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For other persons of the same name, see William Bryan and William Jennings.
William Jennings Bryan


In office
March 5, 1913 – June 9, 1915
President Woodrow Wilson
Deputy Huntington Wilson (1913)
John E. Osborne (1913–1915)
Preceded by Philander C. Knox
Succeeded by Robert Lansing

Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Nebraska's 1st district
In office
March 4, 1891 – March 3, 1895
Preceded by William James Connell
Succeeded by Jesse Burr Strode

Born March 19, 1860(1860-03-19)
Illinois, U.S.
Died July 26, 1925 (aged 65)
Dayton, Tennessee, U.S.
Political party Democratic
Spouse(s) Mary Baird Bryan
Children Ruth Bryan Owen, William Jennings Bryan Jr., Grace Bryan
Alma mater Illinois College, Union College of Law
Profession Politician, Lawyer, Militia Colonel
Religion Presbyterian
Signature

William Jennings Bryan (March 19, 1860 – July 26, 1925) was the Democratic Party nominee for President of the United States in 1896, 1900 and 1908, a lawyer, and the 41st United States Secretary of State under President Woodrow Wilson. He was noted for a deep, commanding voice. Bryan was a devout Presbyterian, a supporter of popular democracy, a critic of banks and railroads, a leader of the silverite movement in the 1890s, a leading figure in the Democratic Party, a peace advocate, a prohibitionist, an opponent of Darwinism, and one of the most prominent leaders of populism in the late 19th and early 20th century. Because of his faith in the goodness and rightness of the common people, he was called "The Great Commoner."

In the intensely fought 1896 and 1900 elections, he was defeated by William McKinley but retained control of the Democratic Party. For presidential candidates, Bryan invented the national stumping tour. In his three presidential bids, he promoted Free Silver in 1896, anti-imperialism in 1900, and trust-busting in 1908, calling on Democrats, in cases where corporations are protected, to abandon states' rights, to fight the trusts and big banks, and embrace populist ideas. President Woodrow Wilson appointed him Secretary of State in 1913, but Wilson's handling of the Lusitania crisis in 1915 caused Bryan to resign in protest.

He was a strong supporter of Prohibition in the 1920s, and energetically attacked Darwinism and evolution, most famously at the Scopes Trial in 1925. Five days after winning the case but getting bad press, he died in his sleep.[1]

Contents

Background and early career: 1860–1896

The son of Silas and Mariah Elizabeth Bryan, Bryan was born in the Little Egypt region of southern Illinois on March 19, 1860.

Bryan's mother was born of English heritage.[2] Mary Bryan joined the Salem Baptists in 1872, so Bryan attended Methodist services on Sunday morning, and in the afternoon, Baptist services. At this point, William began spending his Sunday afternoons at the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. At age 14 in 1874, Bryan attended a revival, was baptized, and joined the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. In later life, Bryan said the day of his baptism was the most important day in his life, but, at the time it caused little change in his daily routine. He left the Cumberland Presbyterian Church and joined the larger Presbyterian Church in the United States of America. His father Silas was born of Scots-Irish and English stock in St.Croix.[3] As a Jacksonian Democrat, Silas won election as a Democrat to the Illinois State Senate. The year of Bryan's birth, his father lost his seat, but shortly won election as a state circuit judge.

The family moved to a 520-acre (210.4 ha) farm north of Salem in 1866, living in a ten-room house that was the envy of Marion County.

A young Bryan

Until age ten, Bryan was home-schooled, finding in the Bible and McGuffey Readers support for his views that gambling and liquor were evil and sinful. To attend Whipple Academy, which was attached to Illinois College, 14-year-old Bryan was sent to Jacksonville in 1874.

Following high school, he entered Illinois College and studied classics, graduating as valedictorian in 1881. During his time at Illinois College, Bryan was a member of the Sigma Pi literary society, and later initiated the Nebraska Chapter of the Acacia Fraternity.[4] To study law at Union Law College (which later became Northwestern University School of Law), he moved to Chicago. While preparing for the bar exam, he taught high school. While teaching, he eventually married pupil Mary Elizabeth Baird in 1884. They settled in Salem, Illinois, a town with a population of two thousand.

Mary became a lawyer and collaborated with him on all his speeches and writings. He practiced law in Jacksonville (1883–87), then moved to the boom city of Lincoln, Nebraska.

In the Democratic landslide of 1890, Bryan was elected to Congress and reelected by 140 votes in 1892. He ran for the Senate in 1894, but was overwhelmed in the Republican landslide.

In Bryan's first years in Lincoln, he traveled to Valentine, Nebraska on business where he met an aspiring young cattleman named James Dahlman. Over the next forty years they remained friends, with Dahlman carrying Nebraska for Bryan twice while he was state Democratic Party chairman. Even when Dahlman became closely associated with Omaha's vice elements, including the breweries, as the city's eight-term mayor, he and Bryan maintained a collegial relationship.[5]

First campaign for the White House: 1896

A Republican satire on Bryan's "Cross of Gold" speech

In 1893 the repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act resulted in the collapse of the silver market. Bryan stumped the country for free silver in 1894-96, building a grass-roots reputation as a powerful champion of the cause.

At the 1896 Democratic National Convention, Bryan lambasted Eastern monied classes for supporting the gold standard at the expense of the average worker. His "Cross of Gold" speech made him a sensational new face in the Democratic party. That same year he became the first presidential candidate to campaign in a car (a donated Mueller) in Decatur, Illinois.[6]

Bryan/Sewall campaign poster

The Bourbon Democrats who supported incumbent conservative President Grover Cleveland were defeated, and the party's agrarian and silver factions voted for Bryan, giving him the nomination of the Democratic Party. At the age of 36 Bryan remains the youngest presidential nominee of a major party in American history.

Disappointed with the direction of their party, Gold Democrats invited Cleveland to run as a third-party candidate, but he declined this offer. Cleveland did, however, support John M. Palmer, nominee of the Gold Democrats, rather than Bryan.[7]

Bryan campaigning for President, October 1896. Aged 36, he remains the youngest major presidential nominee in U.S. history.

In addition, Bryan formally received the nominations of the Populist Party and the Silver Republican Party. Without crossing party lines, voters from any party could vote for him.[8] In 1896 the Populists rejected Bryan's Democratic running mate, Maine banker Arthur Sewall, and named as his running mate Georgia Representative Thomas E. Watson. People could vote for Bryan and Sewell, or for Bryan and Watson.

Bryan in 1896

The Republicans nominated William McKinley on a platform calling for prosperity for everyone through industrial growth, high tariffs and sound money (gold). Republicans ridiculed Bryan as a Populist. However, "Bryan's reform program was so similar to that of the Populists that he has often been mistaken for a Populist, but he remained a staunch Democrat throughout the Populist period."[9] This is because, despite having used many of the Populist ideas, Bryan kept all of his Democratic views while simply adding the Populist views to gain their votes.

