White privilege: Wikis


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In critical race theory, white privilege is a way of conceptualizing racial inequalities that focuses as much on the advantages that whites accrue as on the disadvantages that people of color experience. Unlike theories of overt racism or prejudice, which suggest that people actively seek to oppress or demean other racial groups, theories of white privilege assert that the experience of whites is viewed by whites as normal rather than advantaged. This normative assumption causes all discussion of racial inequality to focus on the disadvantages of other racial groups, and on what can be done to bring them up to white (i.e. 'normal') standards, effectively making racial inequality an issue that does not involve whites. Researchers suggest that more equitable attitudes can be achieved by refocusing such discussions to include whites as a group which holds social advantages rather than experiencing a 'normal' state of existence.



Scholars such as Cheryl Harris[1] and George Lipsitz[2] within the legal studies field of critical race theory have argued that "whiteness" has been treated more as a form of property than as a racial characteristic: as an object which has intrinsic value that must be protected by social and legal institutions. Laws and mores concerning race (from apartheid and Jim Crow constructions that legally separate different races to social prejudices against interracial relationships or mixed communities) serve the purpose of retaining certain advantages and privileges for whites. However, academic and societal ideas about race tend to focus solely on the disadvantages suffered by racial minorities, overlooking the advantageous effects that accrue to whites.[3]

Within an educational context, Dan J. Pence and J. Arthur Fields observe resistance to the idea that white privilege of this type exists, and suggest this resistance stems from a tendency to see inequality as a black or Latino issue. White students often react to in-class discussions about white privilege with a continuum of behaviors ranging from outright hostility to a "wall of silence."[4] A pair of studies on a broader population by Branscombe et al. found that framing racial issues in terms of white privilege as opposed to non-white disadvantages can produce a greater degree of racially biased responses from whites who have higher levels of racial identification. Branscombe et al. demonstrate that framing racial inequality in terms of the privileges of whites increased levels of guilt among white respondents. Those with high racial identification were more likely to give responses which concurred with modern racist attitudes than those with low racial identification.[5] The findings suggest that representing inequality in terms of outgroup disadvantage allows privileged group members to avoid the negative implications of inequality.[6]

White privilege in the United States


In his 1935 Black Reconstruction in America, W. E. B. Du Bois first described the "psychological wages" of whiteness:

It must be remembered that the white group of laborers, while they received a low wage, were compensated in part by a sort of public and psychological wage. They were given public deference and titles of courtesy because they were white. They were admitted freely with all classes of white people to public functions, public parks, and the best schools. The police were drawn from their ranks, and the courts, dependent on their votes, treated them with such leniency as to encourage lawlessness. Their vote selected public officials, and while this had small effect upon the economic situation, it had great effect upon their personal treatment and the deference shown them. White schoolhouses were the best in the community, and conspicuously placed, and they cost anywhere from twice to ten times as much per capita as the colored schools. The newspapers specialized on news that flattered the poor whites and almost utterly ignored the Negro except in crime and ridicule.[7]

This concept was later taken up by David Roediger in his 1999 book, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class.[8] Theorists associated with the journal Race Traitor, such as editor Noel Ignatiev, argue that whiteness (as a marker of a social status within the United States) is conferred upon people in exchange for an expectation of loyalty to an oppressive social order. This loyalty has taken a variety of forms over time: suppression of slave rebellions, support of whites-only unions, and promotion for police brutality. Like currency, the value of this privilege depends on the reliability of a white appearance as a marker for social consent. These theorists argue that with enough "counterfeit whites" resisting racism and capitalism, the privilege of whiteness will be withdrawn and prompt an era of social redefinition. Without such a period, they argue, progress towards social justice is impossible.

The theory of White privilege in America may be seen as having its roots in the system of legalized discrimination that existed for much of American history.[9] In her book Privilege Revealed: How Invisible Preference Undermines America, Stephanie M. Wildman writes that many Americans who advocate a merit-based, race-free worldview do not acknowledge the systems of privilege which have benefited them. For example, many Americans rely on a social or financial inheritance from previous generations, an inheritance unlikely to be forthcoming if one's ancestors were slaves.[10] Whites were sometimes afforded opportunities and benefits that were unavailable to others. In the middle of the 20th century, the government subsidized white homeownership through the Federal Housing Administration, but not homeownership of other minorities.[11] Some social scientists also suggest that the historical processes of suburbanization and decentralization are instances of white privilege that have contributed to contemporary patterns of environmental racism.[12]

