount Cranborne
Peerage of the United Kingdom
Preceded by
New Creation
Baron Moyne
1932–1944
Succeeded by
Bryan Guinness

Simple English

Walter Edward Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne DSO & Bar PC (29 March 18806 November 1944) was a British politician. Guinness was born in Dublin, Ireland.

From 1907 to 1931 he was Conservative MP for Bury St Edmunds, and saw service in World War I at Passchendaele, earning a medal and bar (second award).

He was killed in 1944 in Cairo, Egypt by the Jewish group Lehi. His assassination was said to be a message to the British government against British imperialism. Guinness was selected because he was believed to be anti Jewish and made statements supporting sending all Jews in Europe to the African island of Madagascar.








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