Bryan as Populist swallowing the Democratic Party; 1896 cartoon from the Republican magazine Judge.

Bryan demanded Bimetallism and "Free Silver" at a ratio of 16:1. Most leading Democratic newspapers rejected his candidacy. Despite this rejection by the newspapers, Bryan won the Democratic vote.

Republicans discovered in August that Bryan was solidly ahead in the South and West, but far behind in the Northeast. He appeared to be ahead in the Midwest, so the Republicans concentrated their efforts there. They said Bryan was a madman, a religious fanatic surrounded by anarchists, who would wreck the economy.[10] By late September, the Republicans felt they were ahead in the decisive Midwest and began emphasizing that McKinley would bring prosperity to all Americans. McKinley scored solid gains among the middle classes, factory and railroad workers, prosperous farmers and the German Americans who rejected free silver. Bryan gave 500 speeches in 27 states. McKinley won by a margin of 271 to 176 in the electoral college.

War and peace: 1898–1900

Conservatives in 1900 ridiculed Bryan's eclectic platform

Bryan volunteered for combat in the Spanish-American War in 1898, arguing, "Universal peace cannot come until justice is enthroned throughout the world. Until the right has triumphed in every land and love reigns in every heart, government must, as a last resort, appeal to force." Bryan became colonel of a Nebraska militia regiment; he contracted typhoid fever in Florida and stayed there to recuperate, never seeing combat. After the war, Bryan opposed the annexation of the Philippines (though he did support the Treaty of Paris that ended the war). Bryan gave a speech at the Democratic National Convention in 1900 called "The Paralyzing Influence of Imperialism." In this speech he discusses his views against the annexation of the Philippines, asking what gives the United States the right to overpower people of another country just for a military base. He mentions, at the beginning of the speech, that the United States should not try to be like the Imperialistic British and other European countries.

Presidential election of 1900

He ran as an anti-imperialist, finding himself in alliance with Andrew Carnegie and other millionaires. Republicans mocked Bryan as indecisive, or a coward, a point spoofed by the Bryan-like Cowardly Lion in The Wonderful Wizard of Oz, published in spring 1900.[11]

Bryan combined anti-imperialism with free silver, saying:

The nation is of age and it can do what it pleases; it can spurn the traditions of the past; it can repudiate the principles upon which the nation rests; it can employ force instead of reason; it can substitute might for right; it can conquer weaker people; it can exploit their lands, appropriate their property and kill their people; but it cannot repeal the moral law or escape the punishment decreed for the violation of human rights.[12]

In a typical day he gave four hourlong speeches and shorter talks that added up to six hours of speaking. At an average rate of 175 words a minute, he turned out 63,000 words, enough to fill 52 columns of a newspaper. In Wisconsin, he once made 12 speeches in 15 hours.[13] Before Bryan held any political office there remained a need for income; public speaking would not become any less of a passion as it also became a source of income for Bryan and his family. Bryan held an estate in Nebraska as well as a 240-acre (0.97 km2) ranch in Texas, of which both were paid for with earnings from publications of The Commoner as well as speaking fees. Bryan's rates were noted as $500.00 per speech in addition to a percentage of the ticket sales profit. He held his base in the South, but lost part of the West as McKinley retained the Northeast and Midwest and rolled up a landslide. McKinley won the electoral college with a count of 292 votes compared to Bryan's 155. This means that Bryan actually lost more states than he had in 1896.

Presidential election of 1908

Bryan in 1908

The 1908 election was Bryan’s third attempt at gaining the presidency. The Democrats nominated Bryan by wide margin at the Democratic convention held in Denver and decided on John Kern, a politician from Indiana, to be his running mate. Bryan ran against the Republicans, and Theodore Roosevelt’s hand-picked nominee William Howard Taft.

The GOP ran its campaign on the benefits of the Roosevelt administration, creation of a postal service, continuation of “Sound Currency”, citizenship for Puerto Rico inhabitants, regulation on big business, and tariff revision in protectionist mode.[14]

Bryan and the Democrats’ platform denounced the wrongs done by the Republican party: Congress spent too much money; Roosevelt hand picked Taft in undemocratic fashion; Republicans wanted centralization; Republicans favored monopolies. In response, Bryan unleashed the slogan, “Shall the People Rule?” In a time of peace and prosperity, and Republican trust-busting, Bryan fared poorly among the voters. He lost the electoral college 321 to 162, his worst defeat yet, and did not carry any of the states in the Northeast.

Chautauqua circuit: 1900–1912

Bryan giving a speech during his 1908 run for the presidency

For the next 25 years, Bryan was the most popular Chautauqua speaker, delivering thousands of paid speeches in towns across the land, even while serving as secretary of state. He mostly spoke about religion but covered a wide variety of topics.[15] His most popular lecture (and his personal favorite) was a lecture entitled "The Prince of Peace" which stressed that religion was the solid foundation of morality, and individual and group morality was the foundation for peace and equality. Another famous lecture from this period, "The Value of an Ideal", was a stirring call to public service.

In 1905 speech, Bryan warned: "The Darwinian theory represents man reaching his present perfection by the operation of the law of hate — the merciless law by which the strong crowd out and kill off the weak. If this is the law of our development then, if there is any logic that can bind the human mind, we shall turn backward to the beast in proportion as we substitute the law of love. I choose to believe that love rather than hatred is the law of development."

William Jennings Bryan addresses a crowd from a train in Utica, New York, October 21, 1908

Bryan threw himself into the work of the Social Gospel. Bryan served on organizations containing a large number of theological liberals: he sat on the temperance committee of the Federal Council of Churches and on the general committee of the short-lived Interchurch World Movement.

Bryan founded a weekly magazine, The Commoner, calling on Democrats to dissolve the trusts, regulate the railroads more tightly and support the Progressive Movement. He regarded prohibition as a "local" issue and did not endorse it until 1910. In London in 1906, he presented a plan to the Inter-Parliamentary Peace Conference for arbitration of disputes that he hoped would avert warfare. He tentatively called for nationalization of the railroads, then backtracked and called only for more regulation. His party nominated Bourbon Democrat Alton B. Parker in 1904, who lost to Roosevelt. For two years following this defeat, Bryan would pursue his public speaking ventures on an international stage. From 1904-1906, Bryan travelled globally; spreading the Word of God, sightseeing with his wife Mary, lecturing, and all while escaping the political upheaval in Washington, D.C.

Bryan's speech to the students of Washington and Lee University began the Washington & Lee Mock Convention.

After a long standing heated debate, Arkansas adopted the initiative and referendum in September 1910 and was part of the Arkansas constitution. This was seen as a form of direct democracy which expanded the role of citizens, checked the power legislatures and purified politics. This had been endorsed by the notable figure of William Jennings Bryan, who had come to Arkansas to accompany Governor George W. Donaghey. To gain support they used the famous whistle stop-train which was specifically designed to gain more support for the proposed constitutional amendment. The Amendment would be seen as an “instrument to neutralize the power of special interests...to create pressures on state representatives and governors to act on specific measures, and when they failed to act to bypass these representative institutions.” [16] This political battle for more local involvement in the government is often identified with the progressive movement of the early 20th century American History.