Historians and authors, including Noel Ignatiev and Karen Brodkin, discuss the historical trajectory from exclusion to acceptance of Irish and Jewish émigrés in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in terms of white privilege. Many see a continuing, although not legalized or acknowledged, system of advantage to white people in areas such as housing, salaries, access to employment (especially to positions of power), access to education, even life expectancy.[13][14]

Sociologists in the American Mosaic Project report widespread belief in the United States that "prejudice and discrimination [in favor of whites] create a form of white privilege." According to their 2003 poll, this view was affirmed by 59% of white respondents, 83% of Blacks, and 84% of Hispanics.[15]


According to Roderick Harrison "wealth is a measure of cumulative advantage or disadvantage" and "the fact that black and Hispanic wealth is a fraction of white wealth also reflects a history of discrimination".[16] Whites have historically had more opportunities to accumulate wealth. Some of the institutions of wealth creation amongst American citizens were open exclusively to whites. Similar differentials applied to the Social Security Act (which excluded agricultural and domestic workers, sectors that then included most black workers),[17] rewards to military officers, and the educational benefits offered to returning soldiers after World War II.[18] An analyst of the phenomenon, Thomas Shapiro, professor of law and social policy at Brandeis University argues, “The wealth gap is not just a story of merit and achievement, it’s also a story of the historical legacy of race in the United States.”[19]

Over the past 40 years there has been less formal discrimination in America. However, the inequality in wealth has been sustained. Many whites were able to pass along their wealth in the form of inheritances and transformative assets (inherited wealth which lifts a family beyond their own achievements) which continually give advantage to white Americans.[20] Pre-existing disparities in wealth are exacerbated by tax policies that reward investment over waged income, subsidize mortgages, and subsidize private sector developers.[21]

Thomas Shapiro argues that wealth is passed along from generation to generation, giving whites a better "starting point" in life than other races. According to Shapiro, many whites receive financial assistance from their parents allowing them to live beyond their income. This, in turn, enables them to buy houses and major assets which aid in the accumulation of wealth. Since houses in white neighborhoods appreciate faster, even African Americans who are able to overcome their "starting point" are unlikely to accumulate wealth as fast as whites. Shapiro asserts that this is a continual cycle which whites consistently benefit from.[22] These benefits also have effects on schooling and other life opportunities.


A 2002 Department of Justice survey found that, although the likelihood of being stopped by police did not differ significantly between white drivers and other races, black or Latino drivers were three times more likely to be searched than white drivers.[23] Young white offenders are likely to receive lighter punishments than minorities in America. Black youth arrested for drug possession for the first time are incarcerated at a rate that is forty-eight times greater than the rate for white youth, even when all other factors surrounding the crime are identical.[24][25] According to McIntosh white people in the US but not African Americans can be sure that race is not a factor, when they are audited by the IRS.[26]

Employment and economics

Racialized employment networks are yet another facet of employment which benefit whites at the expense of blacks.[27] Deirdre A. Royster conducted a study which compared black and white males who graduated from the same school with the same skills. She looked at their success in their school-work transition and subsequent working experience. What she found was that the white graduates were more often employed in skilled trades, earned more, held higher status positions, received more promotions and experienced shorter periods of unemployment. Since all factors of these graduates education and skills were strikingly similar, the differences in employment experiences were attributed to race. Royster concluded that the primary cause of these racial differences was due to social networking. The concept of “who you know” seemed just as important to these graduates as “what you know.”

Since older white males predominantly control blue-collar trades, they are more likely to offer varying forms of assistance to those in their social network, other whites. Assistance can be anything from job vacancy information, referrals, direct job recruitment, formal and informal training, and vouching behavior and leniency in supervision. This assistance disproportionately available to whites is an advantage that often puts black men at a disadvantage in the employment sector, “these ideologies provide a contemporary deathblow to working-class black men’s chances of establishing a foothold in the traditional trades.”[27]

This concept is similar to the theory created by Mark Granovetter which analyzes the importance of social networking and interpersonal ties with his paper "The Strength of Weak Ties" and his other economic sociology work.