William Jennings Bryan became a part of the famous whistle stop-train when there had been a mounting criticism of George W. Donaghey and was forced to bring a strong ally as Bryan had been among the first to endorse the idea of initiative and referendum in 1907. The general election of 1910 looked promising. It had been generally approved by both houses in the Arkansas General Assembly. Bryan was originally scheduled to spend four days in Arkansas and speak in thirty towns however, after a series of schedule changes; Bryan had given a total of fifty-five speeches in four and a half days. There had been large support for Bryan at each of his speeches and numbers ranged from two hundred to fifteen thousand. [17] The themes of his speeches always stressed” the people can be trusted, the “joker” would not be a problem, and the initiative and referendum were working well in other states and was the wave of the future. The impact of Bryan’s speeches was overwhelming, for example in his tour at Batesville, The daily guard in an editorial on the day of Bryan’s visit said that “Bryan, the statesman, has no peer in the nation, or the world.” [18]

Secretary of State: 1913–1915

Cartoon of Secretary of State Bryan reading war news in 1914
La Serena, Bryan's home built in 1913 at Miami, Florida

For supporting Woodrow Wilson for the presidency in 1912, Bryan was appointed as Secretary of State. However, Wilson only nominally consulted him and made all the major foreign policy decisions himself. Bryan negotiated 28 treaties that promised arbitration of disputes before war broke out between the signatory countries and the United States. He had made several attempts to negotiate a treaty with Germany but ultimately was never able to succeed. In the civil war in Mexico in 1914, Bryan supported American military intervention.

Wilson's desire to enter the war in Europe brought him to odds with Bryan and, eventually, led to Bryan's resignation in June 1915 over Wilson's demands for "strict accountability for any infringement of [American] rights, intentional or incidental."

Prohibition battles: 1916–1925

Despite their differences, Bryan campaigned as a private citizen for Wilson's reelection in 1916. When war was declared in April 1917, Bryan wrote Wilson, "Believing it to be the duty of the citizen to bear his part of the burden of war and his share of the peril, I hereby tender my services to the Government. Please enroll me as a private whenever I am needed and assign me to any work that I can do."[19] Wilson, however, did not allow 57-year-old Bryan to rejoin the military and did not offer him any wartime role.

Bryan campaigned for the Constitutional amendments on prohibition and women's suffrage. Partly to avoid Nebraska ethnics such as the German-Americans who were "wet" and opposed to prohibition,[20] Bryan moved to Coconut Grove in Miami, Florida. Bryan filled lucrative speaking engagements, including playing the part of spokesman for George E. Merrick's new planned community Coral Gables, addressing large crowds across a Venetian pool for an annual salary of over $100,000.[21] He was also extremely active in Christian organizations. Bryan refused to support the party's presidential nominee James M. Cox in 1920, because he deemed Cox not dry enough. As one biographer explains,

Bryan epitomized the prohibitionist viewpoint: Protestant and nativist, hostile to the corporation and the evils of urban civilization, devoted to personal regeneration and the social gospel, he sincerely believed that prohibition would contribute to the physical health and moral improvement of the individual, stimulate civic progress, and end the notorious abuses connected with the liquor traffic. Hence he became interested when its devotees in Nebraska viewed direct legislation as a means of obtaining antisaloon laws.[22]
William Jennings Bryan and wife, Mary, in New York City, June 19, 1915

Bryan's national campaigning helped Congress pass the 18th Amendment in 1918, which shut down all saloons as of 1920. But while prohibition was in effect, Bryan did not work to secure better enforcement. He opposed a highly controversial resolution at the 1924 convention condemning the Ku Klux Klan, expecting it would soon fold. Bryan disliked the KKK but never publicly attacked it.[23] For the nomination in 1924, he opposed the wet Al Smith; Bryan's brother, Nebraska Governor Charles W. Bryan, was put on the ticket with John W. Davis as candidate for vice president to keep the Bryanites in line. Bryan was very close to his younger brother Charles and endorsed him for the vice presidency.

Bryan was the chief proponent of the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act, the precursor to our modern War on Drugs. However, he argued for the act's passage more as an international obligation than on moral grounds.[24]

Fighting the theory of evolution: 1918–1925

Before World War I, Bryan believed moral progress could achieve equality at home and, in the international field, peace between all the world's nations.

Bryan opposed Darwinism for two reasons. First he believed that what he considered a materialistic account of the descent of man through evolution undermined the Bible. Second, he saw neo-Darwinism or Social Darwinism as a great evil force in the world promoting hatreds and conflicts, especially the World War.[25]

In his famous Chautauqua lecture, "The Prince of Peace," Bryan warned the theory of evolution could undermine the foundations of morality. However, he concluded, "While I do not accept the Darwinian theory I shall not quarrel with you about it."

Charles W. and William J. Bryan

One book Bryan read at this time convinced him that neo-Darwinism (emphasizing the struggle of the races) had undermined morality in Germany.[26] Bryan was heavily influenced by Vernon Kellogg's 1917 book, Headquarters Nights: A Record of Conversations and Experiences at the Headquarters of the German Army in Belgium and France, which asserted (on the basis of a conversation with a reserve officer named Professor von Flussen) that German intellectuals were social Darwinists totally committed to might-makes-right.[27]

Bryan also read The Science of Power (1918) by British social theorist Benjamin Kidd, which attributed the philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche to German nationalism, materialism, and militarism which in turn was the outworking of the social Darwinian hypothesis.[28]

In 1920, Bryan told the World Brotherhood Congress the theory of evolution was "the most paralyzing influence with which civilization has had to deal in the last century" and that Nietzsche, in carrying the theory of evolution to its logical conclusion, "promulgated a philosophy that condemned democracy... denounced Christianity... denied the existence of God, overturned all concepts of morality... and endeavored to substitute the worship of the superhuman for the worship of Jehovah."[29]

By 1921, Bryan saw Darwinism as a major internal threat to the US. The major study which seemed to convince Bryan of this was James H. Leuba's The Belief in God and Immortality, a Psychological, Anthropological and Statistical Study (1916). In this study, Leuba shows that during four years of college a considerable number of college students lost their faith. Bryan was horrified that the next generation of American leaders might have the degraded sense of morality which he believed had prevailed in Germany and caused the Great War. Bryan then launched an anti-evolution campaign.[30]

Ever Hopeful
A November 1924 cartoon depicts Bryan with his brother, Charles, sitting on a log marked "Almost the Solid South" looking at the sun marked "1928" where more hope might come for them. Charles was the losing Democratic nominee for vice president in 1924.

The campaign kicked off in October 1921, when Union Theological Seminary in Richmond, Virginia invited Bryan to deliver the James Sprunt Lectures. The heart of the lectures was a lecture entitled "The Origin of Man", in which Bryan asked, "what is the role of man in the universe and what is the purpose of man?" For Bryan, the Bible was absolutely central to answering this question, and moral responsibility and the spirit of brotherhood could only rest on belief in God.

The Sprunt lectures were published as In His Image, and sold over 100,000 copies, while "The Origin of Man" was published separately as The Menace of the theory of evolution and also sold very well.[31]

Bryan was worried that the theory of evolution was making grounds not only in the universities, but also within the church itself. Many colleges were still church-affiliated at this point. The developments of 19th century liberal theology, and higher criticism in particular, had left the door open to the point where many clergymen were willing to embrace the theory of evolution and claimed that it was not contradictory with their being Christians. Determined to put an end to this, Bryan, who had long served as a Presbyterian elder, decided to run for the position of Moderator of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the USA, which was at the time embroiled in the Fundamentalist-Modernist Controversy. (Under Presbyterian church governance, clergy and laymen are equally represented in the General Assembly, and the post of Moderator is open to any member of General Assembly.) Bryan's main competition in the race was the Rev. Charles F. Wishart, president of the College of Wooster, who had loudly endorsed the teaching of the theory of evolution in the college. Bryan lost to Wishart by a vote of 451-427. Bryan then failed in a proposal to cut off funds to schools where the theory of evolution was taught. Instead, the General Assembly announced disapproval of materialistic (as opposed to theistic) evolution.

In his efforts to bring some publicity to his cause, Bryan joined the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 1924 and attended the annual meeting.[32] A featured session at the meeting was a debate on biological evolution between Bryan and Edward Loranus Rice a developmental biologist from Methodist-associated Ohio Wesleyan University. In debate before the scientific audience, Rice effectively showed that Bryan had little understanding of the concepts of Darwin or the scientific method.[33]

According to author Ronald L. Numbers, Bryan was not nearly as much of a fundamentalist as many modern-day creationists, and is more accurately described as a "day-age creationist":

William Jennings Bryan, the much misunderstood leader of the post–World War I antievolution crusade, not only read the Mosaic “days” as geological “ages” but allowed for the possibility of organic evolution— so long as it did not impinge on the supernatural origin of Adam and Eve.[34]

Scopes trial: 1925

Clarence Darrow and William Jennings Bryan chat in court during the Scopes Trial
Congresswoman Ruth Bryan Owen, Bryan's daughter

In addition to his unsuccessful advocacy of banning the teaching of evolution in church-run universities, Bryan also actively lobbied for state laws banning public schools from teaching evolution. The legislatures of several southern states proved more receptive to his anti-evolution message than the Presbyterian Church had, and passed laws banning the teaching of evolution in public schools after Bryan addressed them. A prominent example was the Butler Act of 1925, making it unlawful in Tennessee to teach that mankind evolved from lower life forms.[35]

Bryan's participation in the highly publicized 1925 Scopes Trial served as a capstone to his career. He was asked by William Bell Riley to represent the World Christian Fundamentals Association as counsel at the trial. During the trial, Bryan took the stand and was questioned by defense lawyer Clarence Darrow about his views on the Bible. He was asked questions with no known answers, such as the population of China 5000 years ago (which the Bible does not address) and if the fish in the sea were drowned in the flood. The questions were designed to force him to admit that he did not know, or to guess wildly, or to add questionable explanations to things of the Bible.

The national media reported the trial in great detail, with H. L. Mencken using Bryan as a symbol of Southern ignorance (despite his not being from the South) and anti-intellectualism. In a more humorous vein, satirist Richard Armour stated in It All Started With Columbus that Darrow had "made a monkey out of" Bryan due to Bryan's ignorance of the Bible.

After the judge retroactively expunged all of Bryan's answers to Darrow's questions, both sides closed without summation. The jury quickly returned a guilty verdict with the defense's encouragement, and Bryan won the case. However, the state supreme court reversed the verdict on a technicality and Scopes went free.

Biologist Stephen Jay Gould has speculated that Bryan's anti-evolution views were a result of his Populist idealism and suggests that Bryan's fight was really against eugenics. However, the biographers, especially Michael Kazin, reject that conclusion, based on Bryan's failure during the trial or at any other time to attack eugenics; Kazin notes that there is a section on eugenics in Civic Biology, which was the biology textbook Scopes was in trouble for using.[36]

Death

Immediately after the trial, Bryan continued to edit and deliver speeches, traveling hundreds of miles that week. On Sunday, July 26, 1925, he drove from Chattanooga to Dayton to attend a church service, ate a meal and died (the result of diabetes and fatigue) in his sleep that afternoon — just five days after the Scopes trial ended. School Superintendent Walter White proposed that Dayton should create a Christian college as a lasting memorial to Bryan; fund raising was successful and Bryan College opened in 1930. Bryan is buried in Arlington National Cemetery. His tombstone reads "He kept the Faith." He was survived by among others, a daughter, Congresswoman Ruth Bryan Owen and her son (by artist William Homer Leavitt) John Bryan Leavitt and daughter Ruth Leavitt, as well as two children by her second husband, Royal British Engineers officer Reginald A. Owen.[37][38]

Popular image

Inherit the Wind, a 1955 play by Jerome Lawrence and Robert Edwin Lee, is a fictionalized account of the Scopes Trial written in response to McCarthyism. A populist thrice-defeated Presidential candidate from Nebraska named Matthew Harrison Brady comes to a small town named Hillsboro in the Deep South to help prosecute a young teacher for teaching Darwinism to his schoolchildren. He is opposed by a famous trial lawyer, Henry Drummond, and chastised by a cynical newspaperman as the trial assumes a national profile. Critics of the play charge that it mischaracterizes Bryan and the trial.

Bryan also appears as a character in Douglas Moore's 1956 opera, The Ballad of Baby Doe and is briefly mentioned in John Steinbeck's East of Eden. His death is referred to in Ernest Hemingway's The Sun Also Rises. Bryan was also mentioned on the May 23, 2007 episode of The Daily Show when fictional comedian Geoffrey Foxworthington (an early 20th century parody of Jeff Foxworthy) quotes, "If your dream Vice President is William Jennings Bryan, you might be a puzzlewit." In Robert A. Heinlein's Job: A Comedy of Justice, Bryan's unsuccessful or successful runs for the presidency are seen as the 'splitting off' events of the alternate histories through which the protagonists travel.

In political cartoons

The sheer volume of political propaganda cartoons featuring Bryan is a testament to the amusement and fear he caused among conservatives. Bryan campaigned tirelessly championing the ideas of the farmers and workers, using his skills as a famed orator to ultimately reshape the Democratic Party into a more progressive one. These political cartoons attacked just about every facet of Bryan’s character and policy. They mocked his religious fervor, his campaign slogans, and even his ability to unify parties for a common cause. As Keen puts it, “The art of propaganda is to create a portrait that incarnates the idea of what we wish to destroy so we will react rather than think, and automatically focus our free-floating hostility, indistinct frustrations, and unnamed fears”.[39] Bryan embodied these fears of the Republican Party of the time, which is clearly evident in the lengths they went to deface his character in these cartoons.