Other research shows that there is a correlation between a person's name and his or her likelihood of receiving a call back for a job interview. A field experiment in Boston and Chicago found that people with "white-sounding" names are 50% more likely to receive a call back than people with "black-sounding" names, despite equal résumé quality between the two racial groups.[28] White Americans are more likely than black Americans to have their business loan applications approved, even when other factors such as credit records are comparable.[29]

Black and Latino college graduates in America are less likely than white college graduates to end up in a management position.[30] This is true even when other factors such as age, experience, and academic records are similar.[31][32]


Discrimination in housing policies was formalized in 1934 under the Federal Housing Act which provided government credit to private lending for home buyers. Within the Act, the Federal Housing Agency had the authority to channel all the money to white home buyers instead of other minorities. The FHA also channeled money away from inner-city neighborhoods after WWII and instead placed it in the hands of white home buyers who would move into segregated suburbs.[33] These practices and others, intensified attitudes of segregation and inequality.

While discriminatory practices have since been outlawed, there are still unofficial tactics which take place to advantage white homeowners and disadvantage minorities. Property ownership is one of the most valuable assets one can obtain. But “most white families have acquired their net worth from the appreciation of property that they secured under conditions of special privilege in a discriminatory housing market.” .[34] This net worth accumulation assists in placing whites in more favorable conditions to receive low interest loans, mortgages and financial assistance in the housing market.

Chip Smith paints a quick picture of some additional ways whites are privileged:[35]

  • Whites are offered more choices; 60%–90% of housing units shown to whites are not brought to the attention of blacks.
  • 72.1% of whites own their own home opposed to 48.1% for African Americans
  • 46% of whites had help from their family in making down payments on homes compared to 12% for African Americans
  • Whites are half as likely to be turned down for a mortgage or home improvement loan
  • Whites pay on average a 8.12% interest rate on their mortgage, lower than the 8.44% African Americans pay on average
  • The median home equity for whites is $58,000 compared to $40,000 for African Americans


According to Wildman education policies in the US have contributed to the construction and reinforcement of white privilege.[36] Even schools that appear to be integrated often segregate students based on abilities. This can increase white students' initial educational advantage, magnifying the “unequal classroom experience of African American students” and minorities.[37]

Often the material that black and other minority children are tested on in school is culturally biased, not taking into consideration dialect and other differences between populations. Williams and Rivers (1972b) showed that test instructions in Standard English disadvantaged the black child and that if the language of the test is put in familiar labels without training or coaching, the child’s performances on the tests increase significantly.[38] According to Cadzen, a child’s language development should be evaluated in terms of his progress toward the norms for his particular speech community.[39] Other studies using sentence repetition tasks found that, at both third and fifth grades, white subjects repeated Standard English sentences significantly more accurately than black subjects, while black subjects repeated nonstandard English sentences significantly more accurately than white subjects.[40]

Evidence shows that traditional psychological and academic assessment is based on skills that are considered important within white, western, middle-class culture, but which may not be salient or valued within African-American culture.[41][42] When tests stimuli are more culturally pertinent to the experiences of African Americans, performance improves.[43][44]

Educational inequality is also a consequence of housing. Since most states determine school funding based on property taxes, schools in wealthier neighborhoods receive more funding per student. As home values in white neighborhoods are higher than minority neighborhoods, local schools receive more funding via property taxes. This will ensure better technology in predominantly white schools, smaller class sizes and better quality teachers, giving white students opportunities for a better education.[45] The vast majority of schools placed on academic probation as part of district accountability efforts are majority African-American and low-income.[46]

Inequalities in wealth and housing allow a higher proportion of white parents the option to move to better school districts or afford to put their children in private schools if they don’t approve of the neighborhood's schools.[47]

Minority students are less likely to be placed in honors classes, even when justified by test scores.[48][49][50] Visible minority students are more likely than white students to be suspended or expelled from school, even though rates of serious school rule violations do not differ significantly by race.[51][52] Adult education specialist Elaine Manglitz argues the educational system in America has deeply-entrenched biases in favor of the white majority in evaluation, curricula, and power relations.[53]


Beverly Daniel Tatum writes that most white people do not think to describe themselves as "white" when listing descriptive terms about themselves, whereas people of color usually use racial or ethnic identity descriptors. Tatum suggests this is because the elements of one’s identity that are congruent with the dominant culture are so normalized and reflected back at one that one is apt to take such traits for granted. This is not the case for identity aspects of those who are defined as "other" by the dominant culture, whether it be on the basis of race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, or other microcultural aspects.[14] The true reasons behind this occurrence are unknown, but may also be due to many different unspoken psychological effects on minorities and majorities alike, whether it be pride, shame, or an environmental stimulation such as a rally.