The most notable cartoons are of Bryan illustrated as a snake, representing Populism, swallowing a donkey, symbolizing the Democratic Party. Another notable Bryan cartoon is one where he is standing atop a Bible, marketing the sales of a "crown of thorns" and a "cross of gold" both referencing "The Cross of Gold" his most popular speech. Other cartoons can analyze overall judgments of Bryan’s continuous failure to win the Presidential Election and Bryan can be seen as some sort of puppet or smaller figure in comparison to other presidential elect opponents.

Nicknames

Bryan had an unusually high number of nicknames given to him in his lifetime; most of these were given by his loyal admirers in the Democratic Party. In addition to his best-known nickname, "The Great Commoner", he was also called "The Silver Knight of the West" (due to his support of the free silver issue) and the "Boy Orator of the Platte" (a reference to his oratorical skills and his home near the Platte River in Nebraska). A derisive nickname given by journalist H.L. Mencken, a prominent Bryan critic, was "The Fundamentalist Pope", a reference to Bryan's devout religious views. He is called "Adam-and-Eve" Bryan in "O Russet Witch!, Tales of the Jazz Age" by F. Scott Fitzgerald.

Legacy

Statue of Bryan on the lawn of the Rhea County, Tennessee courthouse in Dayton, Tennessee.

Kazin (2006) considers Bryan the first of the 20th century "celebrity politicians" better known for their personalities and communications skills than their political views. Shannon Jones (2006) on a Socialist website claims Bryan never took a principled stand against white supremacy in the Southern United States. Alan Wolfe has concluded that Bryan's "legacy remains complicated". Form and content mix uneasily in Bryan's politics. The content of his speeches leads in a direct line to the progressive reforms adopted by 20th century Democrats. But the form his actions took was a romantic invocation of the American past, a populist insistence on the wisdom of ordinary folk, and a faith-based insistence on sincerity and character.[40]

In "They Also Ran", Irving Stone criticized Bryan as a person who was egocentric and never admitted wrong. Stone mentioned how Bryan lived a sheltered life and therefore could not feel the suffering of the common man. He speculated that Bryan merely acted as a champion of common men in order to get their votes. Stone mentioned that none of Bryan's ideas were original and that he did not have the brains to be an effective president. Stone personally believed Bryan to be one of the nation's worst Secretaries of State. He also feared that Bryan would have supported many radical religious blue laws. Stone felt that Bryan had one of the most undisciplined minds of the 19th century and that McKinley, Roosevelt, and Taft all made better presidents.

However, a number of prominent personalities have also defended Bryan and his legacy. In 1962 the journalist Merle Miller interviewed former President Harry Truman. When asked about Bryan, Truman replied that he [Bryan] "was a great one — one of the greatest". Truman also claimed that, in his opinion, "if it wasn't for old Bill Bryan there wouldn't be any liberalism at all in the country now. Bryan kept liberalism alive, he kept it going." In 1900 Truman, then aged 16, had served as a page to the Democratic National Convention in Kansas City. There he had heard Bryan give a speech to the convention's delegates and was deeply impressed. In his biography of Truman, the historian David McCullough wrote that in 1900 Truman and his father "declared themselves thorough 'Bryan men'...Bryan remained an idol for Harry, as the voice of the common man". Tom L. Johnson, the famed progressive mayor of Cleveland, Ohio, referred to Bryan's campaign in 1896 as "the first great struggle of the masses in our country against the privileged classes". In a 1934 speech dedicating a memorial to Bryan, President Franklin D. Roosevelt said "I think that we would choose the word 'sincerity' as fitting him [Bryan] most of all...it was that sincerity that served him so well in his life-long fight against sham and privilege and wrong. It was that sincerity which made him a force for good in his own generation and kept alive many of the ancient faiths on which we are building today. We...can well agree that he fought the good fight; that he finished the course; and that he kept the faith."

Bryan was truly one of the greatest speakers of his time, and he became a fixture of the Democratic party and a hero to the common man. He is normally not credited enough for bringing the Democratic party together to make it into the strongest it could be. Even though he only advocated for the rights of white men, he still could not stop his message from reaching all common people of the nation. Starting with his Cross of Gold speech, Bryan brought the populist party into the Democratic, and with his common man message he would inevitably draw the African-American and feminist vote into the party. Bryan became the bridge that brought different factions into the party, and paved for liberal democrats like Franklin D. Roosevelt with his New Deal legislation. He changed the tide of the party, and arguably the party might not be a party of the common people without him.

Bryan has been criticized and credited for many things throughout his life. One action that earned Bryan credit and criticism is “saving” or turning the Democratic Party around; thus paving the way for the party in the future. He achieved this by taking populist view points and incorporated them into the already established Democratic beliefs. He was highly criticized for doing this by some, and was even accused of (and still is by some scholars) not have any original thoughts; however ironically he had the “original” thought to take the already established views and make them his own, ultimately “re-vamping” a dying party. Bryan took ideas from the Populist Rebellion, such as the notions of unlimited coinage of gold and silver, public ownership of the railroad, and government control of debt and credit; and infused them into the already established Democratic Party. He argued that he was a “common” man and worked for the laborers, with a main goal of protection of the majority from the oppression of the minority. One minority that he at times he supported and at other times ignored were the African Americans of the time. During his presidential campaigns of 1896 and 1900 he said little if anything about the “cruel and unequal treatment of black Americans, even when it was a vital matter for his audiences”. While he publicly condemned lynchings and quietly courted African Americans in the North, he at the same time defended his Southern allies who supported “suffrage qualifications” that were designed to favor whites over African Americans. Perhaps his reasoning for this “fence hopping” could be credited to the fact that most of his supporters came from densely white populated areas, who held negative views about African Americans. Despite Bryan’s many criticisms, he is credited with turning around an entire political party, something that does not happen often.

Bryan County, Oklahoma was named after him.[41] Bryan Memorial Hospital (now BryanLGH Medical Center) of Lincoln, Nebraska, and Bryan College located in Dayton, Tennessee, are also named for William Jennings Bryan. The William Jennings Bryan House in Nebraska was named a U.S. National Historic Landmark in 1963. The Bryan Home Museum is a by-appointment only museum at his birthplace in Salem, Illinois. Salem is also home to Bryan Park and a large statue of Bryan. The full name of Baseball Hall of Famer Billy Herman was William Jennings Bryan Herman.

Publications

Secondary sources

Biographies

  • Cherny, Robert W. A Righteous Cause: The Life of William Jennings Bryan (1994).
  • Coletta; Paolo E. William Jennings Bryan 3 vols. (1964), the most detailed biography.
  • Glad, Paul W. The Trumpet Soundeth: William Jennings Bryan and His Democracy 1896-1912 (1966).
  • Hibben; Paxton. The Peerless Leader, William Jennings Bryan (1929).
  • Kazin, Michael. A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan (2006).
  • Koenig, Louis W. Bryan: A Political Biography of William Jennings Bryan (1971).
  • Levine, Lawrence W. Defender of the Faith: William Jennings Bryan, The Last Decade, 1915-1925 (1965).
  • Werner; M. R. Bryan (1929).

Specialized studies

  • Barnes, James A. (1947). "Myths of the Bryan Campaign". Mississippi Valley Historical Review 34 (3): 367–404. doi:10.2307/1898096.  on 1896
  • Bensel, Richard Franklin. Passion and Preferences: William Jennings Bryan and the 1896 Democratic Convention (2008)
  • Cherny, Robert W. (1996). "William Jennings Bryan and the Historians". Nebraska History 77 (3–4): 184–193. ISSN 00281859.  Analysis of the historiography.
  • Edwards, Mark (2000). "Rethinking the Failure of Fundamentalist Political Antievolutionism after 1925". Fides et Historia 32 (2): 89–106. ISSN 08845379.  Argues that fundamentalists thought they had won Scopes trial but death of Bryan shook their confidence.
  • Glad, Paul W. (1964). McKinley, Bryan and the People. Philadelphia: Lippincott. 
  • Hohenstein, Kurt (2000). "William Jennings Bryan and the Income Tax: Economic Statism and Judicial Usurpation in the Election of 1896". Journal of Law & Politics 16 (1): 163–192. ISSN 07492227. 
  • Jeansonne, Glen (1988). "Goldbugs, Silverites, and Satirists: Caricature and Humor in the Presidential Election of 1896". Journal of American Culture 11 (2): 1–8. ISSN 01911813. 
  • Taylor, Michael (2008). "The Bicycle Boom and the Bicycle Bloc: Cycling and Politics in the 1890s". Indiana Magazine of History 104 (3): 213–240. 
  • Larson, Edward (1997). Summer for the Gods: The Scopes trial and America's continuing debate over science and religion. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 0465075096. 
  • Longfield, Bradley J. (2000). "For Church and Country: the Fundamentalist-modernist Conflict in the Presbyterian Church". Journal of Presbyterian History 78 (1): 34–50. ISSN 00223883.  Puts Scopes in larger religious context.
  • Mahan, Russell L. (2003). "William Jennings Bryan and the Presidential Campaign of 1896". White House Studies 3 (2): 215–227. ISSN 15354768. 
  • Murphy, Troy A. (2002). "William Jennings Bryan: Boy Orator, Broken Man, and the 'Evolution' of America's Public Philosophy". Great Plains Quarterly 22 (2): 83–98. ISSN 02757664. 
  • Smith, Willard H. (1966). "William Jennings Bryan and the Social Gospel". Journal of American History 53 (1): 41–60. doi:10.2307/1893929. 
  • Taylor, Jeff (2006). Where Did the Party Go?: William Jennings Bryan, Hubert Humphrey, and the Jeffersonian Legacy. Columbia: University of Missouri Press. ISBN 0826216595.  On Bryan's place in Democratic Party history and ideology.
  • Wood, L. Maren (2002). "The Monkey Trial Myth: Popular Culture Representations of the Scopes Trial". Canadian Review of American Studies 32 (2): 147–164. ISSN 00077720. 

See also

References

  1. ^ Jeffrey P. Moran, The Scopes Trial: A Brief History with Documents (2002)
  2. ^ Bryan, Williams Jennings; Mary j Baidje (2003) "Memoirs of William Jennings Bryan" Kessinger p. 22-26.
  3. ^ Asked when his family "dropped the 'O'" from his surname, he responded there never had been one. Bryan Memoirs of William Jennings Bryan; Kessinger p. 22-26.
  4. ^ Acacia Fraternity. "Acacia Fraternity: Notable Acacians". http://www.acacia.org/about_notables.htm. Retrieved 2008-10-30. 
  5. ^ Folsom, B.W. No More Free Markets Or Free Beer: The Progressive Era in Nebraska, 1900-1924 (Lexington Books, 1999), pp.57-59.
  6. ^ Lewis, Mary Beth. "Ten Best First Facts", in Car and Driver, 1/88, p.92.
  7. ^ William DeGregorio, The Complete Book of U.S. Presidents, Gramercy 1997
  8. ^ The Populists and Silver republicans were virtually defunct in 1900 and 1908 and he ran only on the Democratic ticket those years.
  9. ^ Coletta, (1964), vol.1, pg.40
  10. ^ Glad (1964)
  11. ^ John G. Geer and Thomas R. Rochon, "William Jennings Bryan on the Yellow Brick Road," The Journal of American Culture Volume 16 Issue 4, (Jun 2004) Pages 59 - 63
  12. ^ Hibben, Peerless Leader, 220
  13. ^ Coletta 1:272
  14. ^ usaelectionatlas.org election 1908
  15. ^ Coletta, William Jennings Bryan vol 2 p. 2
  16. ^ Eugene Lee, "The American Experience, 1778-1978," in The Referendum Device, Austin Ranney, ed., (Washington and London, 1981), 48
  17. ^ Ibid. , September 8, 1910
  18. ^ (Batesville) Daily Guard, September 8, 1910
  19. ^ Hibben, Peerless Leader, p. 356
  20. ^ Coletta 3:116
  21. ^ George, Paul S. "Brokers, Binders & Builders: Greater Miami's Boom of the Mid-1920s." Florida Historical Quarterly, vol. 59, no. 4. 1981. pp. 440-463.
  22. ^ Coletta William Jennings Bryan vol 2 p. 8
  23. ^ Coletta, William Jennings Bryan 3:162, 177, 184; Kazin
  24. ^ Historical documents
  25. ^ Coletta, William Jennings Bryan vol 3 ch 8
  26. ^ Coletta, William Jennings Bryan vol 3 p. 200
  27. ^ Bryan was especially influenced by pp 22-31 of Kellogg's book, which is online
  28. ^ Bryan, Memoirs 552-53
  29. ^ Bradley J. Longfield, The Presbyterian Controversy: Fundamentalists, Modernists, and Moderates (1991) p 68
  30. ^ Coletta 3:200
  31. ^ Bryan, In His Image (1922) full text online
  32. ^ "Gilbert, J. (1997). William Jennings Bryan, Scientist.". pp. 22-35 In: Redeeming Culture:American Religion in An Age of Science. University of Chicago Press.. http://www.press.uchicago.edu/Misc/Chicago/293203.html. Retrieved 22 February 2010. 
  33. ^ Rice, E.L. (1925). Darwin and Bryan: a study in method. Science 61(1575):243-250.
  34. ^ The Creationists: From Scientific Creationism to Intelligent Design, expanded edition, Ronald L. Numbers, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England, 2006, p. 13 ISBN 0-674-02339-0
  35. ^ "It shall be unlawful..." to teach "...any theory that denies the story of the Divine Creation of man as taught in the Bible, and to teach instead that man has descended from a lower order of animals." Section 1 of House Bill No. 185
  36. ^ Kazin p.289. In a speech that Bryan was working on when he died there is one sentence that says "scientific breeding" is impossible. The speech did not use the word "eugenics" and the term does not appear in his writings. Bryan, Memoirs p. 548.
  37. ^ Bryan and Grandson Hunt, The New York Times, Nov. 23, 1913
  38. ^ John Bryan Leavitt, grandson of William Jennings Bryan, was born to Ruth Bryan and her first husband Newport, Rhode Island, artist William Homer Leavitt. The couple later divorced, and William Jennings Bryan later adopted his grandson, who shortened his name to simply John Bryan, dropping 'Leavitt.' He became an actor.[1]
  39. ^ Keen (1986), p, 26
  40. ^ Quotations of William Jennings Bryan
  41. ^ Oklahoma Historical Society. "Origin of County Names in Oklahoma", Chronicles of Oklahoma 2:1 (March 1924) 75-82 (retrieved August 18, 2006).