Tatum writes that dominant microcultures (in this case, white people) set the parameters in which "subordinate" microcultures operate. Subordinate groups are often labeled as substandard in significant ways: e.g., blacks have historically been characterized as less intelligent than whites.[14] Subordinates are also defined as being innately incapable of being able to perform the preferred roles in society.[14]

The use of skin whitening treatments by people of color has been linked to the benefits of white privilege. According to several theorists, the relationship between white privilege and skin whitening is explained by colorism and colonial mentality.[54][55]

The persistence of white privilege

Although all legal barriers to racial equality have been removed in most Western countries, white privilege exists to a certain extent de facto almost everywhere[citation needed]. Heidi A. Zetzer categorizes white privilege as an “institutional and individual manifestation of racism, however indirectly or unintentionally.”[56] Zetzer argues the indirectness of white privilege is what makes it so prevalent. If people are not educated about white privilege, it is unlikely that they will take note of it. Whites who are aware of it suffer under the stigma of benefiting from an unfair system. Zetzer asks “How can I see myself as a just person when I willingly participate in a system that is inherently unfair?” The guilt formed by this opinion creates a spirit of inactivity in solving the problem. “White guilt,” as Zetzer deems it, is an impediment to change. Zetzer argues that honest and multicultural dialogue is the first way to build alliances which can then “transform people and systems and turn intention into action,”[57] and change the persistence of white privilege.


Reference to white privilege in critical race theory has come under criticism.

Hugh Murray questions the view that there is white male privilege, saying that it denies opportunity to poor and middle-class whites. He says the theory rejects the notion of treating people equally or allowing all to have an equal opportunity and instead demands quotas and preferences for people who may be lesser qualified.[58]


In discussing unequal test scores between public school students, opinion columnist Matt Rosenberg laments the Seattle Public Schools' emphasis on "institutional racism" and "white privilege":

The disparity is not simply a matter of color: School District data indicate income, English-language proficiency and home stability are also important correlates to achievement...By promoting the "white privilege" canard and by designing a student indoctrination plan, the Seattle School District is putting retrograde, leftist politics ahead of academics, while the perpetrators of "white privilege" are minimizing the capabilities of minorities.[59]

Low impact of white privilege

Conservative scholar and opponent of affirmative action programs, Shelby Steele at the Hoover Institution, believes that the effects of white privilege are exaggerated. Steele argues that irresponsibility is a larger problem for blacks, who may incorrectly blame their personal failures on white oppression. He also argues that there are many "minority privileges": "If I'm a black high school student today... there are white American institutions, universities, hovering over me to offer me opportunities: Almost every institution has a diversity committee... There is a hunger in this society to do right racially, to not be racist."[60]

See also


  1. ^ Harris, Cheryl I. (June 1993). "Whiteness as Property". Harvard Law Review 106 (8): 1709–95. doi:10.2307/1341787. http://www.jstor.org/pss/1341787. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  2. ^ Lipsitz, George (1998). The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics. Temple University Press. ISBN 1566396352. 
  3. ^ Lucal, Betsy (July 1996). "Oppression and Privilege: Toward a Relational Conceptualization of Race". Teaching Sociology (Washington, DC: American Sociological Association) 24 (3): 245–55. doi:10.2307/1318739. ISSN 0092055X. OCLC 48950428. http://www.jstor.org/pss/1318739. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  4. ^ Pence, Dan J.; Fields, J. Arthur (April 1999). "Teaching about Race and Ethnicity: Trying to Uncover White Privilege for a White Audience". Teaching Sociology (Washington, DC: American Sociological Association) 27 (2): 150–8. doi:10.2307/1318701. ISSN 0092055X. OCLC 48950428. http://www.jstor.org/pss/1318701. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  5. ^ Branscombe, Nyla R.; Schmitt, Michael T.; Schiffhauer, Kristin (2006-08-25). "Racial Attitudes in Response to Thoughts of White Privilege". European Journal of Social Psychology (John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.) 37 (2): 203–15. doi:10.1002/ejsp.348. http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/112771384/abstract?CRETRY=1&SRETRY=0. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  6. ^ Powell, Adam A.; Branscombe, Nyla R.; Schmitt, Michael T. (2005). "Inequality as Ingroup Privilege or Outgroup Disadvantage: The Impact of Group Focus on Collective Guilt and Interracial Attitudes". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin (Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.) 31 (4): 508–21. doi:10.1177/0146167204271713. PMID 15743985. http://psp.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/31/4/508. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  7. ^ W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880 (New York: Free Press, 1995 reissue of 1935 original), pp. 700–701. ISBN 0684856573.
  8. ^ The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class a book review.
  9. ^ Williams, Linda Faye (2004). Constraint Of Race: Legacies Of White Skin Privilege In America. Penn State. ISBN 0-271-02535-2. 
  10. ^ Wildman, Stephanie M.; Armstong, Margalynne; Davis, Adrienne D.; Grillo, Trina; (1996). Privilege Revealed: How Invisible Preference Undermines America. New York: NYU Press. ISBN 0814793037. http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&id=LK-aQDstH6kC&dq=Privilege+Revealed:+How+Invisible+Preference+Undermines+America&printsec=frontcover&source=web&ots=-ZPGq0p8Rf&sig=uHygCCbcWcXCTf_EZ1zW_TYIt1A&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=1&ct=result. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  11. ^ Massey, Douglas; Denton, Nancy (1998-01-15). American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674018214. 
  12. ^ Pulido, Laura (March 2000). "Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California" ( – Scholar search). Annals of the Association of American Geographers (Blackwell Publishing) 90 (1): 12–40. doi:10.1111/0004-5608.00182. ISSN 0004-5608. http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/bpl/anna/2000/00000090/00000001/art00002;jsessionid=3rmbt81dt5utk.alice. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  13. ^ Farley, Reynolds (May 1993). "9". in Hill, Herbert; Jones Jr, James E.. Race in America: The Struggle for Equality. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. pp. 197–233. ISBN 0299134245. http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&id=cx55JM9J3RQC&dq=Race+in+America:+The+Struggle+for+equality&printsec=frontcover&source=web&ots=DL5fhxungk&sig=UYkRS1y7fcKwrZCUfMJv4h1_KJs&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=6&ct=result. 
  14. ^ a b c d Tatum, Beverly Daniel (1999-06-18). Why are all the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria? And Other Conversations About Race. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 9780465091270. 
  15. ^ "The Role of Prejudice and Discrimination in Americans’ Explanations of Black Disadvantage and White Privilege" (PDF). American Mosaic Project. 2006. http://www.soc.umn.edu/pdf/racialPrivledge.pdf. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  16. ^ "Study Says White Families' Wealth Advantage Has Grown." New York Times 18 Oct. 2004.
  17. ^ Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White, p. 43
  18. ^ Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White, p. 114.
  19. ^ "Census Report: Broad Racial Disparities Persist". MSNBC. 2006-11-14. http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/15704759. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  20. ^ "Young whites can often rely on gifts and bequests from family members for transformative assets that help build wealth ... One in four white families receives a bequest upon the death of a relative compared with only one in twenty black families." George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics, Temple University Press, 2006, p. 107-08.
  21. ^ Lipsitz, George (September 1995). "The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: Racialized Social Democracy and the "White" Problem in American Studies". American Quarterly (The Johns Hopkins University Press) 47 (3): 369–87. doi:10.2307/2713291. http://www.jstor.org/pss/2713291. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  22. ^ Shapiro, Thomas M. (2003-12-12). The Hidden Cost of Being African American; How Wealth Perpetuates Inequality. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195181388. 
  23. ^ Matthew R. Durose, Erica L. Schmitt and Patrick A. Langan, Contacts Between Police and the Public: Findings from the 2002 National Survey. U.S. Department of Justice, (Bureau of Justice Statistics), April 2005.
  24. ^ "Young White Offenders get lighter treatment," 2000. The Tennessean. April 26: 8A.
  25. ^ Human Rights Watch, 2000. Punishment and Prejudice: Racial Disparities in the War on Drugs. DC: May, Volume 12, No. 2.
  26. ^ McIntosh, Peggy. "Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack." Race, Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study. 2001. Paula S. Rothenberg. New York: Worth Publishers, 2004.