External links

Political offices
Preceded by
Philander C. Knox
United States Secretary of State
Served under: Woodrow Wilson

March 5, 1913 – June 9, 1915
Succeeded by
Robert Lansing
United States House of Representatives
Preceded by
William James Connell
Member from Nebraska's 1st congressional district
March 4, 1891 – March 3, 1895
Succeeded by
Jesse Burr Strode
Party political offices
Preceded by
James Baird Weaver
Populist Party presidential candidate
1896
Succeeded by
Wharton Barker
Preceded by
Grover Cleveland
Democratic Party presidential candidate
1896, 1900
Succeeded by
Alton B. Parker
Preceded by
Alton B. Parker
Democratic Party Presidential nominee
1908
Succeeded by
Woodrow Wilson

Quotes

Up to date as of January 14, 2010

From Wikiquote

You cannot judge a man's life by the success of a moment, by the victory of an hour, or even by the results of a year. You must view his life as a whole.

William Jennings Bryan (19 March 186026 July 1925) was an American lawyer, statesman, and politician. He was a three-time Democratic Party nominee for President of the United States noted for his deep, commanding voice.

Contents

Sourced

Patriotism calls for the faithful and conscientious performance of all of the duties of citizenship, in small matters as well as great, at home as well as upon the tented field.
  • Success is brought by continued labor and continued watchfulness. We must struggle on, not for one moment hesitate, nor take one backward step.
  • In this, our land, we are called upon to give but little in return for the advantages which we receive. Shall we give that little grudgingly? Our definition of patriotism is often too narrow. Shall the lover of his country measure his loyalty only by his service as a soldier? No! Patriotism calls for the faithful and conscientious performance of all of the duties of citizenship, in small matters as well as great, at home as well as upon the tented field.
  • A man who murders another shortens by a few brief years the life of a human being; but he who votes to increase the burden of debts upon the people of the United States assumes a graver responsibility.
  • The poor man who takes property by force is called a thief, but the creditor who can by legislation make a debtor pay a dollar twice as large as he borrowed is lauded as the friend of a sound currency. The man who wants the people to destroy the Government is an anarchist, but the man who wants the Government to destroy the people is a patriot.
  • Next to the ministry I know of no more noble profession than the law. The object aimed at is justice, equal and exact, and if it does not reach that end at once it is because the stream is diverted by selfishness or checked by ignorance. Its principles ennoble and its practice elevates.
  • You cannot judge a man's life by the success of a moment, by the victory of an hour, or even by the results of a year. You must view his life as a whole. You must stand where you can see the man as he treads the entire path that leads from the cradle to the grave — now crossing the plain, now climbing the steeps, now passing through pleasant fields, now wending his way with difficulty between rugged rocks — tempted, tried, tested, triumphant.
    • "The Law and the Gospel"
  • And who can suffer injury by just taxation, impartial laws and the application of the Jeffersonian doctrine of equal rights to all and special privileges to none? Only those whose accumulations are stained with dishonesty and whose immoral methods have given them a distorted view of business, society and government. Accumulating by conscious frauds more money than they can use upon themselves, wisely distribute or safely leave to their children, these denounce as public enemies all who question their methods or throw a light upon their crimes.

    Plutocracy is abhorrent to a republic; it is more despotic than monarchy, more heartless than aristocracy, more selfish than bureaucracy. It preys upon the nation in time of peace and conspires against it in the hour of its calamity. Conscienceless, compassionless and devoid of wisdom, it enervates its votaries while it impoverishes its victims. It is already sapping the strength of the nation, vulgarizing social life and making a mockery of morals. The time is ripe for the overthrow of this giant wrong. In the name of the counting-rooms which it has denied; in the name of business honor which it has polluted; in the name of the home which it has despoiled; in the name of religion which it has disgraced; in the name of the people whom it has opprest, let us make our appeal to the awakened conscience of the nation.

    • Speech at Madison Square Garden, New York, 30 August 1906, at a reception welcoming Bryan on his return from a year's trip around the world. Speeches of William Jennings Bryan, Funk & Wagnalls, 1909, pp. 90-91
  • I have been so satisfied with the Christian religion that I have spent no time trying to find arguments against it.… I am not afraid now that you will show me any. I feel that I have enough information to live and die by.
    • Scopes trial testimony (July 1925)
  • The only purpose Mr. Darrow has is to slur at the Bible, but I will answer his question. I will answer it all at once, and I have no objection in the world. I want the world to know that this man, who does not believe in a God, is trying to use a court in Tennessee to slur at it.
    • Scopes trial testimony (July 1925)
  • Science is a magnificent force, but it is not a teacher of morals. It can perfect machinery, but it adds no moral restraints to protect society from the misuse of the machine. It can also build gigantic intellectual ships, but it constructs no moral rudders for the control of storm tossed human vessel. It not only fails to supply the spiritual element needed but some of its unproven hypotheses rob the ship of its compass and thus endangers its cargo.
  • In war, science has proven itself an evil genius; it has made war more terrible than it ever was before. Man used to be content to slaughter his fellowmen on a single plane — the earth's surface. Science has taught him to go down into the water and shoot up from below and to go up into the clouds and shoot down from above, thus making the battlefield three times a bloody as it was before; but science does not teach brotherly love. Science has made war so hellish that civilization was about to commit suicide; and now we are told that newly discovered instruments of destruction will make the cruelties of the late war seem trivial in comparison with the cruelties of wars that may come in the future.
    • Scopes Monkey Trial Summation

Illinois College Graduating Oration (1881)