  27. ^ a b Royster, Deirdre A. (2003). Race and the Invisible Hand. Los Angeles: University of California Press. ISBN 0520239512. 
  28. ^ Bertrand, Marianne; Mullainathan, Sendhil (September 2004). "Are Emily and Greg More Employable Than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment in Labor Market Discrimination". American Economic Review 94 (4): 991–1013. doi:10.1257/0002828042002561. http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/0002828042002561. Retrieved 2008-07-18. 
  29. ^ Bates, Timothy; Austin Turner, Margery (March 1998). "5". in Fix, Michael E.; Austin Turner, Margery. Minority Business Development: Identification and Measurement of Discriminatory Barriers. A National Report Card on Discrimination in America: The Role of Testing. Washington, D.C: Urban Institute. ISBN 9780877666967. http://www.urban.org/url.cfm?ID=308024. Retrieved 2008-07-18.  at p. 104
  30. ^ Williams, Linda Faye (2004-08-30). The Constraint of Race: Legacies of White Skin Privilege in America. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. p. 429. ISBN 0271025352. http://www.psupress.org/books/titles/0-271-02253-1.html. Retrieved 2008-07-18. fig. 7.1, p. 359
  31. ^ Hartnett, William M. (2003-10-20). "Income Gaps Persist Among Races". Palm Beach Post. 
  32. ^ Mason, Patrick L. (May–June, 1998). "Race, Cognitive Ability, and Wage Inequality". Challenge 41 (3): 62–81. ISSN 1077193X. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1093/is_n3_v41/ai_20809842. Retrieved 2008-07-18. 
  33. ^ Rothenberg, Paula S. (2005). White Privilege. New York: Worth Publishers. ISBN 0716787334. 
  34. ^ Rothenberg, Paula S. (2005). White Privilege. New York: Worth Publishers. p. 77. ISBN 0716787334. 
  35. ^ Smith, Chip (2007). The Cost of Privilege. Largo, MD: Linemark Printing, Inc.. ISBN 0979182808. 
  36. ^ Wildman, Stephanie M. "The Persistence of White Privilege." 18 Mar 2010. <https://law.wustl.edu/journal/18/p245Wildmanbookpages.pdf>.
  37. ^ Shapiro, Thomas (2004). The Hidden Cost of Being African American; How Wealth Perpetuates Inequality. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 144. ISBN 9780195181388. 
  38. ^ Williams, R.L. and Rivers, L.W. (1972b). The use of standard and nonstandard English in testing black children. As presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Psychological Association
  39. ^ Cadzen, C.B. (1966). Subcultural Differences in Child Language: An Inter-disciplinary Review. Merrill–Palmer Quarterly, 1966, 12 pp. 185–214
  40. ^ Marwit, Samuel J.; Walker, Elaine F.; Marwit, Karen L. (December 1977). "Reliability of Standard English Differences among Black and White Children at Second, Fourth, and Seventh Grades". Child Development (Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Society for Research in Child Development) 48 (4): 1739–42. doi:10.2307/1128548. http://www.jstor.org/pss/1128548. Retrieved 2008-07-19. 
  41. ^ Helms, J.E. (1997) The triple quandary of race, culture, and social class in standardized cognitive ability testing. In D.P. Flanagan, J.L. Genshaft, & P.L. Harrison (Eds.), contemporary intellectual assessment: theories, tests, and issues (pp.517–532). New York: Guilford Press.
  42. ^ Helms, J.E. (1992). Why is there no study of cultural equivalence in standardized cognitive ability testing? American Psychologist, 47, 1083-1101.
  43. ^ Hayles, V.R. (1991). African American Strengths: a survey of empirical findings. In R.L. Jones (Ed.), Black Psychology (3rd ed., pp. 379–400). Berkeley, CA: Cobb & Henry Publishers.
  44. ^ Williams, R.L. and Rivers, L.W. (1972b) The use of standard and nonstandard English in testing black children. A presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Psychological Association
  45. ^ Kelly, Erin E. (1995). "All Students Are Not Created Equal: The Inequitable Combination of Property Tax-Based School Finance Systems and Local Control". Duke Law Journal 45 (2): 397–435. doi:10.2307/1372907. 
  46. ^ Diamond, John B. & James P. Spillane. (2004) "High Stakes Accountability in Urban Elementary Schools: Challenging or Reproducing Inequality?" Teachers College Record, Special Issue on Testing, Teaching, and Learning. 106(6): 1140–1171.
  47. ^ Shapiro, Thomas (2004). The Hidden Cost of Being African American; How Wealth Perpetuates Inequality. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 157. ISBN 9780195181388. 
  48. ^ Gordon, Rebecca. 1998. Education and Race. Oakland: Applied Research Center: 48–9; Fischer, Claude S. et al., 1996.
  49. ^ Inequality by Design: Cracking the Bell Curve Myth. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press: 163
  50. ^ Steinhorn, Leonard and Barabara Diggs-Brown, 1999. By the Color of Our Skin: The Illusion of Integration and the Reality of Race. NY: Dutton: 95-6.
  51. ^ Skiba, Russell J. et al., The Color of Discipline: Sources of Racial and Gender Disproportionality in School Punishment. Indiana Education Policy Center, Policy Research Report SRS1, June 2000
  52. ^ U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System: Youth 2003, Online Comprehensive Results, 2004.
  53. ^ Manglitz, E (2003). "Challenging white privilege in adult education: a critical review of the literature". Adult Education Quarterly 53 (2): 119–134. doi:10.1177/0741713602238907. 
  54. ^ Llewelyn Muriel Austria-del Rosario. "Brown is Beautiful". http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/viewArticle.asp?articleID=11261. 
  55. ^ Victor Mejia. "Mestizaje and Self-Hate". http://www.mexika.org/Mestizo.html. 
  56. ^ Zetzer, H.A. (2005). White Out: Privilege and Its Problems. In S.K. Anderson & V.A. Middleton (eds.), Explorations in Privilege, Oppression, and Diversity (pp. 5). Belmont, CA: Thomson Brooks/Cole.
  57. ^ Zetzer, H.A. (2005). White Out: Privilege and Its Problems. In S.K. Anderson & V.A. Middleton (eds.), Explorations in Privilege, Oppression, and Diversity (pp. 13). Belmont, CA: Thomson Brooks/Cole.
  58. ^ Murray, Hugh. "White Male Privilege? A Social Construct for Political Oppression". Journal of Libertarian Studies Winter 1998-1999: 135-150.
  59. ^ Rosenberg, Matt (2007-04-11), "Putting politics ahead of kids". The Seattle Times, [1].
  60. ^ Stossel, John; Binkley, Gena (2006-11-05). "Does White Privilege Exist in America? Scholars Debate Whether Society Overlooks Minorities". ABC News (20/20). http://abcnews.go.com/2020/story?id=2629192&page=1. 