Character is the entity, the individuality of the person, shining from every window of the soul, either as a beam of purity, or as a clouded ray that betrays the impurity within.
  • Appearance too often takes the place of reality — the stamp of the coin is there, and the glitter of the gold, but, after all, it is but a worthless wash. Sham is carried into every department of life, and we are being corrupted by show and surface. We are too apt to judge people by what they have, rather than by what they are; we have too few Hamlets who are bold enough to proclaim, "I know not seem!"
  • If we delight in gossip, and are not content unless each neighbor is laid upon the dissecting table, we form a character unenviable indeed, and must be willing to bear the contempt of all the truly good, while we roll our bit of scandal as a sweet morsel under the tongue.
  • But if each day we gather some new truths, plant ourselves more firmly upon principles which are eternal, guard every thought and action, that it may be pure, and conform our lives more nearly to that Perfect Model, we shall form a character that will be a fit background on which to paint the noblest deeds and the grandest intellectual and moral achievements; a character that cannot be concealed, but which will bring success in this life and form the best preparation for that which is beyond.
  • Character is the entity, the individuality of the person, shining from every window of the soul, either as a beam of purity, or as a clouded ray that betrays the impurity within. The contest between light and darkness, right and wrong, goes on; day by day, hour by hour, moment by moment, our characters are being formed, and this is the all-important question which comes to us in accents ever growing fainter as we journey from the cradle to the grave, "Shall those characters be good or bad?"

Cross of Gold Speech (July 9, 1896)

The humblest citizen in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of error.
  • The humblest citizen in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of error.
  • There are two ideas of government. There are those who believe that, if you will only legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous, their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea, however, has been that if you legislate to make the masses prosperous, their prosperity will find its way up through every class which rests up on them.
  • You come to us and tell us that the great cities are in favor of the gold standard; we reply that the great cities rest upon our broad and fertile prairies. Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities will spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our farms and the grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country.
  • Having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world, supported by the commercial interests, the laboring interests and the toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns, you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.

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1911 encyclopedia

Up to date as of January 14, 2010

From LoveToKnow 1911

Medical warning!
This article is from the 1911 Encyclopaedia Britannica. Medical science has made many leaps forward since it has been written. This is not a site for medical advice, when you need information on a medical condition, consult a professional instead.

WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN (1860-), American political leader, son of Silas Lillard Bryan, a native of Culpeper county, Virginia, who was a lawyer and from 1860 to 1897 a state circuit judge, was born at Salem, Marion county, Illinois, on the 19th of March 1860. He graduated from Illinois College as valedictorian in 1881, and from the Union College of Law, Chicago, in 1883; during his course he studied in the law office of Lyman Trumbull. He practised law at Jacksonville from 1883 to 1887, when he removed to Lincoln, Nebraska. There he soon became conspicuous both as a lawyer and as a politician, attracting particular attention by his speeches during the presidential campaign of 1888 on behalf of the candidates of the Democratic party. From 1891 to 1895 he represented the First Congressional District of Nebraska, normally Republican, in the national House of Representatives, and received the unusual honour of being placed on the important Committee on Ways and Means during his first term. He was a hard and conscientious worker and became widely known for his ability in debate. Two of his speeches in particular attracted attention, one against the policy of protection (16th of March 1892), and the other against the repeal of the silver purchase clause of the Sherman Act (16th of August 1893). In the latter he advocated the unlimited coinage of silver, irrespective of international agreement, at a ratio of 16 to 1, a policy with which his name was afterwards most prominently associated. In a campaign largely restricted to the question of free-silver coinage he was defeated for re-election in 1894, and subsequently was also defeated as the Democratic candidate for the United States Senate. As editor of the Omaha World-Herald he then championed the cause of bimetallism in the press as vigorously as he had in Congress and on the platform, his articles being widely quoted and discussed.

The Democratic party was even more radically divided on the question of monetary policy than the Republican; and President Cleveland, by securing the repeal of the silver purchase clause in the Sherman Act by Republican votes, had alienated a great majority of his party. In the Democratic national convention at Chicago in 1896, during a long and heated debate with regard to the party platform, Bryan, in advocating the "plank" declaring for the free coinage of silver, of which he was the author, delivered a celebrated speech containing the passage, "You shall not press down upon the brow of labour this crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold." This speech made him the idol of the "silver" majority of the convention and brought him the Democratic nomination for the presidency on the following day. Subsequently he received the nominations of the People's and National Silver parties. In the ensuing presidential campaign he travelled over 18,000 m. and made altogether 600 speeches in 27 different states - an unprecedented number. In the election, however, he was defeated by William McKinley, the Republican candidate, receiving 176 electoral votes to 271. But though defeated, he remained the leader of his party. Between 1896 and 1900, except during the Spanish-American War when he was colonel of the 3rd Nebraska Volunteers, though he saw no active service, he devoted his time to the interest of his party. His ability, sincerity of character, and wide information, and his attitude towards the new issues arising from the war, in which he took the side opposed to "imperialism," increased his following. Although he had advised the ratification of the Peace Treaty, he opposed the permanent acquisition of the Philippine Islands. In 1900 he was nominated for the presidency by the Democratic, Silver Republican, and Populist party conventions; but although "imperialism" was declared to be the paramount issue, he had insisted that the "platforms" should contain explicit advocacy of free-coinage, and this declaration, combined with the popularity of President McKinley, the Republican candidate for re-election, again turned the scales against him. In the November election after a canvass that almost equalled in activity that of 1896 he was again defeated, receiving only 155 electoral votes to 292.

After the 1900 election he established and edited at Lincoln a weekly political journal, The Commoner, which attained a wide circulation. In 1904 although not actively a candidate for the Democratic nomination (which eventually went to Judge Parker), he was to the very last considered a possible nominee; and he strenuously opposed in the convention the repudiation by the conservative element of the stand taken in the two previous campaigns. The decisive defeat of Parker by President Roosevelt did much to bring back the Democrats to Mr Bryan's banner. In1905-1906he made a trip round the world, and in London was cordially received as a great American orator. He was again nominated for the presidency by the Democratic party in 1908. The free-silver theory was now dead, and while the main question was that of the attitude to be taken towards the Trusts it was much confused by personal issues, Mr Roosevelt himself intervening strongly in favour of the Republican nominee, Mr Taft. After a heated contest Mr Bryan again suffered a decisive defeat, President Taft securing 321 electoral votes to Mr Bryan's 162.


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Simple English

William Jennings Bryan (March 19, 1860-July 26, 1925) was an American politician in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. He was from the Midwest. He is known for supporting causes that were not very popular or were old-fashioned, such as the silver standard or creationism. In the 1890s, he was a Congressman from Nebraska. He gained fame in 1896 for the "Cross of Gold Speech", a speech about the American economy he gave to the Populist Party. He ran for President as a Democrat three times, in 1896, 1900, and 1908, but lost each time. During this time, he was the main leader of the Democratic Party. He was one of the first people who gave lots of speeches around the country while running for President, and continued to give speeches even when not running on what was called the "Chatauqua Circuit". He was United States Secretary of State from 1913 to 1915. In his last years, he was one of the lawyers in the Scopes Monkey Trial.








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