Further reading

  • Allen, Theodore. The Invention of the White Race: Racial Oppression and Social Control (Verso, 1994) ISBN 0-86091-660-X.
  • Berger, Maurice. "White Lies: Race and the Myths of Whiteness" (Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1999) ISBN 0-374-52715-6
  • Brown, C.S. (2002). Refusing Racism: White allies and the struggle of civil right. New York: Teachers College Press.
  • DuBois, W.E.B. 1920. "The Souls of White Folk," in Darkwater
  • Dyer, Richard. White
  • Fanon, Franz. Black Skin, White Masks
  • Ignatiev, Noel. How the Irish Became White (Routledge, 1996). ISBN 0-415-91825-1.
  • Jackson, C. 2006. White Anti-Racism: Living the Legacy. Retrieved October 31, 2006 from http://www.tolerance.org/teach/activities/activity.jsp?ar=718.
  • Levine-Rasky, C. 2000. Framing whiteness: working through the tensions in introducing whiteness to educators. Race Ethnicity and Education, 3(3), 271–292.
  • Lipsitz, George. The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics (Temple University Press, 2006). ISBN 1-56639-635-2.
  • McIntosh, Peggy. "White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack." (excerpt from Working Paper #189, "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondence Through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley, MA.
  • Roediger, David R. The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (Verso, 1999) ISBN 0-86091-550-6.
  • Roediger, D.R. 2005. Working toward whiteness: How America’s immigrants became white. The strange journey from Ellis Island to the suburbs. New York: Basic Books.
  • Rothenberg, Paula S., ed. White Privilege: Essential Readings on the Other Side of Racism (Worth, 2004) ISBN 0-7167-8733-4.
  • Solomona, R.P., Portelli, J.P., Daniel, B-J. & Campbell, A. (2005). The discourse of denial: how white teacher candidates construct race, racism and ‘white privilege’. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8 (2), 147–169.
  • Updegrave, W.L. (1989). Race and money. Money, December 1989,152–72.
  • Wise, Tim. White Like Me

External links

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